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POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN UKRAINE
Westview Series on the Post-Soviet
Republics
Alexander J. Motyl, Series Editor

Paul D'Anieri,
Politics and Society in Ukraine,
Robert Kravchuk, and Taras Kuzio

Siberia: Worlds Apart, Victor L. Mote

The Central Asian States: Discovering Independence, Gregory Gleason

Lithuania: The Rebel Nation, V. Stanley Vardys and Judith B. Sedaitis

Belarus: At a Crossroads in History, Jan Zaprudnik

Estonia: Return to Independence, Rein Taagepera

Politics and Society in Ukraine

Paul D'Anieri
University of Kansas

Robert Kravchuk
University of Connecticut

Taras Kuzio
University of North London
Westview Series on the Past-Soviet Republics

First published 1999 by Westview Press

Published 2018 by Routledge

711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 1999 Taylor & Francis

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,
and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

D'Anieri, Paul J., 1965-
Politics and society in Ukraine / Paul D'Anieri, Robert Kravchuk,
Taras Kuzio.
p. cm. – (Westview series on the post-Soviet republics)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8133-3537-X (hc). – ISBN 0-8133-3538-8 (pbk.)
1. Post-communism–Ukraine. 2. Political culture–Ukraine.
3. Ukraine–Politics and government––1991– . 4. Ukraine—Social
conditions—1991– . 5. Social change—Ukraine. I. Kravchuk, Robert S.,
1955– . II. Kuzio, Taras. III. Title. IV. Series.
JN6635.D36 1999
306. 2 09477'09049—dc21 99-30503
CIP

All photos courtesy of authors

ISBN 13: 978-0-8133-3538-4 (pbk)

Publisher's Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this
book but points out that some imperfections from the original may be
apparent.
 Contents
List of Tables and Illustrations
List of Acronyms
Preface
Introduction: The “Quadruple Transition” in Ukrainian Politics
and Society
1 The Demise of the Soviet Union and the Emergence of
Independent Ukraine
2 Nation Building and National Identity
3 Religion, State, and Society
4 Ukraine's Weak State
5 Politics and Civil Society
6 Economic Crisis and Reform
7 Foreign Policy: From Isolation to Engagement
8 Ukrainian Defense Policy and the Transformation of the
Armed Forces
9 Conclusion: Problems and Prospects for Ukraine in the
Twenty-First Century
Notes
Bibliography
Index
 Tables and Illustrations
Tables

2.1 What nationality are you?

3.1 Religious communities by region
3.2 Number of religious communities in Ukraine, 1996
3.3 Eparchies of the Ukrainian-Greek Catholic Church, 1993
5.1 Can people freely express their opinions in Ukraine today?
5.2 If your rights have been violated, what would you consider to be
effective and acceptable?
5.3 Membership of civic groups
5.4 What should parties do if they do not make it into Parliament?
5.5 Development of faction membership in the 1994–1998 Ukrainian
Parliament
5.6 Factions in the post–March 1998 Rada
5.7 Regional variations in the 1998 parliamentary elections
6.1 Basic economic indicators of Ukraine, 1991–1998
6.2 Ukraine consolidated budget results, 1992–1997
6.3 Extent of privatization in Ukraine, 1992–1997
6.4 Selected budgetary arrears, 1995–1997
Figures

4.1 Tiers of Ukrainian government

4.2 Structure of the government of Ukraine, 1997
4.3 Ukrainian parliamentary budget process
4.4 Structure of the Ukrainian Parliament, 1998
4.5 Vertical structure of power under the 1996 Constitution of Ukraine
 Graphs

6.1 Change in Ukrainian monetary aggregates, 1991–1996

6.2 Ukrainian monetary growth rates, 1992–1996
6.3 Real revenues, expenditures, and GDP, January 1992–December 1996
6.4 Enterprise and government credits growth in relation to inflation, 1992–
1996
Photos

1.1 Independence Day celebrations, Kyiv, August 1994

2.1 Cossack Days of Glory, Dnipropetrovs'k, September 1990
2.2 Old man in uniform of Sich Sharpshooters, demonstration, Kyiv, spring
1994
2.3 New monument honoring Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi, Ukraine's preeminent
historian and president, independent Ukraine, 1917–1918
3.1 Riot at funeral of patriarch of Ukrainian Orthodox Church–Kyiv
Patriarchate, Kyiv, July 1995
4.1 Demonstration outside Ukrainian Television headquarters by Christian
Democratic Party of Ukraine, protesting against political censorship, Kyiv,
June 1995
4.2 Ukrainian National Assembly members of Parliament in military
fatigues, Parliament, summer 1994
5.1 Communist demonstration, Kyiv, summer 1993
5.2 Ukrainian National Assembly paramilitaries on parade in central Kyiv,
1993
5.3 Leonid Kravchuk, president, 1991–1994
7.1 President Bill Clinton and President Leonid Kuchma, Kyiv, May 1995
7.2 President Leonid Kuchma and Secretary General Javier Solana of NATO
adopt NATO-Ukraine Charter, Madrid, July 1997
8.1 National guard parading in Kyiv, Independence Day, August 1994
8.2 Presidents Leonid Kuchma and Boris Yeltsin sign agreement on Black
Sea Fleet, Sochi, summer 1995
8.3 Ukrainian and U.S. troops in a NATO Partnership for Peace exercise,
Yavoriv training ground, western Ukraine, 1997
Maps

