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Nation and State in Max Weber

This book shows how Max Weber’s perceptions of the social and political
world he inhabited in Wilhelmine Germany were characterized by a nationalist
commitment which coloured practically every aspect of his thought, including
his social scientific writings and the formulations they expound. Exploring the
consequences of Weber’s ardent nationalism in a manner seldom acknowledged
in existing scholarship, it considers the alignment of his commitment to liberalism
and democracy with his devotion to the ideal of the German people as an
ethno-racial community supported by a power-state, with the purpose of realizing
the national interest of future generations of Germans. Through an analysis of
a range of texts, the author contends that Weber’s liberalism is not based on
universalistic principles and that Weber considered the liberty he espoused
to play an important role in securing the position of a political elite trained in
parliamentary institutions, which are used to shape the citizenry in the pursuit of
a patriotic commitment to an expansionist, imperial state. It will therefore appeal
to scholars with interests in the history of sociology and classical social theory.

Jack Barbalet is Professor of Sociology in the Institute for Humanities and Social
Sciences at the Australian Catholic University. His research interests include
sociological theory, political sociology, and the sociology of modern China. He has
published extensively on the sociology of Max Weber, including Weber, Passion
and Profits and Confucianism and the Chinese Self: Re-examining Max Weber’s
China. His most recent book is The Theory of Guanxi and Chinese Society.
Routledge Studies in Social and Political Thought

This series explores core issues in political philosophy and social theory.
­Addressing theoretical subjects of both historical and contemporary relevance,
the series has broad appeal across the social sciences. Contributions include new
studies of major thinkers, key debates and critical concepts.

The Early Austrian School of Economics

Money, Value, Capital
Christopher Adair-Toteff

Understanding Recognition
Conceptual and Empirical Studies
Piotr Kulas, Andrzej Waśkiewicz and Stanisław Krawczyk

Multiculturalism and the Nation in Germany

A Study in Moral Conflict
Paul Carls

Connecting Practices
Large Topics in Society and Social Theory
Elizabeth Shove

Marx, Engels and the Philosophy of Science

David Bedford and Thomas Workman

Bourdieu’s Philosophy and Sociology of Science

A Critical Appraisal
Kyung-Man Kim

Nation and State in Max Weber

Politics as Sociology
Jack Barbalet

The Political Durkheim

Critical Sociology, Socialism, Legacies
Matt Dawson
Nation and State in Max Weber
Politics as Sociology

Jack Barbalet
First published 2023
by Routledge
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British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-032-40892-7 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-40894-1 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-35516-8 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003355168
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For Xiaoying, again.
Contents

Prefaceix

Introduction: an irrepressible political thread 1

1 Politics as violence 19
The state and its means 22
The state’s extra-territoriality 27
Politics and morals 29
Vocation and passion 32
Conclusion 36

2 Race as a political project 38

Race in Weber 40
Race and its refinement 46
Race and the basis of ‘selection’ 50
The power-state/nation/people/race nexus in Weber 56
An ethno-national frame in Weber’s sociology 59
Conclusion 63

3 Citizenship and its military basis 65

Citizenship in the history of the west 66
Modern citizenship 72
Soldier-citizen without republicanism 79
Conclusion 85

4 A calling for political education 88

From The Protestant Ethic to the inaugural lecture 91
A calling for political education 95
A method of political education 101
Conclusion 107
viii Contents
Conclusion: lessons, sociological and political 109

Appendix: politics of religion118

Calvinist demagicalization, according to Weber 121
Magic in and out of religion 124
Demonic magic in Reformation Protestantism 129
Magic in China 135
Conclusion 138
References140
Index150
Preface

Max Weber died on 14 June 1920, nearly eight weeks after his 56th birthday, a
victim of an influenza pandemic which took the lives of at least 50 million people
across the globe. This book was written just over one hundred years later, during
the COVID-19 pandemic which at the time of writing has taken over six-and-
a-half million lives and is still far from over. Mortality, of course, is a human
condition. That Weber remains a presence to be encountered, more than a century
after his death, is a testament to the forcefulness of his thought and writing, and
its continuing appeal to the present generation of social scientists and theorists.
The basis and meaning of that appeal, though, remains unresolved and in need of
elucidation. There is much commentary about Weber, but our knowledge of him
ultimately depends on reading a voluminous legacy of texts and sources. There
are many possible paths through these, the directions of which depend on not only
the reader’s informed judgement but also their personal taste.
It does not follow from the above that with Weber anything goes. As with all
academic writing, there are market forces to contend with, limits of tolerance
based on expectations of dominant audiences, careers to develop – and defend –
as well as the quest for verisimilitude but also novelty. The present book offers a
point of view and an argument to support it. That point of view while not main-
stream is not unknown in the literature of appraisal and commentary on Weber.
It is written with the hope that its argument, in its detail and broad sweep, will
sufficiently hold the reader’s attention to permit their being persuaded by it.
Sources of shorter versions of the following chapters are acknowledged: for
Chapter 1, Sociology (2020); Chapter 2, Journal of Classical Sociology (2022);
Chapter 3, Journal of Classical Sociology (2020); Chapter 4, from the first chapter
of my Weber, Passion and Profits: ‘The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capital-
ism’ in Context (Cambridge University Press, 2011); and the Appendix, European
Journal of Social Theory (2018).
In order to keep visible the historical sequence of publications, in-text cita-
tions indicate both the date of the publication from which the source is actually
drawn and the original date of publication, so that Weber (2014/1904) indicates
a reference to Weber’s essay, ‘The “Objectivity” of Knowledge in Social Sci-
ence and Social Policy’ first published in 1904, taken from Max Weber: Collected
x Preface
Methodological Writings, edited by Hans Henrik Bruun and Sam Whimster
(­London: Routledge), published in 2014.
This book is dedicated to my wife, who had to endure not only my unavoidable
continuous presence during the unprecedented pandemic lockdowns in ­Melbourne
during 2020 and 2021, but also Weber’s. This is not the only reason that I dedicate
this book to her.
Introduction
An irrepressible political thread

The purpose of this book is to show that Weber’s sociology in different ways gives
expression to his political interests and concerns. This is not simply to claim that
Weber was focused from young adulthood to the end of his life on the political
problems faced by Germany at the time. Weber’s enthusiasm for politics, as well
as scholarship, is not doubted by any of his interpreters. Of greater interest here,
though, is not merely that Weber was engaged by both his political commitments
and a pursuit of knowledge; rather, it is the relationship between these ardently
embraced objectives in Weber’s imagination and in his writing. A conventional
view is that political commitment and scholarly endeavours were to Weber what
sleeping and eating are for all of us; we cannot do without both, but we do not –
cannot – partake of them at the same time. Indeed, this understanding of the place
of Weber’s political interest in relation to his interest in developing a language for
and practice of cultural and social analysis means that it is possible to understand
his scholarship without necessarily addressing his political commitments and ori-
entation, which is a default position in the majority of studies of Weber’s work.
This last point is illustrated in a standard biography of Weber in which its author
Dirk Käsler (1988: x) states that he has no need to examine ‘Weber’s interventions
into political debates of his time . . . [as they] have been extensively discussed
elsewhere and the reader specifically interested in them is advised to consult other
publications’. An underlying assumption here is that Weber’s sociology of reli-
gion, say, his mammoth theoretical compendium Economy and Society, and his
methodological writings, each of which is the subject of a separate chapter in
Käsler’s text, are essential for an understanding of Weber’s life and work, but that
his political outlook and writings while possibly interesting are not necessarily
significant for an appreciation of Weber’s intellectual engagements and his con-
tribution to scholarship. There is a parallel assumption in the most recent biogra-
phy, by Joachim Radkau (2009). While acknowledging and reporting on Weber’s
political ‘passion’, Radkau regards it as incommensurable with his parallel pas-
sions for knowledge and for erotic experience. The idea that these three passions
can be understood through the motif of Weber’s struggle with ‘nature’ predisposes
Radkau to see Weber’s life as ultimately determined by his erotic passion, and that
his passions for knowledge and politics remain remote from each other.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003355168-1
2 Introduction
The argument of the present book, on the other hand, is that the influence of
Weber’s political concerns and investigations on his studies in the sociology of
religion, on the formulation of his methodological essays, and on his social scien-
tific analyses overall, are central to these engagements, even though sometimes in
an obscure manner. Such obscurity, though, is not necessarily a result of the way
in which Weber himself proceeds – although at times it may well be – but derives,
at least in part, from enduring predispositions in what might be described as the
interpretive culture which dominates the study of Weber’s work. These include the
scholar’s preference for intellect over engagement which tends to depreciate such
pursuits as politics in comparison with the more uniformly cerebral engagements
of knowledge formation. In addition, a good deal of the commentary on Weber
is driven by a search for an underlying unity encompassing different aspects of
Weber’s contributions, in the form of an overriding theme or question. A view that
bears some association with what will be argued in this book holds that

contemporary politics exerted a great influence on Max Weber’s academic

work without thereby detracting from its scientific character. Even when he
was not dealing expressly with political matters the political dimension of his
analysis can be traced just beneath the surface.
(Mommsen 1992: 3)

This is not necessarily to assert a singular political framework that constrains

other elements of his thought, although we shall see that there is such an effec-
tive political framework which, in being complex, has a number of discrete but
connected elements. Morphologically similar claims are made regarding what are
perceived as dominant themes in Weber’s academic achievements. By fiat, such
approaches lessen the relevance of other dimensions of Weber’s thought, includ-
ing the political, in identifying what are regarded as different central themes. Two
well-known cases will make the point.
In a clear revisionist statement concerning what he called the ‘thematic unity’
of Weber’s works, the German sociologist Friedrich Tenbruck, in the mid-1970s,
shifted the focus of scholarly attention from Economy and Society (Weber
1978/1922) as the master work of Weber’s contribution, to the writings that make
up the Economic Ethic of World Religions, namely The Religion of China (Weber
1964/1915), The Religion of India (Weber 1960/1916), and Ancient Judaism
(Weber 1967/1917–19). Tenbruck’s intervention was directed against the interpre-
tation of Weber developed by Reinhardt Bendix and also Guenther Roth in which
the dominant themes discussed in Economy and Society, namely bureaucracy,
charisma, historical variation in structures of domination, and so forth, are taken
to constitute the basis of Weber’s intellectual achievement which informs his last-
ing contribution to social science (Bendix 1966/1959; Bendix and Roth 1971).
Tenbruck achieved his reorientation in the perception of Weber by showing that
through his career Weber was moving toward a singular unifying concern incre-
mentally advanced in various select writings, namely ‘a universal-historical con-
ceptualization of the process of rationalization’ (Tenbruck 1980: 333). The bold
 Introduction 3
supposition here is that the question animating Weber’s research was concerned
with how cultural factors and especially religion, as determinants of the mean-
ings embraced by persons, shape the actions that they undertake. This overarch-
ing question does not preclude the questions treated in Economy and Society, for
instance, concerning the determination of action by social and economic factors;
rather, it contextualizes them and suggests how they are selected as efficacious by
the largely interpretive thrust of cultural forces.
In response to Tenbruck’s characterization of the thematic unity of Weber’s
work, the German political scientist Wilhelm Hennis, in discussing what he saw
as ‘Max Weber’s “Central Question” ’, made the observation that:

Weber never tired of emphasising that ‘rationalisation’ could mean anything

and that what interested him was the closer definition of this ambiguous con-
cept . . . [and that the] ‘kind’ of ‘rationalisation processes’ [of interest to
Weber was] solely . . . the ‘rationalisation of Lebensführung’ – and in this
case principally its ‘practical’ form related to the sphere of the Economic.
(Hennis 1983: 157)

Lebensführung means the rational conduct of life, a theme very different from that
of the universal-historical conceptualization of rationalization noted by Tenbruck.
For Hennis, then, the central question of Weber’s work is quite dissimilar to the
one Tenbruck (1980) discovered. Indeed, according to Hennis (1983: 157):

The ‘material’ or ‘theme’ of Weber’s sociology is not to be found in ‘inter-

ests’, nor in ‘ideas’, nor in ‘images of the world’, nor in above all ‘action’: its
sole ‘object’ is Lebensführung. Upon this, where men reveal their ‘humanity’
(Menschentum), everything turns.

In this way, Hennis moved against not only Tenbruck but also the idea that
Weber’s questions were principally sociological, as he introduced into the study
of Weber’s work an existential dimension. This departs from a social scientific
framework through which Weber’s concerns have been previously understood,
both through the prism of Economy and Society set out by Bendix and Roth as
well as the vision Tenbruck outlined regarding the primacy of a perspective on
and refinement of the idea of rationalization.
Tenbruck and Hennis have in common approaches that are totalizing. Where
one looks at the slow evolution of Weber’s broadening appreciation of the unify-
ing theme of ‘religious world images’ productive of ‘predominantly rational com-
pulsions’ (Tenbruck 1980: 333), the other finds in The Protestant Ethic Weber’s
proclamation that ‘One of the fundamental elements of the spirit . . . of all modem
culture [namely] rational conduct on the basis of the idea of calling, was born . . .
from the spirit of Christian asceticism’ (Weber quoted in Hennis 1983: 140),
which he, Hennis, takes to mean ‘that Weber’s real concern was the historical
genesis of “the rational Lebensführung” ’ (Hennis 1983: 140). Hennis immedi-
ately goes on to say that ‘If we compare the version of [The Protestant Ethic of]
4 Introduction
1920 with that of 1905 we find that apart from a tiny editorial alteration Weber
found nothing on which he could improve’. We shall see in the Appendix that
this reading of the relationship between the two versions of The Protestant Ethic
is in need of significant revision. At this point, though, it is enough to note that
for Hennis Weber’s ‘central question’ of the ‘development of Menschentum’ was
fully articulated in the first edition of The Protestant Ethic in 1905 and the signifi-
cance of that question remained unchanged to the end of Weber’s life. Tenbruck
(1980: 343), on the other hand, holds that the ‘entirety’ of Weber’s work, ‘includ-
ing the methodology, owes its existence to the question: what is rationality?’ This
question, it is held, emerged in Weber’s later work with full clarity through a long
process of development.
Both Tenbruck and Hennis conform to a possibly universal practice of schol-
arship in their respective quest for connections between the works and themes
of a given author, and their endeavours therefore are not to be criticized on this
ground itself. Patterns may be located in an overview of any author’s works, but
it is unlikely that there will be only one pattern to be discovered. The origin of
a pattern typically resides in interpretation as much as in the object itself. The
pattern which makes sense of the other possible patterns, though, is the one that
deserves particular attention. The patterns discovered in Tenbruck’s and Hennis’
approaches to Weber, and those of Bendix and Roth before them, served to super-
sede another which bears some resemblance to the one to be developed in this
book. An earlier and controversial approach to Weber’s contribution to political
and social thought focused on his commitment to an expansionist German impe-
rial project, a commitment which endured and was developed through his adult
years and arguably gave coherence to not only his political thought but also his
sociological writings and the scholarly research themes he pursued.
A major statement of the significance of Weber’s nationalistic imperial com-
mitments for his sociology of power and its associated intellectual construction
is a book by the German historian Wolfgang Mommsen, Max Weber and German
Politics, 1890–1920, first published in 1959. Mommsen’s approach is partly bio-
graphical and largely historical, documenting Weber’s contributions to political
debates and movements over a 30-year period until his premature death at the
age of 56 years in 1920. As Mommsen (1990/1959: vii) recounts in his Pref-
ace to the English translation, his book ‘received a rather stormy reception’ as it
challenged ‘the interpretation then dominant of Weber as one of the (albeit very
few) ancestors of German democracy’ – a view still firmly held among some
Weber scholars. In outlining the basis of Weber’s imperialist orientation and his
‘national ideal’ Mommsen (1990/1959: 84) acknowledges a precursor of his own
assessment in a work published in 1954 by one of Weber’s younger associates,
Georg Lukács, who was part of Weber’s ‘Heidelberg circle’ during the period
1912–1917 (see Karádi 2010). Lukács’ book, Die Zerstörung der Vernunft: Der
Weg des Irrationalismus von Schelling zu Hitler [The Destruction of Reason: The
Path of Irrationalism from Schelling to Hitler], is only marginally concerned with
Weber. Of the 855 pages of the English translation, only 18 are devoted to Weber
 Introduction 5
(Lukács 2021/1954: 601–619). The argument of these few pages is described by
Mommsen (1990/1959: 84 note 60) as a ‘highly one-sided, but at the same time
perceptive criticism . . . of Max Weber and liberal imperialism’.
On the occasion of the centenary of Weber’s birth, the German Sociological
Congress held a commemorative conference on the theme of ‘Max Weber and
Sociology Today’. At this time, in 1964, the issue of Weber’s commitment to
­German imperialism was again raised in two major contributions, by Raymond
Aron (1971/1965) and by Herbert Marcuse (1971/1965). Both contributions
attracted extensive discussion (Stammer 1971/1965: 101–131, 152–184). The
major points raised in the exchanges included the idea that Weber’s commitment
to a German power-state with an expansive role in the international arena was
to support the development of modern industrial capitalism within the German
nation; second, Weber’s commitment to parliamentary governance derived from
his sense that this form would strengthen political leadership and thus increase
the power of the German state; and, finally, that these political commitments can-
not be easily separated from Weber’s theoretical and sociological writings. These
propositions together constitute an intellectual framework functionally equivalent
to what Tenbruck called a ‘thematic unity’ in Weber’s work and what Hennis
described as Weber’s ‘Central Question’, although the content is different for each
of them as indicated earlier.
Of particular interest here, though, is that the substance of Tenbruck’s con-
cern, the theme of rationalization in Weber’s work, and Hennis’, the ‘development
of Menschentum [humanity]’, are each explicable in terms of Weber’s national
imperialist commitment. One relates to a growing self-command and efficiency
of human agents in exercising their control over the circumstances to which they
are subjected, and the other relates to the development of personality through a
vocation, the means whereby a person may exercise power in conducting their
affairs. It is shown in the chapters to follow that these and associated concerns are
conceptualized in terms of Weber’s notion of vocation, and especially vocation in
politics, in his development of the role of culture and community in the forma-
tion of a German ethno-nation or ‘master race’ and its means of domination in a
power-state, in his outline of the nature and significance of citizenship both in
early modern Europe and in the modern state of post-war Germany, and finally
in the significance of the Calvinistic ethic of calling for the political education
of the German middle class otherwise distracted by conservative and sentimen-
tal Lutheranism and ritualistic Catholicism, and through these latter dispositions
unsuited to contribute to Germany’s imperial destiny.
It is in the analysis of Weber’s concepts, undertaken in the chapters to fol-
low, including those less frequently discussed in the literature on Weber, namely
race and citizenship, and of his strategy of political argument informed by inter-
ests of national dominance, that the distinctiveness of the present book is to be
located. The discovery of political concerns and preoccupations in Weber’s work
is not novel, of course. Mommsen’s historical account of Weber’s treatment of
state power and imperialism has been briefly mentioned earlier. David Beetham
6 Introduction
(1985) has described Weber as a ‘theorist of bourgeois politics’ who was ‘emo-
tionally committed to the German nation’, the latter defined by him through the
‘value concept’ of ‘Kultur’ (Beetham 1985: 58–59, 143, 127). But the unifying
theme of Weber’s analysis of politics, according to Beetham, drawn from Weber’s
bourgeois standpoint, is class and class conflict, factors which he regards as dis-
connected from Weber’s academic social science. The idea in Beetham (1985:
250–252) that Weber’s politics and his sociology relate to different types of ques-
tions and operate through different structures of analysis is not accepted here.
Indeed, a feature of the present book is an argument concerning the multifaceted
manner in which one articulates the other.
While disagreement concerning the details of Weber’s political outlook is una-
voidable and continuing there is at the same time a broad consensus regarding
his abiding attachment to both liberalism and nationalism. How these core terms
are characterized in the constitution of Weber’s political thought and practice,
and how the relations between them are configured, have been represented in a
number of different ways in the literature (Beetham 1989; Bellamy 1992; Eli-
aeson 1991; Kim 2002; Ringer 2002; Turner and Factor 1984: 14–22, 27–29,
59–69). Weber’s liberalism, in particular, has been taken by some authors to be
manifest in his attachment to the principle of liberty or freedom, a core element
of classical liberalism. But Weber’s understanding of the basis of freedom departs
significantly from the universalist and rights-based notion of liberty in classical
liberalism. For Weber liberty arises through the development of specific social
and political conditions and is absent when these latter are not present. This is
particularly clear in his discussion of the fight for liberty in Russia in 1905. Here
the struggle ‘against both bureaucratic and Jacobin centralism’ cannot adequately
be supported by the ‘boring’ and ‘old individualistic basic idea of the “inalien-
able rights of man” . . . [and similar] axioms of “natural law” [which] no [longer]
give unambiguous guidelines for a social and economic programme’ (Weber
1997/1906a: 108). Material conditions and interests, rather, are necessary founda-
tions for individual liberty, which