FM.1 Ukraine: Territorial administrative structure

1.1 Referendum on independence
2.1 Ethnic Ukrainians
2.2 Ukrainian as native language
2.3 Proportion of school pupils studying in the Ukrainian language, 1997
 Acronyms
APA Ukrainian Academy of Public Administration
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
COMECON Council for Mutual Economic Assistance
ECU European Currency Unit
EU European Union
FDI foreign direct investment
FIGs Financial-Industrial Groups
G-7 Group of Seven
GDP gross domestic product
HRV hryvnya, Ukrainian permanent currency
ILO International Labor Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
KBV karbovanets, Ukrainian interim currency
KPU Communist Party of Ukraine
KUN Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists
MRBR Inter-Regional Bloc of Reforms
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NBU National Bank of Ukraine
NDPU People's Democratic Party
NKVD Soviet secret police
OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
OUN Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists
PDVU Party of Democratic Revival
SPU Socialist Party of Ukraine
UAPTs Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church
UHKTs Ukrainian-Greek Catholic Church
UICE Ukrainian Interbank Currency Exchange
UNA Ukrainian National Assembly
UPA Ukrainian Insurgent Army
UPTs-KP UPTs-Kyiv Patriarchate
UPTs-MP UPTs-Moscow Patriarchate
URP Ukrainian Republican Party
VAT value-added tax
 Preface
Despite the flowering of scholarship on Ukraine since its independence in
1991, there has not yet been an attempt to provide a coherent overview of
Ukrainian political institutions and the political process in Ukraine. For
several years, events moved so quickly that to try to cover them in a book-
length study was an invitation to immediate obsolescence. Moreover, many
of the basic subjects of such a study, such as the structure of the constitution,
were unresolved in Ukraine until relatively recently. Since the adoption of
the Ukrainian constitution in 1996 and the introduction of a new currency
that year, however, the fundamentals of the independent state are now in
place in Ukraine. This is not to deny that much is still in flux but rather to
assert that an overview of Ukrainian political structures and processes is
now both possible and needed. This book aims to fill that need.
The book is deliberately written from an eclectic theoretical approach
rather than by advancing a single theory or interpretation of events. This
reflects not only the ambiguity of the subject but the varied backgrounds of
the authors: D'Anieri was trained in government and international relations,
Kravchuk in public administration, and Kuzio in Ukrainian area studies. We
hope that this plurality of perspectives enriches the book as much as it has
our own discussions. Although all three authors contributed to the various
chapters and all take responsibility for the final product, each took
responsibility for the drafting of various of the original chapters, and this
division of labor should be made clear: D'Anieri drafted Chapters 7 (foreign
policy), 8 (defense), and 9 (conclusion). Kravchuk drafted the introduction
and Chapters 4 (Ukraine's weak state) and 6 (economic reform). Kuzio
drafted Chapters 1 (the Soviet legacy), 2 (nation building), 3 (religion), and 5
(politics and civil society).
The authors would like to acknowledge the support of the institutions and
people who made this project possible. We especially thank Rob Williams of
Westview Press, whose combination of support and patience was essential to
bringing the project to completion. Paul D'Anieri wishes to thank those at
the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute—Director Roman Szporluk,
Executive Director Jim Clem, and Librarian Ksenya Kiebuzynski—who
provided a wonderful atmosphere for the original drafting of these chapters
when D'Anieri was a visiting professor there in the summer of 1998. Robert
Kravchuk wishes to acknowledge support from an NSF-COBASE grant,
which was instrumental in his work on this project. Taras Kuzio wishes to
acknowledge the support of the Centre for Russian and East European
Studies at the University of Birmingham, where, while working on this
project between 1995 and 1998, he was on a research fellowship funded by
the Leverhulme Trust.
We especially thank our families, who endured patiently as we locked
ourselves away to work on this project.
MAP FM.1 Ukraine: Territorial Administrative Structure
 Introduction: The "Quadruple
Transition" in Ukrainian Politics and
Society
Ukraine is important to the West largely because it is seen as the "keystone in
the arch" of security in Central Europe. Ukraine is important geopolitically
in several ways. First, by putting a powerful state between Germany and
Russia, Ukraine ameliorates the security dilemma that led to two wars in the
first half of the twentieth century. Second, to the extent that the West
continues to feel insecure about a potential threat from Russia, Ukrainian
independence creates a strong, independent state through which Russia
would have to go before it could renew its threat to the states lying to the
west of Ukraine. Third, Ukraine's independence from Russia has positive
implications for Russia itself and for Russia's relations with the rest of the
world, a notion expressed most clearly by Zbigniew Brzezinski: "It cannot be
stressed strongly enough that without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be an
empire, but with Ukraine suborned and then subordinated, Russia
automatically becomes an empire."1 Finally, Ukraine is key in a more