arose from a unique, never to be repeated set of circumstances . . . [including]

overseas expansion . . . the peculiarity of the economic and social structure
of the ‘early capitalist’ era in Western Europe . . . the conquest of life by sci-
ence . . . [and finally] certain ideal values . . . [emergent in] a certain religious
thought world [and] numerous political constellations [which] make up the
particular ‘ethical’ character and cultural values of modern man.
(Weber 1997/1906a: 109)

So while material conditions are not sufficient for the realization of liberty the
additional requisite cultural elements arise through a narrow set of economic,
social, intellectual, and political circumstances. The rejection of a universalistic
rights-based notion of liberty and an assertion of its limited, indeed, unique mani-
festation in only certain societies, does not exhaust Weber’s particular grasp of
the nature of liberty.
 Introduction 7
Whereas the notion of liberty in classical liberalism is understood as a pre-
dominantly political factor, in which it is expressed as a means whereby gov-
ernment is curtailed or limited, in Weber, it is primarily a factor of personal
development and is itself politically limited to the personalities of state leader-
ship rather than predominant among the citizenry. In noting ‘Weber’s funda-
mental commitment . . . to the ideal of individual liberty’ it is acknowledged
that he ‘valued [liberty] because it makes possible the fullest development of
the human personality’ (Lassman and Speirs 2000: xxiv; see also Ringer 2002:
384). Indeed, while finding Weber’s (primary) valuation of ‘the magic of free-
dom’ in the inaugural lecture of 1895 (Weber 2000/1895: 8), Kim (2002: 444)
regards this as anticipating

the ideal type of the Puritan ‘man of vocation’ . . . which surfaces in Weber’s
work under various names – personality, charismatic individual or politician
and scientist with vocation. . . . In The Protestant Ethic it was the anthro-
pological foundation for the exercise of modern individual freedom and
autonomy.

This is a signal consideration because as Weber (1991/1920a: 69, 119) makes clear
in The Protestant Ethic, the freedom in question is experienced as an individual
‘clarity of vision and ability to act’ which makes the carrier of a sense of vocation
‘into a personality’. Not only is this notion of freedom somewhat removed from
the political realm, when it comes to be applied to political practice by Weber it is
understood to be a quality of state leadership rather than, and at the expense of the
electorate or citizenry as a whole.
Before treating the ‘personality-freedom’ of leadership in Weber’s political
vision it is important to appreciate that his sociologization of the notion of lib-
erty means that not only is freedom seen to arise in unique social, economic,
and political circumstances but also that freedom is eroded, when manifest, by
developments in economic and political organization through forces summarized
as rationalization and bureaucratization, which rob the individual of their per-
sonal initiative and therefore their freedom, as Weber understands it. A trend in
modern German political life, identified by Weber (2000/1918b: 156–159), was
domination by state administration or bureaucracy. The decisive question, for
Weber (2000/1918b: 159–160), in considering how this trend may be curtailed,
is ‘what is not performed by bureaucracy’, to which the answer is ‘leadership’.
Whereas officials are qualified by their training, leaders are qualified by their per-
sonal responsibility: ‘The struggle for personal power and the acceptance of full
personal responsibility for one’s cause (Sache) which is the consequence of such
power – this is the very element in which the politician and the entrepreneur live
and breathe’ (Weber 2000/1918b: 161). The training ground for political lead-
ership, according to Weber (2000/1918b: 181–182), is the parliamentary form
of governance, in which politicians must prove their worth and are selected on
the basis of successful performance in working committees and other demonstra-
tions of effective leadership. The development of the political vocation has an
8 Introduction
additional component, namely performance in electoral competition. According
to Weber (2000/1918b: 228),

The business of politics is carried out by interested parties [for] it is not the
politically passive ‘mass’ which gives birth to the leader; rather the politi-
cal leader recruits his following and wins over the mass by ‘demagogy’ . . .
[which] is the case in even the most democratic form of state.

Here, then, are the three instrumental functions of plebiscitary parliamentary

democracy identified by Weber: control of the bureaucracy, leadership training
and selection, and charismatic shaping of the electorate. The development of the
personality or vocation of political leadership is thus implicitly at the expense of
the electorate which while arguably saved from bureaucracy by political leader-
ship is at the same time subjected by it to a narrowed citizenship. It has to be noted
that for Weber (2000/1918b: 270) political leadership is necessarily in service of
the nation, ‘the political fate of his people’ about whom the leader

will think in terms of the next two or three generations . . . since these are the
people who will decide what is to become of his nation. If he proceeds differ-
ently, he is no politician but one of the littérateurs.

Here the rectification of the state through the political vocation of its leaders serves
the interest of the German nation. The amalgam in Weber of liberty, the vocation
of political leadership, and also national interest, together project the instrumental
power of a political elite devoted to national strength, both domestically and inter-
nationally, as demonstrated in the chapters to follow. Not all interpretations of
Weber accept the argument presented here. Rather than explore dissenting voices
now they will be addressed where relevant in the following chapters.
There is another aspect of Weber’s ‘liberal nationalism’ which needs to be
addressed, namely the connection between liberalism and race. It was mentioned
previously that Weber regards the cultural dimension of the German people as
an ethno-nation or ‘master race’. This controversial proposition will be argued
in detail in Chapter 2. The point to be made here is that such a position does not
contravene Weber’s liberalism, or historical liberalism in general. Today, because
liberalism is understood as a doctrine supporting tolerance of difference including
racial or ethnic dissimilarity, it is forgotten that in its classic form liberalism in J.S.
Mill and others was aligned with colonial conquest, empire, and attendant racist
evaluations of subject people who, through their supposed backwardness, were
thought to be racially inferior (Schultz 2007). This is true not only for the liberal
defenders of the British empire, but also for the German empire, and such defend-
ers included Weber (Zimmerman 2013). Indeed, in the national liberal project of
German modernization Jews and Poles – associated with ancient and backward
cultures, respectively – were theorized in cultural-racial terms within the predom-
inant liberal discourse (Stoetzler and Achinger 2013). Weber’s contribution to this
discourse and his application of a cultural-racial characterization to not only such
 Introduction 9
‘foreign’ elements but also the German national people as a whole is documented
in Chapter 2.
Whereas arguments concerning Weber’s inner commitment to muscular Ger-
man nationalism based on a premise of the cultural formation of the German
people, as an ethno-racial community supported by a power-state infused with
a particular ethos, have previously been presented in a biographical or historical
mould, the present book departs from such approaches by providing a conceptual
exploration. The argument of this book also departs from those approaches, such
as Beetham’s and also Käsler’s mentioned earlier, which hold that Weber’s politi-
cal commitments and his social scientific theorizing occupy separate and more or
less unconnected spheres. In Chapter 1, an ironic form in Weber’s discussion of
politics is identified. While emphasizing the employment of (legitimate) violence
as a defining feature of not only the state but also the practice of politics, through
which the ethical problems informing the political vocation emerge, Weber at
the same time regards the political mobilization of a following for electoral vic-
tory as the core business of modern politics. The exercise of violence or force
unavoidably puts an end to the contest between assemblies of opinion, but Weber
is blind to this contradiction when a heroic imperial sensibility informs his con-
cept of the state, the instrument of power in a global contest of nations. Weber’s
neglected discussion of citizenship, as outlined in Chapter 3, connects with this
discussion of the state. Weber’s treatment of citizenship is extensive although dis-
persed through a number of texts, but the concept of citizenship fails to be given
an ideal-type representation by him, through which a recognition of its analytic
significance would be registered. Instead, the notion of citizenship is treated as a
second-order category that conveys the idea of military obligation to the national
state and its practical endorsement of its own power interests. For Weber, citi-
zenship in the modern state encapsulates an exchange: an opportunity to vote in
an election is provided in return for an opportunity to die in war. That is all. Yet
members of the state as citizens are at the same time participants in the nation, as
shown in Chapter 2, integral parts of a cultural community, a Kulturgemeinschaft,
a German ‘national people’ from which the authority of the power-state derives.
These various political threads are effectively woven together sociologically
in Weber’s concept of vocation, the idea of ascetic self-control in order to achieve
a world-shaping purpose, one which is extrinsic, enduring, and personality gen-
erating, but possibly distracted from in the absence of a doctrine and practice
of vocation itself. It is shown in Chapter 4 that Weber’s social science classic,
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, which famously develops the
notion of vocation or calling, is not simply an argument concerning the genesis
of the spirit of modern capitalism in early modern Europe. Weber’s treatment
in this work of the limited capacity of Lutheranism to provide the fortitude to
make a difference in the world, and the value of Calvinism in creating a world-
transforming capacity through vocation, was directed to a German readership
Weber felt was in need of the political education necessary to realize its destiny
of superordination in a world of nations, to be achieved by embracing an appro-
priate vocation.
10 Introduction
These themes, of political education and vocation, it is shown in the ­chapter
to follow, are rehearsed in Weber’s inaugural lecture of 1895 in which his attack
on Germany’s traditional landowning class scandalized his audience. In order to
make his argument concerning political education more convincing and intellectu-
ally appealing Weber goes on to demonstrate in The Protestant Ethic the power of
his concept of vocation by placing it at the centre of the transition from f­ eudalism
– where the landowning Junkers originally reside – to modern industrial capital-
ism, the basis of American and British power at the beginning of the twentieth
century, a power which Weber anticipates Germany could subsequently achieve
and possibly surpass international rivals. The intellectual force of Weber’s argu-
ment is palpable, but its contrivance drew distractors and The Protestant Ethic
generated a debate largely concerned with Weber’s sources, both theological and
historical (see Chalcraft and Harrington 2001; Ghosh 2008), and its relation with
his explicitly political project has gone largely unnoticed in subsequent considera-
tions of his work.
The study of Weber today is predominantly uninterested in the imperial politi-
cal and nationalist issues pointed to earlier. Weber was a complex, commanding,
and divisive personality, well-described as a multipotentialite or polymath. His
contribution to social science has been regarded as enduring in its value and uni-
versal in its application (see, e.g., Kalberg 2012; Waters, Waters and Elbers 2015).
In these circumstances, research attention by scholars interested in Weber has in
recent times focused on his life and his associations, on the connections between
Weber’s analytic framework and its conceptual content, on the one hand, and
their relevance for employment in accounts of historical trends and current events
and developments, including such things as Donald Trump and charisma (Joose
2018), modern democracy (see Maley 2016), and so on. A return to consideration
of Weber’s nationalistic and imperialist commitments in this context may seem
atavistic and unnecessary, disruptive, and even distasteful. And yet the focus of
the present book and current preoccupations in the research on and publishing
about Max Weber are not as divergent as they may first appear.
As indicated here, there is a continuing and vigorous debate concerning the
value of Weber’s concept of democracy for both the development of democratic
theory and Weber’s possible contribution to that theoretical elaboration. It is
shown in the present book that Weber’s argument and conceptualizations disrupt
a citizen-centric model of political participation in his construction of a theory of
a national ethno-community which can only be manifest in concert with an expan-
sive and strident power-state, both of which – nation and state – are legitimated
in terms of the interests of future generations. Second, the broad field of socio-
economics which covers not only the origins of industrial capitalism but also
the contemporary operations and direction of its development, draw extensively
on Weber’s writings. It is fair to say that this literature, while appreciating what
Weber has to say about the relevance of cultural forces and religious traditions
and practices for the process of capital accumulation, the organization of labour
and managerial styles, and so on, has almost totally ignored the significance of
 Introduction 11
Weber’s politics and especially his nationalist imperialism for an understanding
of economic organization (Adair-Toteff 2021; Kirby 2019).
When Weber’s politics are brought into his analysis of socio-economics in this
conventional literature, it is typically his political sociology outlined in Econ-
omy and Society that is discussed rather than an account of Weber’s full-blown
political commitments to the German Kulturgemeinschaft and power-state as an
instrument of imperial expansiveness (Swedberg 1998: 54–81). It is shown in
Chapters 2 and 4, however, with regard respectively to his treatment of the cul-
tural dimension of nation, and the nexus between Weber’s sociology of economics
and his perception of the national state as indicated in The Protestant Ethic, that
for Weber economic development and configurations of economic relations relate
directly to the ambitions of ethno-nations and the machinations of their power-
states. The current political rivalry between Washington and Beijing, in which
the prospects of economic advancement – and their curtailment – are primary,
makes Weber’s stance on these issues remarkably contemporary. Finally, the pre-
sent book returns to the debate inspired by Mommsen (1990/1959) and rekindled
by Aron (1971/1965). But it does so on grounds dissimilar to theirs; the historical
arguments of these precursors are replaced with conceptual investigations. This
approach more clearly demonstrates the ways in which Weber’s political dispo-
sitions and passions are inextricably linked to his social scientific analysis and
methodological expositions.
Weber’s academic and scholarly interests developed in tandem. His awareness
of and interest in political issues began early in his life; his father was a pro-
fessional politician and his family’s milieu was one of political discussion and
engagement. At the age of 18, in 1882, Weber began legal studies, graduating
with a doctorate in 1889. His thesis was on the history of trading companies in
the middle ages. In 1891 he produced a habilitation thesis, required for entry
into a university career in Germany at the time, on Roman agrarian history and
its significance for constitutional and civil law. Weber’s early legal background
as much as his political involvement has been seen as an important factor in the
development of his sociological conceptualization (Turner and Factor 1994). No
sooner had he qualified as a legal historian Weber turned his attention to contem-
porary political and social developments in Germany by undertaking an empirical
investigation of the conditions of agricultural workers in the East Elbian region of
Prussia. This research was sponsored by the Verein für Sozialpolitik (Association
for Social Policy), a social science organization that supported policy research
oriented toward social reform (Krüger 2010). Weber’s research on agrarian labour
was highly controversial, as we shall see in Chapters 2 and 4, and he canvassed
his findings in an engaged and polemical manner at meetings of the Evangelical
Social Congress, a Christian forum for social policy debate (Aldenhoff 2010), as
well as in his inaugural lecture in 1895 at the University of Freiburg on taking up a
professorship in political economy. Through this research, Weber expressed clear
political attitudes related to German development and Germany’s standing in the
world of nations.
12 Introduction
The social science developed by Weber during the mid-1890s had a highly
politicized content that lent it polemical application; these qualities were some-
what abated in his writing from late 1903, however, a period in which he pub-
lished methodological studies and the two essays which constitute the first version
of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. These works are widely
regarded as fundamentally discontinuous with his agrarian labour studies, in
being purely academic, a view critically assessed in Chapter 4 and the Appendix.
Irrespective of these considerations, it is clear that Weber did not lose his interest
in or attachment to political affairs at this time. His highly focused concern with
the unfolding revolution in Russia in 1905 was sufficiently intense that it led him
to learn Russian in a matter of months with sufficient proficiency that he was
able to ‘read [Russian] newspapers and follow events with the closest attention’
(Marianne Weber 1975/1926: 357). In 1906 Weber published two long essays,
‘Bourgeois Democracy in Russia’ (Weber 1997/1906a) and ‘Russia’s Transition
to Pseudo-constitutionalism’ (Weber 1997/1906b). These works remain useful for
understanding the 1905 Russian Revolution; for Weber, the significance of these
texts is the opportunity they afforded him to develop a deeper appreciation of
the predicament facing Germany’s political options and prospects at this time
as both countries were dominated by agrarian interests and structures inhibiting
national economic advancement and which suffered politically inarticulate mid-
dle classes lacking appropriate political direction and capacity (Wells and Baehr
1997: 17–24; Eliaeson 2016). Indeed, his political concerns regarding the pros-
pects of Germany’s economic development were manifest in Weber’s participa-
tion in the annual conference of the Social Democratic Party in 1906 and of the
National Liberal Party in 1908. The point here is that at the time in which Weber
wrote academic social and cultural analysis he was contemporaneously politically
engaged. Various underlying connections are drawn out in the following chapters.
The aforementioned brief survey of Weber’s political engagements up to the
first decade of the twentieth-century reports on a period that was interspersed with
ostensibly non-political writing. There was no break from either activity. With the
coming of war in 1914, throughout the period of hostilities, and in the post-war
period, Weber participated in political controversies, at the level of national affairs
relating to policy, legislation, party, and governance, as well as at the level of local
disputation and academic affairs, by way of publications in the form of journal
articles, letters to editors, speeches on various platforms, and private intervention
through correspondence, direct advice, and admonishment. Indeed, it is correct
to say that throughout his adult life Weber contributed to political debate, contro-
versy, and analysis. This political deliberation and participation were not at the
expense of Weber’s scholarly and intellectual pursuits, but always conducted in
conjunction with them. Indeed, it was during these years that Weber’s sociology
of the religions of China, India, and ancient Judaism was written and published. In
various ways, to be explored in the following chapters, Weber’s academic writing
expressed in an ambient manner his political concerns and persuasion.
Different particular questions are addressed in Weber’s separate texts. Those
works which comprise what are generally regarded as his ‘political writings’ are
 Introduction 13
indeed diverse in many ways. These include the 1890s studies of agrarian labour
(Weber 1989/1894, 2000/1895), the two essays mentioned earlier concerning the
1905 Russian Revolution (Weber 1997/1906a, 1997/1906b), two long essays on
German politics written toward the end of the First World War (Weber 2000/1917,
2000/1918b), and a lecture on the vocation of politics (Weber 1970/1919). These
works, each different from the other in many ways and written at different times
and addressing different specific concerns, are unified in their relevance to
Weber’s fixation on German politics in many of its aspects, and especially by
a nationalistic orientation underpinned by both a cultural particularism and an
assumption concerning the necessity of a power-state for national advancement.
These different works, separately and in their aggregation, are typically taken to
be quite distinct from Weber’s major contributions to social science, including
The Protestant Ethic (Weber 2002/1905, 1991/1920a), the compendious Economy
and Society (Weber 1978/1922), and his comparative studies of world religions
(Weber 1964/1915, 1960/1916, 1967/1917–19). The purpose of the chapters to
follow is to show that such a perception of disconnection between Weber’s politi-
cal and sociological texts requires qualifying correction.
Weber’s best-known political text, his 1919 lecture to the Union of Free
­Students at Munich University, is discussed in Chapter 1. ‘Politics as a Vocation’
raises issues central to political analysis, including the nature of the state, and of
politics, as well as questions concerning the ethical requirements of a political
career, a vocation for politics. The first part of the chapter critically examines
Weber’s famous definition of the state as predicated on the availability of ­physical
force or violence as a means for political action. Weber’s understanding of the
state in these terms is widely cited and generally accepted, but insufficiently sub-
ject to careful analysis. It is shown in the chapter that his approach to the state is
at least unnecessarily narrow. Without denying that the state’s military and police
powers ultimately rest on its capacity to impose violence – legitimate by virtue
of its emanation from the state – on those who oppose it, such instrumentalities
are necessarily supported by the fiscal basis of taxation, another means specific to
the state which Weber ignores in this signal statement of his political sociology.
In fact, of course, the fiscal means underpin all of the state’s elements, not merely
those which dispense legitimate force. Indeed, taxation more readily, effectively,
and completely than the means of violence, disciplines a population subject to the
state’s rule.
Another aspect of Weber’s definition of the state is that the use of force is
‘within a given territory’ and that territory is ‘one of the characteristics of the state’
(Weber 1970/1919: 78). This statement is surely incomplete, though, in so far as
it ignores the state’s extra-territoriality. In fact, the extra-territoriality of states is
more consistent with the definition of the state in terms of violence, and warfare,
than with the state’s domestic territoriality. Weber had written much about the
state’s extra-territoriality prior to delivering this lecture, so it is appropriate to ask
why extra-territoriality is left out of what he has to say to his student audience in
1919. The second part of the chapter provides an answer to this question, showing
that Weber’s polemic form risks distorting his intellectual formulation. Having
14 Introduction
completed the discussion of Weber’s definition of the state, the chapter next con-
siders his understanding of politics, which is also conceived in terms of the appli-
cation of (legitimate) violence in public affairs and thus the source of the ethical
dilemmas underlying the political life which, for Weber, determines the character
of the political vocation. Political struggle, according to Weber, requires a leader’s
recruitment of allies and encouragement of followers, in order to successfully
attain goals against the intentions of opponents. According to this understanding,
the substance of politics resides in the struggle and conflict conducted by leaders
and their followers. But violence, legitimate or otherwise, eliminates opposition
and possibly opponents and, in that sense, suppresses conflict. This is not the only
problem with Weber’s account of politics in this famous lecture.
The final section of the chapter considers Weber’s account of the moral quan-
daries that the practice of the political vocation must necessarily manage, if not
resolve. This highly regarded part of Weber’s reflections on politics is shown in the
chapter to be largely polemical, which tends to compromise what analytic value it
possesses. The alternate moral courses Weber nominates as defining the compass
of politics are not related to the direct practice of moral conduct, as he claims, but
rather are theories of ethics removed from real-life engagements. The framework