negative sense: If a state of its size and strategic location should fall into
instability, that instability would reverberate throughout the nascent
democracies of East-Central Europe.
It is because of Ukraine's key geopolitical role that the United States has
made Ukraine the third-largest recipient of American aid (after Israel and
Egypt). Ukraine has also become the largest and most frequent participant in
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) Partnership for Peace
Program. Despite this support, however, the process of reform in Ukraine
has been slow, progress has been limited, and there appears a genuine
possibility that even the limited economic and political reforms already
accomplished will be reversed. The global economic crisis that undercut
Russia's economy in 1998 had similar effects on Ukraine, undermining both
reform and the reformers and strengthening leftist forces. At the end of 1999,
Ukrainian presidential elections will determine who is to guide this process
through the next five years. The next few years are therefore a pivotal time
for this pivotal country.
However, despite Ukraine's importance, we actually know very little
about Ukrainian politics and therefore are ill-equipped either to analyze the
problems Ukraine faces or to assess the West's options in dealing with them.
Few Western scholars have a deep knowledge of Ukraine, and the vast
majority of post-Soviet research on the region has continued to focus on
Russia. It is clear that Western economic prescriptions have not worked in
Ukraine. But it is unclear whether this is because these prescriptions were
flawed or because they were not properly implemented. Moreover, it is
unclear whether it is politically possible to implement such policies in
Ukraine. Indeed, at a most basic level, we have very little idea what in fact is
possible in Ukraine and what is not.
Ukraine's lackluster political and economic performance raises two
questions: First, why has reform proceeded so slowly, after the euphoria and
optimism that accompanied the Soviet collapse? Second, what possibility is
there for reform to be more successful—or to be reversed—in the future? It is
to these questions that this book addresses itself. To answer these questions,
we bring together detailed empirical research on the Ukrainian case,
theoretical observations from political science, and the knowledge gained
from the study of other societies in transition. Thus, the book aims to
provide both a comprehensive empirical account of how Ukrainian politics
works and at least a first cut at explaining why Ukrainian politics works as it
does.
Of these two tasks, the first is perhaps more time-consuming but yields
more certain results. Explaining why Ukraine, or any transition society, has
followed the path it has, rather than some other, will always be a matter for
some debate. But with Ukraine's eight years of independence and its two
rounds of national elections now in the past, we can now begin the task with
much more confidence than has been possible in recent years. There is now
enough stability in Ukrainian politics for the fundamental problems and the
basic patterns of the political process to have become clear.
Ukraine's transformation is not occurring in isolation. All around it, states
and societies are seeking to move away from the centrally planned economy
and authoritarian state that characterized the Communist system. Prior to
the collapse of the Communist states of that region, states in Latin America
and Southern Europe developed a good deal of experience with the processes
of both democratization and economic reform. For policymakers and
political scientists alike, these cases provide standards of comparison useful
in analysis of the Ukrainian case. We can look at the various successes of
Poland, for example, and ask why Ukraine has been unable or unwilling to
follow a similar path. Similarly, we can look at Russia and ask why Ukraine
has been so much more successful in some areas (e.g., in dealing with
regional and ethnic differences) than Russia. More broadly, we can apply to
Ukraine the general arguments from political science about the prerequisites
and necessary policies for successful reform.
In understanding why transformation occurs differently and with varying
degrees of success in different countries, explanations can be broken down
into those focusing on prerequisites, or "structural" factors, and those
focusing on policies, or "process" factors. This study makes no attempt to
advance or defend a single theoretical perspective on transitions but rather
borrows where appropriate to help illuminate the case. In Ukraine, two
generalizations can be made that serve to structure much of the substance of
this book. In terms of process, it is clear that in many cases, most notably in
dealing with economic reform, Ukrainian government policies have been
demonstrably counterproductive. This raises the question of whether more
productive policies were politically infeasible, a question whose answer has
important implications for the future. In terms of structure, the situation
Ukraine inherited from the Soviet Union was clearly more complex and less
favorable for rapid reform than that in its neighbors to the west. Whereas
some states (such as those in Latin America) have required democratic
transitions and others (in Eastern Europe) have required both democratic
and economic transitions, Ukraine must undergo a "quadruple" transition,
including not only democratization and marketization but also nation
building and state building.

Dealing with Ukraine's "Quadruple

Transition"
The transformation from socialism is often referred to as a "dual transition":
a simultaneous change from a party-dominated governmental regime to a
more democratic system, coupled with a rearrangement of the economic
institutions along market-oriented lines.2 The major conceptual focus in the
"transitions literature" is on the political conditions and factors that will
facilitate development of market institutions.3 There is a particular concern
with devising transition schemes that will avoid "transitional
incompatibility" between political and economic reforms.4 What seems clear
from international experience, however, is that although economic
development can substantially improve a country's chances for democratic
consolidation, democratic reform alone is insufficient to bring about
economic development.5 Specifically, consolidation of democracy can be
seen as dependent upon the willing participation of self-interested political
elites who pursue democratic reform as the means to ensure their own
longer-term economic interests.6 Any beneficial effects of reform for the
larger population tend to be secondary concerns for such elites but can be
crucial to political sustainability of the reforms. In any case, it seems safe to
conclude on both theoretical and empirical grounds that the viability of
democracy depends vitally upon economic performance.
Clearly, there are risks and hardships in embarking on and sustaining
reforms. It is difficult to identify and nurture a constituency in support of
reforms, especially if they are painful.7 The transition process tends to place
pressures on governmental resources at a critical time in the transitioning
country's history. Much political capital may be consumed to maintain
regime stability as reforms set in. A significant attribute of reforms is that
the economic costs of adjustment are immediately felt but the benefits are
longer-term in nature and diffused throughout the society. The burdens of
reform and adjustment also tend to be unevenly distributed throughout the
various social strata. Finally, and partly as a result of these factors, there are
profound collective action problems, with reformers bearing a
disproportionate amount of the burden of organizing and pressing for
reforms and abundant numbers of "free riders" strewn throughout the
governmental system.8 Even a successful reform coalition can be a rather
"thin" one, raising the risks of failure. Failed reforms carry with them the
risk of loss of legitimacy of governments and diminished credibility of the
efficacy of market institutions themselves. Such sentiments are in abundance
in Ukraine, and these portend potentially dire consequences for the
country's fledgling constitutional system.
What makes the interrelation of political and economic change interesting
—and fraught with difficulty—is that both are dependent upon a minimal
degree of institutional infrastructure, which takes time to develop.9 The
literature on transitions has largely ignored this aspect of post-Communist
transformation (state and institution building), a mistake that Juan J. Linz
and Alfred Stepan now acknowledge.10 Claus Offe therefore defines the
"revolution" taking place in post-Communist Europe as fundamentally
different from that which took place earlier in Latin America and Southern
Europe. In Latin America, democratization was the primary question, as
market and state institutions were already in place. In post-Communist
Europe, we should add economic reform and state building, which Offe
defines as a "triple transition." Within Offe's definition of "state building" are
included questions of identity and the social and cultural definition of the
political community. In contrast to Offe, we have defined these components
as a separate category of "nation building."11 Hence, in our view, post-Soviet
states such as Ukraine are undergoing a "quadruple transition." Offe believes
that the simultaneity of these three or four transitions, depending on the
definitions used, "generates decision-loads of unprecedented magnitude."12
The processes tend to complicate and undermine each other in many ways,
leading many to wonder whether carrying out such processes
simultaneously is even possible.13
In the absence of established traditions of democratic self-government,
developing the core political institutions will turn on the crucial problem of
increasing capacity of the state to govern. This brings the dialogue on the
Ukrainian case to the idea of a triple transition: That is the notion that in
addition to the usual political and economic dimensions of the transition
from socialism, in Ukraine these two processes take place in the presence of
a further transition from rule by a foreign, imperial, and colonizing power.
The disintegration of the Soviet state left an administrative and institutional
void in Ukraine of magnificent proportions that has taken considerable time
to "backfill." The political transition thus involves not only development of
civic organizations, a free press and media, political parties, and interest
groups but also building the capacity of the "quasi-state" inherited from the
USSR to enable it to perform even the most minimal functions of modern
governance. This represents a considerable constraining factor, insofar as it
limits the rate at which Ukraine has been able to absorb change. As
Alexander J. Motyl and Taras Kuzio have argued, the lack of administrative
and institutional development all but vacated the possibility of rapid and
radical transformation for the majority of post-Soviet states, and especially
Ukraine.14
Finally, linked to the problem of building the new Ukrainian state is that
of building the new Ukrainian nation. This brings us to yet a fourth
transition currently under way in Ukraine: the need to establish a truly
Ukrainian national identity, apart from, and in some respects in opposition
to, Russian ethnicity and culture. As argued earlier, questions of "nation
building" in the transitions literature are usually either subsumed within
"state building" (e.g., Offe) or ignored as irrelevant, because nation building
was already complete in the societies in question.
Nation building has many different definitions. We include nation
building as a separate category of the "quadruple transition" because we
understand all liberal democracies to be composed of both civic and ethnic
elements. We understand nation building to mean three processes, the first
of which is the creation of a new overarching identity that prioritizes the
Ukrainian political community (or civic nation) as the homeland of all of its
citizens. Thus, Ukraine is building an inclusive "state-nation" or "national
state" (not a "nation-state," which assumes a high degree of ethnic
homogeneity). Second, nation building also refers to the elements that will
constitute the societal, public culture of the new political community. In the
Ukrainian case, this is a choice between emphasizing Ukraine's "Western" or
"Eastern" heritage. Finally, nation building also refers to national revival for
all of the ethnic groups that inhabit Ukraine, whose identities were subjected
to denationalization in the Soviet era. The Ukrainian state has supported the
granting of polyethnic rights to its national minorities while providing
territorial autonomy to one region (the Crimea) where ethnic Ukrainians are
a minority.
The implications of this fourth, and ongoing, aspect of the "quadruple
transition," the nation-building process, are equally as momentous for
Ukraine's future as are the political, economic, and institutional dimensions
of transition. Under circumstances where dramatic political, economic,
institutional, and nation-building changes are simultaneously under way, the
risks are enormous that the four will not be compatible with one another. By
far, the most straightforward means of averting such "transitional
incompatibilities" is to avoid the simultaneity of reforms altogether—
through sequencing.15 This implies either undertaking political and
institutional reforms before economic transition or, possibly, consolidating
economic stability and growth prior to nation building and democratization.
Many permutations are possible. Ukraine and the other transition societies
do not have the luxury of sequencing, however. Determining the proper
sequence is extremely difficult on a priori grounds, if not altogether
impossible to implement, in the absence of a central political and social force
sufficiently powerful to impose its will upon the soci ety.16 Since the post-
Soviet future has largely been defined in direct opposition to the Soviet past,
the (re)establishment of such centralizing power in Ukraine appears quite
outside the realm of possibility. The interplay of the four transition processes
is complex, and highly unpredictable, but consideration of this interplay is
necessary if research on transitions is to be either complete or useful.