Weber sets up in considering the vocation of politics, it is demonstrated, is pri-
marily designed to show that his student audience is unfit for a political vocation
and Weber’s discussion unfortunately fails to address such questions as the trajec-
tory and maintenance of political careers which presumably underpin the voca-
tion of politics. ‘Politics as a Vocation’ is the most accessible and authoritative of
Weber’s accounts of politics in the modern state. The purpose of Chapter 1 is to
examine his approach to these themes and to consider how Weber makes his case.
Having examined Weber’s best-known account of politics in Chapter 1, Chap-
ter 2 turns to what is possibly the least examined notion in his writings, namely
that of race, even though – as shown in the chapter – a particular notion of race
underlies a good deal of his sociology and is core to aspects of his political out-
look. It is true that Weber wrote little about the concept of race, and that discussion
of his treatment of race is generally confined to his account of racial minorities,
namely Poles in East Prussia, American Blacks, and possibly European Jews
although Weber regards the Jews as a religiously rather than a racially defined
group (Barbalet 2008: 183–213). The conventional approaches to race, as relating
to social minorities defined in terms of their biologically based physical character-
istics, mean that Weber’s approach to the German Kulturgemeinschaft (‘cultural
community’) as a historically defined collective identity of world-shaping politi-
cal significance, realized as a Herrenvolk or ‘master race’, remains ignored if not
invisible to the majority of those interested in Weber and his ideas.
The first section of Chapter 2 considers Weber’s understanding of race in cul-
tural rather than biological terms by examining his treatment of the Chinese by
way of their perceived collective attributes. It is shown that while Weber disagrees
that Chinese characteristics can be understood in terms of innate qualities, as typ-
ically reported at the time by German missionaries, state envoys, and traders,
Weber’s own culturally based assessment of Chinese attributes rationalizes rather
 Introduction 15
than departs from the pejorative racialized accounts of the Chinese proffered by
many European sojourners in China. The second part of the chapter goes on to
examine Weber’s argument against the biological conception of race, including
his exchange with Alfred Ploetz in 1910, and his development of a notion of race
based on cultural and political foundations, especially in Economy and Society
(Weber 1978/1922) and in his war-time Suffrage and Democracy in Germany
(Weber 2000/1917). In exploring Weber’s rationale for a cultural and political
conceptualization of race, the third section of the chapter critically examines how
he uses the perceived racial qualities of Polish settlers in East Prussia to inform
his understanding of what constitutes, by contrast, a German race. This treatment
is developed further in the following part of the chapter, in which it is shown how
Weber’s notion of a German Herrenvolk or master race requires well-­articulated
connections between the ‘people’, the ‘nation’, and the ‘state’. This discus-
sion draws on Weber’s writing from the time of The Protestant Ethic (Weber
1991/1920a) through to his war-time essays (Weber 2000/1917, 2000/1918b). The
final section of the chapter shows how Weber’s commitment to an ethno-national
conception of race informs his sociological thinking, through an examination of
two key concepts, ‘value orientation’ and also ‘domination’.
A Herrenvolk and the associated formations of nation and power-state, which
forge a people’s destiny in a world of competing states, necessarily introduce the
consideration of the possibility of warfare and violence in the relations between
political societies. In developing the arguments of the first two chapters, Chap-
ter 3 examines Weber’s understanding of citizenship in which it is shown that
for him citizenship is based on a military foundation. Weber was uninterested in
developing a normative theory of politics, although he was focused on provid-
ing prescriptive and not only analytic accounts of politics. Weber’s advocacy for
democratic institutions was pragmatic in the sense that he sought mechanisms and
structures that would more securely serve German national interests as he saw
them. In his discussion of Weber’s theory of politics, the Canadian political scien-
tist Terry Maley (2011: 4) discerns a paradox in Weber’s view of modern democ-
racy, in which ‘he seeks to expand the arena of democratic politics [while he]
contracts the political, restricting . . . the political to heroic vocational politicians’
(emphasis in original). Weber’s own position is that there is no tension between
these two formulations; parliamentarism has to be expanded in order to preserve
the legitimacy of the state, at the same time parliamentary ‘leadership democracy’
is required to ensure the selection and training of able political practitioners (see
Beetham 1985: 95–118; Eliaeson 2000; Whimster 2007: 237–246). An obvious
question, but one which has not sufficiently been asked by Weber scholars, que-
ries where citizenship stands in this schema. The answer is provided in Chapter 3.
Although he did not develop an ideal-type concept of citizenship, suggesting
that Weber did not regard citizenship as a core notion for understanding states and
politics, he effectively provides a comparative analysis of it in so far as he wrote
about both the historical basis of citizenship in urban communities of medieval
and early modern Europe, especially in General Economic History and The City,
a manuscript incorporated into Economy and Society, and also discussed the basis
16 Introduction
and nature of modern citizenship in a twentieth-century nation-state, in particular
in his texts of 1917 and 1918, Suffrage and Democracy in Germany and Parlia-
ment and Government in Germany under a New Political Order, respectively,
regarding the situation in Germany at the close of the First World War. The first
part of the chapter explores Weber’s account of early European citizenship while
the second part outlines Weber’s treatment of modern citizenship, developed in
Suffrage and Democracy and also Parliament and Government. Weber’s purpose
in these two separate discussions of different stages of the historical develop-
ment of citizenship, in which different forms were manifest, is not the same. His
discussion of early European citizenship is to demonstrate a predominance of
citizenship in Western political cultures and therefore the uniqueness of the West
in the development of political rationalization, whereas the discussion of modern
citizenship is largely an argument in favour of expanding the suffrage and entitle-
ments of political citizenship to returned soldiers. In each case, though, Weber
reveals that in distinctive ways these different forms of citizenship rest on a prem-
ise of responsibility for military engagement, defensive in the one and expedition-
ary in the other. The final part of the chapter provides a discussion of Weber’s
characteristic understanding of modern politics and the role of citizenship in it. It
is shown that his treatment of the fate of soldier citizens underlies the nature of
modern citizenship as he sees it, a transactional arrangement in which the right to
vote is in return for the right to die in defence of one’s country; this perspective
expresses Weber’s view of the political state as an instrument of a national com-
munity’s power in the international arena.
Weber’s best-known work, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,
presents an argument concerning the origins of modern capitalism in terms of a
religious innovation, through which salvation is achieved by ‘this-worldly’ activ-
ity. It, therefore, seems quite remote from the themes treated in the preceding
chapters. When it is appreciated, though, that Weber saw The Protestant Ethic as
primarily providing an account of the origin and nature of a particular type of call-
ing or vocation, one that would consolidate a social class for political leadership,
then the distance between Weber’s political concerns and this ‘academic’ writing
narrows. It is shown in Chapter 4 that the subtext of The Protestant Ethic is an
argument concerning the political vocation of national leadership. In this way The
Protestant Ethic is unavoidably linked with Weber’s 1919 lecture, ‘Politics as a
Vocation’, discussed in Chapter 1, and also with his inaugural lecture of 1895 in
which he first introduced the notion of vocation and alerted his readers to the need
for the political education of the German middle class in terms of it.
Chapter 4 begins, then, by demonstrating that key elements of the argument
presented in The Protestant Ethic have their origins in Weber’s inaugural lecture.
From this perspective, The Protestant Ethic can no longer be regarded as a work
that contributes only to our understanding of the historical relations of Protestant-
ism and capitalism. The clarification of the concept and practice of vocation in
The Protestant Ethic entails an underlying account of the necessity of a Calvinis-
tic or modern form of vocation as opposed to a Lutheran or traditional form, for
the political education of the German middle class. This question, of the role in
 Introduction 17
The Protestant Ethic of the notion of calling as a means of political education,
is treated in the second part of the chapter. Concurrent with Weber’s writing of
The Protestant Ethic are key methodological texts. The third and final section of
Chapter 4 turns to the way in which Weber’s treatment of values in his methodo-
logical essays relate to questions of political calling and his project concerning
the political education of the German middle class for rule in what Weber calls a
‘power-state’, issues that have been identified and discussed in the three previous
chapters of this book.
The concurrence of the notions of vocation, political education, and national
interest, referring to factors embodied in and engaged by a political class, indi-
cates connections between a number of Weber’s texts that are typically not con-
sidered in the same light. This outlook, of advancing political education through
a modern form of vocation or calling, is transformative of the way in which The
Protestant Ethic and other works by Weber can be regarded. It is especially sig-
nificant to acknowledge that this vision is Weber’s own, as demonstrated in the
chapter through an attentive examination of his texts and what they reveal of his
political preferences and aspirations.
Together, the previous four chapters demonstrate that Weber’s social-science
scholarship is not only infused with political concerns but that these latter provide
the energy and animus of his knowledge creation. Weber’s political engagement
and discernment fashion the social analysis he provides, set the questions he asks,
and energize the writing. These general themes, concerned with how Germany’s
national interest may be defined and prosecuted, are unfolded in Weber’s writings
over the course of his adult life in the changing contexts of peace time and war
time, policy variation in the arenas he could not control, and the broad drift of
circumstance. Certainly, what particular political issues and themes drew Weber’s
attention were varied and complex, as well as ever-engaging, but they are per-
sistently unified by a visceral commitment in him to nation, a conception of its
cultural unity, an acknowledgement of a need for vocational adherence supportive
of political education, and a political apparatus in which a parliamentary form
and leadership-democracy legitimate a power-state able to secure the future des-
tiny of the German people on the world stage. This political background informs
Weber’s sociology without necessarily subverting its immense intellectual con-
tent, although there are notable cases where paradoxical and possibly problematic
formulations emerge, as indicated earlier. What has to be acknowledged, though,
is that the political and scholarly elements of Weber’s writings cannot be sepa-
rated and that in meaningful ways his sociology is a product of these political
commitments, engagements, and aspirations.
The final part of this book is an Appendix which, while not in itself contribut-
ing to understanding the national imperial theme of Weber’s politics, relates to
certain aspects of that theme, and especially amplifies an aspect of the treatment
of The Protestant Ethic discussed in Chapter 4. This is Weber’s politics in a minor
key, his taking sides in a religious politics concerning the competition between
Protestantism and Catholicism; in particular, Weber’s treatment of Calvinism as
the most rational of religions in its ‘elimination of magic from the world’ (Weber
18 Introduction
1991/1920a: 105). The Protestant Ethic is almost universally regarded as a work
of innovative scholarship, portraying a major historical transformation in early
modern Europe on the basis of detailed research. It is shown in the Appendix that
Weber’s arguments, concerning the nature of Calvinism and especially its opposi-
tion to magic that is productive of a more or less complete religious rationalization
with consequences for wider social processes, significantly result from a political
orientation and less from the evidence that would have been available to Weber.
The discussion begins with a correction of Weber’s exaggerated argument con-
cerning Calvin’s attitude to sacraments, a result of his taking sides in a religious
dispute between Calvin and the Catholic church. The second part of the Appendix
reviews Weber’s detailed account of magic and its relationship with religion and
goes on to consider his treatment of magic in Confucianism. Whereas Confu-
cian rationality is compromised by an inconsistent attitude to magic, according
to Weber, Calvinism has succeeded in liquidating magic, discharging magic from
its practices and precepts, and therefore from the northern European world of
the Reformation. It is on this basis that Weber is able to argue that while modern
capitalism arose in Europe, it is without a basis in China because of the latitude
given there to magic.
There is a problem with Weber’s treatment, though, as shown in the third part
of the Appendix. At a time in which Calvinism promoted unequivocal rationali-
zation, according to Weber, it was in fact obsessed with demonic sorcery and
witchcraft which were taken by believers – including Calvin himself – to be mate-
rial powers in the world. Historical Calvinism, then, undermines the strong con-
trast Weber draws between Calvinism and Confucianism. An alternative account
to Weber’s religious rationalization argument, of the decline of magic and the
growth of rationalization, is offered in this section of the Appendix. The final sec-
tion returns to Weber’s treatment of magic in China in order to indicate aspects of
it neglected in his account. A salient point is that in the Chinese context there is no
connection between magic and religion, undermining a major plank of Weber’s
comparative sociology of religion, in which religious rationalization through
demagicalization is assumed to be a general not a merely European phenomenon.
Rather than provide a consistent sociology of religion, it is shown then that Weber
is primarily engaged in religious politics.
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 The manor Mickle-Over with the three chapelries of Finderne,
Little-Over, and Potlac, was granted by William the Conqueror to
Burton Abbey, and it remained with it till the dissolution of
Monasteries, when Henry VIII. granted the manor to his secretary,
Sir William Paget. Thomas, Lord Paget, sold the manor to the
famous Lord Mayor of London, Sir Thomas Gresham, whose widow
married again, and left the property to Sir William Reade, her son by
her second husband. Sir William Reade’s daughter and heiress
married Sir Michael Stanhope, and had three daughters, co-
heiresses, between whom the estates were divided. In 1648, Edward
Wilmot bought two shares, viz., Little-Over and Finderne, which were
again sold by Sir Robert Wilmot to Edward Sacheverell Pole in 1801.
The remaining share, Mickle-Over, was sold to Sir John Curzon in
1648, from the Curzons Mr. Newton bought it in 1789. An ancestor of
Mr. Newton who died in 1619, had previously inherited the manor-
house of Mickle-Over by marriage with the heiress of William Gilbert,
to whom it had been sold by Sir Thomas Gresham. The house is
now occupied by the tenant of the farm.
Little-Over is about two miles from Mickle-Over, and used to be the
seat of the Harpur family, Chief Justice Sir Richard Harpur built the
manor-house, in which the family lived till the days of John Harpur,
who died in 1754, when the property passed to the Heathcotes. In
the church is a costly monument to Sir Richard Harpur, son of the
Chief Justice, and his wife Mary, daughter of Thomas Reresby. The
church consists of nave, chancel, north aisles, and bell turret on the
west gable. The blocked-up Norman doorway in the west end is the
only relic of ancient days.
Finderne is a small village, about two miles from Repton. It had a
very interesting old chapel, dating back to its Norman days, but in
the year 1862 it was completely destroyed. It must have been like
the chapel at Little-Over. The present church consists of nave,
chancel, and tower, with a spire at the west end. The only relic of the
Norman church are the tympanum of the old south door, carved in
chequered pattern, with a cross formée in the centre, and a recessed
founder’s arch in the north wall of the chancel, which contains a
much mutilated effigy of a priest.
 The most valued possession of the church is a small chalice and
cover, considered to be the oldest piece of church plate in the
county. The Hall-mark shows it to be of the year 1564-5.
The Vicar of Finderne, the Rev. B. W. Spilsbury, has in his
possession a very curious and rare relic of mediæval times. It is a
small sculptured block of alabaster, 8¾ inches by 7 inches, and 1½
inches thick. There is a beautifully drawn and painted copy of it in
Vol. VIII. of the Derbyshire Archæological Journal, by Mr. George
Bailey, also an article on it by the Rev. J. Charles Cox.
A little above the centre, resting on a dish, is a head, below it is a
lamb lying on a missal or book. On the right side is a bare-headed,
full length figure of St. Peter, holding a key in his right hand, and a
book in his left. On the left side is a similar figure of an archbishop,
with a mitre on his head, a book in his right hand, and a cross-staff in
his left. The back ground, i.e. the surface of the block, is painted a
dark olive green. The head, dish and robes an orange brown. The
hair, rim of the dish, and edges of the robes, books, key, and cross-
staff are gilded. The lining of St. Peter’s robe is red, that of the
archbishop is blue. The head and dish occupy three quarters of the
space. Dr. Cox enumerates ten similar pieces of sculpture, all of
which have figures of St. Peter on the right side, and all, except one
which bears a figure of St. Paul, have a mitred archbishop on the
left, which is supposed to represent either St. Augustine, or St.
Thomas of Canterbury. The chief differences are in the figures above
and below the central head and dish. There is a cut on the forehead
over the left eye. Several suggestions have been made respecting
the head. It has been said to represent (1) The head of St. John the
Baptist, (2) The Vernicle, (3) The image of our Lord’s face, given to
King Abgarus, and (4) The First Person of the Holy Trinity. Which of
these is right is a matter for discussion, but “the block, no doubt, has
reference to the presence of our Lord in the Sacrament.”
At the back there are two holes, into which pegs could be inserted,
for the purpose or fixing it above an altar, on a reredos or otherwise,
in oratories or chantries. All the examples known were made about
the same date, at the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the
fifteenth century.
 The Vicar of Finderne also has an old deed, dated 1574, which
sets forth that, in that year, Sir Thomas Gresham sold his property at
Finderne, with manorial rights, to twelve men whose names are
given. He had 1272 acres in Finderne, and 378 at Potlock.
Potlac or Potlock was the seat of the old family of Finderns, who
for nine generations lived here (as tenants under the Abbots of
Burton), from the reign of Edward III. to Elizabeth, when Thomas
Finderne died, in 1558, leaving all his estates, here and elsewhere,
to his sister Jane, who married Sir Richard Harpur, one of the
Justices of the Common Pleas, ancestor of Sir Vauncey Harpur-
Crewe, Bart., of Calke Abbey.
The ancient manor-house, and chapel, dedicated to St. Leonard,
have disappeared. A farmhouse occupies the site of the former, and
only a few cedar trees and Scotch firs remain near the house to
connect it with the past.

NEWTON SOLNEY.
About a mile and a half from Repton, situated on the banks of the
Trent, is the pretty village of Newton Solney. To distinguish it from the
hundred or more Newtons, the name of the ancient owners Solney
or Sulney is joined to it. The manor was held, in the reign of Henry
III. (1216-72), by Sir Norman, who was succeeded in turn by Sir
Alured, Sir William, and another Sir Alured de Solney, who came to
the rescue of Bishop Stretton at Repton in 1364 (see p. 52). Sir
Alured died at the beginning of the reign of Richard II. (1377-99), and
left a son Sir John, who died without issue, and two daughters,
Margery, who married Sir Nicholas Longford, and Alice, married
three times, (1) Sir Robert Pipe, (2) Sir Thomas Stafford, (3) Sir
William Spernore. During the reign of Henry VIII., the manor was
bought of the Longfords by the Leighs. Anne, heiress of Sir Henry
Leigh, married Sir Simon Every in the reign of James I.
Abraham Hoskins, Esq., purchased the estates from Sir Henry
Every, Bart., about the year 1795, and took up his abode there. In
the year 1801 he erected a range of castellated walls, called
“Hoskins Folly,” on the high land between Newton and Burton, as a
kind of look-out over the surrounding country, later on, he converted
it into a house and called it “Bladon Castle.” Mr. Robert Ratcliff is
now the owner of the manor and patron of the living, which is a
donative. Besides “Bladon Castle” there are two principal houses,
one occupied by Mr. Ratcliff called Newton Park, and the “The Rock”
occupied by Mr. Edward D. Salt.
The picturesque church, which has been carefully restored,
contains specimens of all the styles of architecture from the Norman,
downwards. It consists of nave, chancel, north and south aisles, with
chapels, at the east end, separated from them and the chancel by
pointed arches. The chancel arch was probably removed during the
Perpendicular period.
There are three very ancient monuments of knights, which are well
worth a close inspection.
The oldest of them is now lying under an arch at the west end of
the south aisle, it is the freestone effigy of a mail-clad knight, with a
shield on his left arm, his hands are on a sword, suspended in front
on a cross-belt, unfortunately the effigy is much mutilated, the lower
part has gone.
The second, also of freestone, is under the tower, on the north
side, the head has gone, the figure is clad in a surcoat, girded by a
sword belt, parts of armour are seen in the hauberk, the feet rest on
foliated brackets of Early English work.
The third, on the south side, opposite number two, is a very
beautiful effigy in alabaster, resting on an altar tomb of the same
material. On the sides are eleven shields. The effigy will well repay a
very close inspection, it is one of the most highly finished in the
county. From its head (wearing a bassinet) down to its feet, every
detail has been elaborately worked out. Most probably the
monuments represent three members of the de Solney family, but
which is a matter of discussion.
The effigy of Sir Henry Every, Bart., has been transferred from the
chancel and placed beneath the west window of the tower. It is of
marble, and the effigy is clad in a toga and sandals of a Roman
citizen, the contrast, between it and the other two ancient ones, is
most striking! On the front of the monument is the following
inscription:—