A "Break with the Past"?

Gaining independence for Ukraine was a bloodless affair, to the relief of all
concerned. There was no revolutionary breach with the Soviet past. Thus,
the process of transition itself has had an enormous impact on the nature of
the problems encountered and the responses to them. Although we think of
1991 as the opening of a new era in Ukrainian history, institutionally and
economically, the legacy of the Soviet Union has been powerful. The former
Soviet administrative and political elite has retained great power and
influence at the center of government and the economy in newly
independent Ukraine. The training, instincts, and basic interests of these
members of the old Soviet nomenklatura are largely incompatible with the
needs of a market-oriented democratic state. Further, these groups have
perpetuated the corruption of the former system through the persistence of
clannish, highly nepotistic networks of relations, based loosely upon
regional and industrial groupings.17 Personalities and groups therefore
remain crucial to the flow of events in Ukraine and fill the void that will
eventually be filled by viable democratic governing traditions and
institutions. But the networks of corruption and influence have proved to be
resilient. Consequently, institutional development is likely to be a much
longer-term process in Ukraine than the reformers had originally hoped.
Soviet-era social and political attitudes and beliefs also persist. The sense
of political helplessness, a culture of victimization, political intolerance, deep
distrust of authority, and political passivity have been held over from the
former regime.18 These factors also serve to reinforce perceptions of
continuity, but they additionally militate against the institutionalization of
liberal democracy. First, a social dialogue concerning the proper size and
scope of the state has not taken place in Ukraine, nor is it likely to take place
where such attitudes prevail. Second, the weaknesses of the emergent state
institutions form a barrier against the organization and development of the
institutions of civil society. The diverse interests that exist within this
country of 52 million are therefore largely underrepresented in the halls of
government at the center. Finally, lack of a common ethnic identity or
collective sense of national consciousness prevents the larger society from
arriving at any common sense of the "general interest" (or national idea) on
which to base public policy. Consequently, politics remains highly
particularistic, based largely on patronage, "clans," and often outright
nepotism. Anticorruption efforts of the government have been futile.19
Paradoxically, there have been many changes in Ukrainian politics and
society that would not have been thought possible during the Soviet era,
including direct diplomatic and trade ties with the West; an independent
foreign policy; membership in international bodies such as the Council of
Europe, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and World Bank; a new
constitution embodying a separation-of-powers regime and a strong
executive; widespread political freedom; nascent political parties; and
reasonably free elections. All of these, along with new economic freedoms,
are a direct result of the collapse of the USSR. Each represents a
discontinuity with the past. And yet as significant as each of these
achievements may be, informed observers are as yet unable to conclude that
Ukraine has reached the stage of self-sustaining reforms.20