“Here lies the body of Sʳ Henry Every, late of Egginton in

this county, Baronet, who died yᵉ 1st day of Septʳ 1709. To
whose memory Ann his beloved wife, the eldest daughter and
one of the coheiresses of Sʳ Francis Russell, late of
Strentham, Bart. (of a very ancient family in yᵉ county of
Worcester) erected yᵉ monument.”

The floor of the tower has been paved with encaustic tiles found
during the restoration, they are supposed to have been made at
Repton.
Since Dr. Cox wrote his article on Newton Solney Church the
restoration, referred to above, has been made, the whole of the
fabric has been very carefully restored, a new south porch, of stone,
has taken the place of the former brick one, the floor has been
lowered and paved with stone, with blocks of wood under the pews,
which are also new, of pitch pine.

TICKENHALL, CALKE, AND STAUNTON

HAROLD.
About four miles to the south-east of Repton is the village of
Tickenhall, which was formerly one of the seven chapels of Repton.
At the time of the Domesday Survey its lands were divided between
the King, Nigel de Stafford, ancestor of the Gresleys, and the abbot
of Burton. Subsequently King Henry I. granted it, with Repton, to
Ralph, Earl of Chester. From charters, quoted in Vol. II. of the
Topographer, we learn that the Canons of Repton Priory obtained
grants of land and permission to draw a cart load of wood daily from
the woods in Tickenhall, also the right of free warren over the land
and fishing in the river Trent, from later Earls of Chester, and others.
From the same source we learn that the chapel was originally
dedicated to St. Thomas à Becket.
After the dissolution of monasteries, the rectorial tithes passed to
Edward Abell, lord of manor of Tickenhall, who died in 1596. From
his son, Ralph, Sir John Harpur purchased the manor and
impropriate tithes in 1625, and they remain in the hands of his
descendant, Sir Vauncey Harpur-Crewe, Bart., who is also the
patron of the living, which has been converted into a vicarage in
modern times.
In the year 1841 it was decided, at a vestry meeting, to build a
new church, the old one being so much out of repair. About fifty
yards to the north of the old one the present church was erected,
consisting of nave, with aisles, chancel, vestry, and tower with spire.
The picturesque, ivy-clad remains of the old church in the
churchyard, the four-clustered pillars in the vicarage garden, and
other fragments found in situ prove that the old Chapel of St.
Thomas contained portions of Norman, Early English and Decorated
work, and the fact that gunpowder had to be used in its demolition
also proves that a most interesting church, connected with centuries
of the history of Tickenhall, was destroyed. As if to complete the
severance, the name of its patron saint was also changed to that of
St. George, not in honour of England’s patron saint, but after Sir
George Crewe, Bart., lord of the manor, and patron of the living!
Formerly a good trade was carried on in the limestone quarries,
but of late they have been closed. The “caverns” present a most
picturesque appearance, and afford a grand field for the geologist in
search of fossils, which abound in the carboniferous limestone there.
There was also a pottery works, with a kiln, which have also been
closed and pulled down. There is a hospital, founded by Mr. Charles
Harpur in the year 1770, for “decayed poor men and women in the
parishes of Tickenhall and Calke.” It is now only occupied by women.
The octagonal brick-built “round house” still remains by the side of
the main street, and forms a link between the old and the new.
Calke was, as we have seen, celebrated for its “Abbey,” the
mother of Repton Priory. In the year 1547 Calke was granted by
Edward VI. to John, Earl of Warwick. Thirty years later it became the
property and seat of Roger Wendesley, whose successor, Richard
Wendesley, sold it to Robert Bainbrigge, who in 1621 conveyed it to
Henry Harpur, who was made a baronet in 1626. At the beginning of
the eighteenth century the present “Abbey” was built on the site of
the old priory, as it ought to have been called.
The parish church belonged to the Canons of Calke from the
earliest times, and with them was transferred to Repton Priory, with
whose canons it remained till the dissolution of the monasteries,
when it passed to the owners of the estate.
The Parliamentary Commissioners in 1650 describe Calke “as a
peculiar Sir John Harper of the same Baronett is impropriator and
procures the cure supplied. It lyes neare unto Ticknall and may
conveniently be united to Tycknall and the chapell of Calke disused.”
There is a seal of the peculiar, a diamond in shape, with the side
view of a man in a long gown. These words are round the margin,
Sigillum officii pecularis jurisdictionis de Calke. As “peculiars” are
exempt from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary or Bishops Courts, no
doubt this seal was used for stamping deeds, &c., issued by the
peculiar.
The church is said to be dedicated to St. Giles, who was also the
patron saint of the priory. Sir George Crewe rebuilt, or rather re-
cased, the old church with new stone in the year 1826. Like the
windows at Hartshorn, the mullions and tracery are of cast iron, by
Weatherhead, Glover and Co., Derby. At the west end is a small
embattled tower, in which is a door, the only entry to the church.
The village consists only of a few houses, but it is very prettily
situated.
A little to the south-east of Calke is Staunton Harold, the seat of
Earl Ferrers. At the time of the Domesday Book Survey, the Ferrers
family possessed estates in fourteen counties, and no less than one
hundred and fourteen manors in Derbyshire. Their principal seat was
at Tutbury Castle in Staffordshire, where they founded the priory.
Robert, the 2nd Earl, was created Earl of Derby in the year 1138.
This title remained in the family till the reign of Henry III., when
another Robert (the 5th Earl) was deprived of his titles and estates
owing to his repeated acts of rebellion. According to Lysons, the title
was conferred on several Plantagenets. Henry VII. conferred it, after
the victory of Bosworth Field, in consideration of services received,
on Lord Stanley, in whose family it still remains. The present Earl
Ferrers is descended from Sir Henry Shirley, who married Dorothy,
co-heir of Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, and of the Baronies of
Ferrers of Chartley and Bourchier. Their grandson Robert was
summoned to Parliament, by Writ 14th December, 1677, as Baron
Ferrets of Chartley, and was created Viscount Tamworth and Earl
Ferrers 3rd September, 1711. Staunton Harold Hall was built by the
5th Earl Ferrers. Situated in a lovely valley, overlooking a lake,
bounded by sloping ground adorned with trees, and other shrubs,
the house is one of the finest of its kind among our “stately homes of
England.” It is built in the style of Andrea Palladio (Classical or
Renaissance) with a pediment supported by Ionic pillars, which are
upheld with Doric columns. The material is stone, or brick
ornamented with stone. The south-west front, built in the form of the
letter H, is surmounted with the statue of a huge lion. The north-east,
or library front, was designed by Inigo Jones. The entrance gate of
the Hall is of most elaborate and beautiful specimen of iron
workmanship. By the side of the lake is a beautiful little Gothic
church, consisting of chancel, nave and two aisles. The chancel is
separated from the nave by elegantly wrought iron gates, which bear
the Ferrers’ arms. From the walls of the church are hung funeral
trophies of the family, like those in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor.
 Plate 22.