Aims and Objectives of the Book

Among the main purposes for writing this book is our hope of
demonstrating that recent events in Ukrainian politics and economics can
profitably be interpreted in terms of Western social scientific paradigms. Our
purpose is therefore to show that the Ukrainian transition is understandable
in the same terms as other recent transitions and that considering the
problem in these terms is enlightening, even if Ukraine remains unique. As
the chapters that follow seek to make clear, Ukraine's difficulties are not
caused by anything unique about the country's geopolitical location,
economic endowment, national character, or longer-term relations with its
powerful neighbor to the northeast. Rather, these problems may be traced to
a series of policy choices that have been conditioned by many of these
factors but that are in no sense inevitable or irreversible.

Organization of the Book

The book is organized thematically rather than chronologically to facilitate
the analysis of the various issues. This introduction has sketched out
Ukraine's strategic importance and the complexities of its "quadruple
transition." Subsequent chapters address the themes raised here. Chapter 1
details Ukraine's role in the disintegration of the USSR and explores how the
Soviet legacy deeply influences all aspects of post-Soviet Ukraine's politics
and society. Chapters 2 and 3, on nation building and religion, respectively,
address the fourth prong of the quadruple transition described above: nation
building. We treat this issue first because it is in many respects the most
fundamental: Problems of state building, politics, and governing that arise in
subsequent chapters are traceable in large part to the absence of a coherent
unified political community in Ukraine. Chapter 2 focuses on the whole
range of nation-building problems. We dedicate a separate chapter (Chapter
3) to the politics of religion, even though the problem overlaps with national
identity, because it is analytically distinct from nation building and too
complex to simply submerge in that discussion.
Chapters 4 through 6 are in many respects the core of the volume, treating
the central questions of economic and political transformation. Chapter 4
focuses on state building, exploring the crucial question of institutional
capacity that has been neglected by scholarship but has been fundamental to
the failure of reform in Ukraine (as well as in Russia and many other states
in the region). We examine at both the micro and macro levels the sources
and effects of the Ukrainian state's impotence, including problems of
corruption, tax collection, and relations between central and local
governments.
Chapter 5 addresses politics more broadly, examining the process of
democratization and state-society relations. Largely as a result of the nation-
building problems outlined in Chapters 2 and 3, the Ukrainian political
spectrum is badly fragmented. This and other factors have translated into a
weak and fragmented party system, which in turn has led to a weak
Parliament. Thus, Ukraine is in the unenviable position of trying to conduct
democratic government with a largely ineffective legislative branch of
government.
Chapter 6 turns to the problem of economic reform. In addition to
showing why Ukraine's reform policies (if they can be called that) have led
to such meager results, we explore the sources of those policies, showing
how they emerged from the societal and governmental conditions discussed
in the previous chapters. Ukrainian public and elite opinion is divided
concerning the desirability of reform, the goals of reform, and the methods
for implementing it. Deep divisions within the Verkhovna Rada (the
Parliament), and between the Rada and the executive, have made a decisive
and coherent reform plan impossible to adopt. The impotence of state
institutions has made it difficult to implement even the limited programs
that have been adopted.
The final two chapters focus upon the evolution of and the debates
surrounding the foreign and defense policies of the independent Ukrainian
state. Foreign policy (Chapter 7) has been perhaps the most prominent
success for post-Soviet Ukraine. Ukraine managed first to gain acceptance of
its independence from a skeptical world and then to transform its
relationship with the United States from acrimonious to cooperative.
Debates over foreign economic policy and over Ukraine's place between
Russia and the West have been strongly influenced by the national identity
debates that pervade Ukrainian politics. Ukrainian defense policy (Chapter
8) has been successful in two key areas: downsizing the military and
maintaining civilian control. In other areas, though, the state's institutional
weakness has led to chaos. Funding for the military is at a fraction of
necessary levels, and although the military has been shrunk, it has not been
reformed.
Finally, the conclusion (Chapter 9) summarizes the findings of the book
and considers Ukraine's future, with its unclear outlook. Ukraine's problems
are deep, and to some extent they reinforce each other, and for those
reasons, the prospect for rapid improvement in political and economic
conditions is unlikely. All the same, there has been sufficient progress in
bridging Ukraine's regional divisions, and the shadow economy makes up
for enough of the shortcoming in the official economy so that outright
collapse seems equally unlikely. Even though Ukraine seems to be in an odd
position between its Soviet past and its hoped-for "Western" future, there are
powerful forces that, absent a fundamental new shock, will tend to keep
Ukraine there for some time to come.
 ONE
The Demise of the Soviet Union and
the Emergence of Independent Ukraine
The rapid and peaceful disintegration of the USSR came as a surprise to most
outside observers of Soviet politics. In retrospect, it appears that the USSR
would have disintegrated sooner or later because it was already in long-term
imperial decline by the time Mikhail Gorbachev became Soviet leader in
1985. The rapidity of its disintegration came about as a consequence of
Gorbachev's mismanagement of the economy and the increasing
assertiveness of national minorities that culminated in the failed August
1991 putsch. When Ukraine and Russia decided in late 1991 that the union no
longer met their interests, the USSR was doomed.
This chapter is divided into four parts. The first part provides the concise
historical background of Ukraine under the late tsarist empire and the USSR.
The second surveys the decay of the USSR, the rise of "national communism"
in Ukraine, and Ukraine's role in the disintegration of a world superpower.
The third part of the chapter analyzes the roles of Russia and Ukraine in
ensuring that the USSR undertook a "civilized divorce" in December 1991.
This section then discusses the hurried and largely unplanned agreement to
replace the USSR with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS),
which inevitably led to disagreements between Ukraine and Russia during
the next six years. It was not until May 1997 that Ukraine and Russia finally
hammered the last nail in the coffin of the USSR when they signed an
interstate treaty that recognized both countries' territorial integrity. The
USSR therefore disintegrated not at once—as in Yugoslavia—but in a
"civilized divorce" extending over a six-year period from 1991 to 1997.1
The fourth section discusses the Soviet legacy in general and how it
specifically affects politics and society in post-Soviet Ukraine. These legacies
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Ophthalmia, 261
Orfili tribe, 332
Oshar, a plant, 258
Ostrich, eggshells of, 97, 335, 336; drawings of, 335
Ovens, 73
Owana. See Owanat
Owanat, 130, 165, 197, 198, 300, 303, 305, 319-321

“Pace” eggs, 257

Palestine, 307
Pan-Islam, 20
Patron Saints, 132, 182
Peridots, 55
Persian dynasty in Egypt, 315
Perthes, Justus, map of, 321
Petrified wood, 90, 212
Phthisis, 261
Pigeons, 284
Pilgrimage to Mecca, 260
Pirate hordes, 214
Pneumonia, 261
“Pool of ink.” See Mandal
Pope, the, 106
Post office in Mut, 139
Pottery, 98, 318; dug up, 211, 214, 223
Pounding rice, 43, 265
Proportion, small sense of, in bedawin, 95
“Punishment of the Grave,” 255

Qadria dervishes, 134

Qala’a es Suri, 53
Qalamun, 48, 154, 317, 318
Qara, 23, 24, 28-34, 245; el Qara, 304
Qasr Dakhl, 40, 56-64, 83, 203, 236, 317; Sheykhs of, 57
„ Dush, 314, 315
„ el ’Aini hospital, 146
„ el Guehda, 32, 315
„ el Jaj Ahmer, 334
„ Farafra, 224-230, 244, 304, 319
„ Lebakha, 136, 137
„ Zaiyan, 32, 305, 314, 315
Qena, 293, 305
Qoreish tribe, 57
Qom el Gennah, 312
Quail, 230, 284
Qway, Hassan Qway, guide, 26, 27, 33, 35, 57, 62, 89, 102-105, 112-114, 123-
125, 132, 134-136, 138, 146-148, 150-152, 154-156, 158-161, 164-179,
182-192, 196-198, 221
Qwaytin Mohammed Said, guide, 199-212, 215-218, 220-222, 224, 225, 228,
231-235, 238, 239, 243, 245

Raba’a, a six-year-old camel, 35

Rabiat, a camel saddle, 33
Rahmania dervishes, 20
Railways, 23, 27, 28
Rain, 98, 291, 310
Rashida, 41, 48-57, 184, 193, 263-265, 317
Rashida, ’omda of, 45, 48-56, 76, 110, 144, 194
Rats, 88, 97, 288-292
Ravens, 284
“Reappearance” of the Senussi Mahdi, 109
Red Sea, 306
Redir, a hollow where rain-water collects, 97, 311
Refar, tribute, 20
Remedies for diseases, 261, 262
Reshaida tribe, 332
Resoling a camel, 35
Results of journeys, 246
Rice, 43
Rim, Loder’s gazelle, 282
Ringworm, 227
Roadh, a clump of bushes in the desert, 215, 311
Roads, caravan, 304-306, 309
Roads, disused, 77, 82, 87, 97, 98, 101, 112, 128, 130, 131, 135, 213, 215,
294, 305, 321
Rockets, use of, 176
Rohlfs, Gerard, 18, 52, 53, 84, 85, 297-299, 304
Rosaries, 186
Rotunda hospital, 146
Royal Geographical Society, 18, 214
Rushwork mats, etc., 314
Rusuf, a form of sand erosion, 28, 202, 308