Tickenhall Round House. (Page 134.)

 FOOTNOTES
[1] See Dr. Pears’ address at the Tercentenary of Repton
School, 1857.
[2] Also Vicars of Etwall.
 INDEX.

Abell, Edward. Ralph, 133.

Abney, James, 26.
Abraham, 63, 119.
Abrincis, Hugh de, 113.
Adda, 8.
Æadwulph (Aldulph), King of E. Anglia, 9.
Ælfthryth (Ælfritha), Abbess of Repton, 9.
Æthelbald, King of Mercia, 9, 11, 14.
Æthelred, 11.
Agincourt, Battle of, 125.
Alfreton, 52.
Alfred, brother of Oswiu, 8.
Algar, Earl of Mercia, 3, 9, 50.
Alison, Sir Archibald, 97.
Allen’s Close, 5.
Alselin, Geoffrey, 108.
“Anchor Church,” 123-4.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 6, 9.
Anne, Queen, 126.
Anne, wife of James I., 94.
Arleston, 99.
Armour of Repton, 32.
Ashby-de-la-Zouch, 92-9.
Castle, 93.
Church, 96.
Askew Hill, 91.
Astley, William, 24.
Augmentation Office Book, 53.
Augustine, St., 50, 129.

Badow Church, 52.

Bainbrigge, William, 96.
Robert, 134.
Baine, Ralph, Bishop of Lichfield, 63.
Bailey, George, 128.
Bakepuz, Robert de, 100.
Bakewell Church, 74.
Bangor, 2.
Bardulfs, 108.
Barker, Robert, 37.
Barnack Church, 19.
Barrow-on-Trent, 99-100.
Bartholomew, St., 12, 14.
Basano’s Church Notes, 20.
Bath School, 61.
Beaconsfield, Earl of, 98.
Beaumeis, Philip de. Robert, 92.
Beaumont, Sir George, 92.
Beauvale (Welbeck), Abbey of, 115.
Beccelm, 11, 14.
Beck, or Beke, John de, 100.
Becket, St. Thomas à, 129, 133.
Bells of Repton, 42-9.
Bell Marks, 46.
Bennett, Gervase, 66.
Berfurt (cousin of St. Wystan), 9, 15.
Bertulph (uncle of St. Wystan), 15.
Betti, 8.
Bigsby, Rev. Robert, 51, 53, 65, 85.
Birch, Walter de Gray, 13.
Birmingham School, 61.
“Black Book,” 53.
“Black Canons,” 50.
“Bladon Castle,” 131.
Blandee, Thomas, 24.
Block of Alabaster, sculptured, at Finderne, 128.
Blomfield, Sir Arthur, 23, 85, 128.
Blundeville, Randulph de, Earl of Chester, 3.
Bodleian Library, 46.
“Bonnie Prince Charlie,” 102.
Bosworth Field, 135.
Bourdon, John, Duke of, 125.
Brasenose College, Oxford, 62.
Breedon Church, 126.
 Hill, 91.
Bretby, 4, 5, 51, 104-6.
“Clump,” 91.
Brewster, Thomas, 63.
Bride’s, St., Farmhouse of, 104.
Bridgenorth, 95.
Brigstock Church, 19.
Bristol, 95.
Brockhurst, 63, 119.
“Brook End,” 4.
Brotherhouse, 14.
Bullock, William (O.R.), 67.
Burdett, Sir Francis (O.R.), 66.
Robert, 4, 51, 81, 123.
Thomas, 103, 121.
“Buries, the,” 3.
Burnett, Sir Hugh, 93.
Burton-on-Trent, 1, 4.
Burton, Abbot of, 129, 132.
Butler, Earl of Ormond, 93.
“Bygone Leicestershire,” 98.

Calke, 134-5.
Canons of, 10.
Abbey, 50.
Cambridge, 12.
Camp, Repton, 3.
Canons’ Meadow, 4.
Canons of Repton, 16.
Canute, King, 9, 16.
Carlisle, Bishop of, 126.
“Causey, the,” 66.
Cedda, 8.
Chad, St., 8.
Chalice and Cover at Finderne, 128.
Chandos, Sir John, 109.
Chandos-Poles of Radbourne, 109.
Charles I., 5, 95, 113, 126.
II., 69.
Charnwood Forest, 1.
Charters of Repton Priory, 51.
Repton School, 64.
Chellaston Hill, 91.
Chester, Hugh, Earl of, Matilda, Countess of, 10, 51.
Randulph, Earl of, 3, 10.
Chester, West, 62.
Chesterfield, Philip, 1st Earl of, 104.
Chief events referred to, &c., 87-90.
“Chronicon Abbatiæ de Evesham,” 15.
Chronicles (Rolls Series), 15.
“Church Bookes,” 36.
“Churchwardens’ and Constables’ Accounts,” 30-41.
Cissa, 11.
Civil War, 5, 105.
Clinton, William de, 3
Cokayne, Sir Arthur, 105.
Coke, Sir Thomas, 126.
Coleorton Hall, 92.
“Communion Cupp” at Hartshorn, 107.
Conquest, the, 3.
Conway, Sir W. Martin, 46.
Cornavii or Coritani, 8.
“Counter Jail,” the, 126.
Cox, Dr. Charles, 17, 30, 50, 117, 122, 126, 128, 129, 132.
Creçy, Battle of, 93.
Crewe, Sir George, 134.
Cromwell, Thomas, 53.
Cross, Repton, 4, 35.
Crowland, 12.
Abbey, 14, 15.
Croxall, 52.
Crypt of Repton Church, 17.
Culloden Moor, Battle of, 102.
Curzon, Sir John, 127.
Cyneheard, 9.
Cynewaru (Kenewara), Abbess of Repton, 9.

Dale Abbey, (Deepdale), 50.

Danes, the, 3, 6, 7, 14, 17.
Dartmoor, 97.
“Day Bell Houses,” 98.
Denman, George, the Honble., 75, 84.
Denton, Canon, 98.
Derby, 1, 63.
Dethicks, 107.
Diuma, 1st Bishop of Mercia, 8.
Domesday Book, 3, 4, 6, 9, 92, 113, 115, 124, 132, 135.
Dove, River, 8, 114.
Dugdale’s Monasticon, 8, 51.
Durdent, Walter, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 51.
Dutton, Edmund, 56.

Eadburgh, Abbess of Repton, 9, 12.

Ealdwulf, King of E. Anglia, 9.
Edgar, the Peaceable, 9, 17.
Edward III., 103, 130.
VI., 42, 61, 62, 134.
Egga, 14.
Egginton, 108-11.
Elfleda, mother of St. Wystan, 15.
Elizabeth, Queen, 130.
England, 2.
Ethelbald, King of Mercia, 6.
Etwall, 62, 115-21.
Every, Sir Edward, 110.
Henry, 130, 132.
Simon, 109, 130.
Evesham Abbey, Chronicles of, 9, 15.
Evesham Abbey, St. Wystan’s Shrine at, 57.
“Evidences, XVIII pieces of,” 35.

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 95.

Felix, Monk of Crowland, 1st Bishop of E. Angles, 11, 12, 13.
“Feppingum,” 8.
Ferrariis or Ferrers, Henry de, 113, 115.
Ferrers, Robert, 2nd Earl, 135.
Ferrers, Robert de, 113.
Ferrers’ Pew at Breedon, 127.
Finan, Bishop of Lindisfarne, 8.
Finderne, 128-9.
Family of, 129.
Finger Pillory at Ashby, 97.
Fitzherbert, Anthony Sir, 62.
John of Etwall, 62, 117.
Flora Lady, daughter of 1st Marquis of Hastings, 95.
“Flora of Derbyshire,” (W. H. Painter), 91.
Foremark, 51, 121-4.
Francis (Frances) John of Tickenhall and Foremark, 22, 103.
Sir Robert, son of John, 22, 52, 121.
French Prisoners at Ashby, 97-8.
Fuller’s Church History, 53.
Fynderne (Finderne), George, Jane, John, and Thomas, 3, 4.
Lords of Repton Manor, 20.

Gaunt, John, Duke of, 114.

Gell, Sir John, 5, 101, 105.
Gerard, Sir Thomas, 62, 116.
Giffard, Sir Thomas, 62.
Giles, St., 50, 134.
Glendower, 2.
Glover, S. (History of Derbyshire), 105, 106.
Glover’s Mill, 4.
Godiva, 9.
Gorham, Rev. G. M. (O.R.), 23.
Greaves, C. S., 122.
Grendon, Serlo de, Lord of Badeley or Bradley, 50.
William de, 109.
Grentemaisnel, Hugh de, 92.
Gresham, Sir Thomas, 127, 129.
Gresley, 1.
Gresley, Sir George, 101.
Gretton, John, 111.
Gronta (Grantchester), 12.
Guthlac, St., 9, Chap. III.
Guthlaxton Hundred, 14.
“Gypsies,” 35.
Hacket, Bishop of Lichfield, 122.
“Hall Orchard,” 86.
Hampton Court Conference, 36.
Hardinge, Sir Robert, 126.
Harker, John, 63.
Harley Collection of MSS., 13.
Harpur, Charles, 134.
Sir George, 128.
Sir John, 4, 55, 103, 133.
Sir Henry, 4, 134.
Sir Richard, 4, 101, 103, 130.
Harpur-Crewe, Sir Vauncey, 24, 130, 133.
Hartshorn, 106-8.
Hastings, Francis, Marquis of, 125.
George, Earl of Huntingdon, 62.
Sir William, 93.
Headda, Bishop of Winchester, 13, 14.
Heathcotes, 128.
Henry I., 50, 126.
II., 51.
III., 43, 130, 135.
VII., 125, 135.
VIII., 53, 114, 115, 127, 130.
Heyne, Ann, 67, 68.
Hope, W. H. St. John, 53, 81, 108.
Hoskins, Abraham, 130.