Safar, an Arab month, 249

Sagia, a wheel for raising water, 75, 145
Sahara, 17
St. Thomas’s hospital, 146
St. Vitus’s Dance, 261
Saj, griddle, 34, 207
Salah Nejem ed Din, Turkish Sultan, 260
Saline land, 41, 229, 244, 280, 294
Salutations, 37
Sand and sand dunes, 18, 21, 31, 32, 36, 47, 48, 75, 77, 80, 82, 84, 85, 96, 97,
115, 127, 136, 203, 220, 221, 223, 225, 235, 236, 244, 246, 247, 262, 263,
293, 294, 299, 300, 302-307, 309, 318
Sand erosion, 28, 29, 202, 204, 216, 224, 308
Sand grouse, 284, 288
Sand storms, 93, 94, 234, 235, 307
Saraf. See Mandal
Sarra well, 296
“Satan’s country,” 47, 81
“Saying the fatha,” a marriage ceremony, 252
Schweinfurth, Prof., 315
Scorpions, 262, 282; charm against, 251, 258; scorpion proof platform, 282
“Seal of Solomon,” 332, 334
Sedis, seven-year-old camel, 35
“Sieving the baby” ceremony, 249, 250
Selima Oasis, 295, 305, 321
Senussia, the Senussi dervishes, 18-20, 25, 40, 60, 106-109, 131-134, 138,
139, 144-149, 154, 156-160, 183, 186, 190, 196-199, 207, 217, 223, 228,
229, 233, 245, 293, 301, 304, 319
Senussi, Sheykh of Mut, 44, 146, 147, 154, 237, 241
Senussi, Sheykh of Smint, 40, 184
Senussi invasion of Egypt, threatened, 106-109, 127
Senussi Mahdi, 106-109
Sha’aban, an Arab month, night of the middle of, ceremonies, 258, 259
Shadhlia dervishes, 109, 133, 182
Shadhly, Sheykh, founder of the Shadhlia, 109, 133
Shaduf, a machine for raising water, 48
Shager ed Durr, a Turkish Sultana, 260
Shebb, 305
Shellala Dehrania, 335
Shem en Nessim, smelling the breeze, an Egyptian feast, 193, 257
Sheykh, a religious or tribal leader
Sheykh Adam, tree of, 48
Sheykh el Afrit. See Magician
Shia Moslems, 256
Shurbuji family, 48
Sickle, toothed, 264
Sidra, Gulf of, 17
Sif, a longitudinal dune, 221, 235
Sight, keenness of, among bedawin, 85, 86, 180
“Silver fish,” 283
Simum, hot wind, 89, 90, 161, 257
Singing of camel drivers, 268-270
Sitra lake, 302, 304, 309
Siwa Oasis, 18, 53, 293, 301, 302, 304, 307, 319
Slave traders, 97, 320
Smint, 38, 146, 241, 317
Smint el Kharab, ruins, 37, 328
Smint, ’omda of, 38, 41
Smoking, 25, 39, 40, 227, 229
Snake bites, 282
Snakes, 251, 282, 283, 286
Snipe, 284
Sofut, a form of sand erosion, 87, 88, 97
Sohag, 305
Sollum, 146
Solomon, King, 54
“Song of the Sands,” 99, 100
Soul, tree with a, 48, 49, 263
Sound, clearness of, in desert, 171
Sparks. See Electricity
Spiders, 282
Spotted fox seen, 281
Statistics, 260, 261, 317-319
Storks, 288
Suleyman Awad, Sheykh, 24-27, 134-136, 148, 149
Sultan of Turkey, 106
Sundial, human, 313
Sunni Moslems, 106
Sunt, acacia
Sunt ’Abd en Nebi, 264
Superstitions, 48, 49, 113, 119, 140, 143, 145, 151, 152, 187, 194, 201, 212,
217, 249-251, 257, 262, 270-279, 286
Surat el Mulk, part of the Koran read after a funeral, 254
Surk, 199
Surveying methods, 86, 219, 223, 224
Sutary, clown, 252
Swallows, 287
Swimming bath, 193
Swing cradles, 260

Tabl beladi, a drum, 252

Tahdir, magician’s medium, 272-279
Taiserbo, 301
Talisman, 142, 143, 263
Taal’at, 105
Tamtam, tambourine, 72
Tar, tambourine, 253
Tarantulas, 282
Tawarek race, 25, 199, 335
Tchonemyris, ruined town, 314
Tea drinking, 39, 261
Temples. See Qasr
Tenida, 37, 157, 185, 241, 283, 303, 305, 317
Tenida, ’omda of, 139, 157, 241
Terfawi, 321
Thenni, four-year-old camel, 35
Thirst, expedients in case of, 170, 171
Thothmes III, 314
Thought transference, 278, 279
Thunderstorm, 99
Tibbus, 208, 210, 236, 295, 298, 301
Tibesti, 17, 109, 207, 210, 299, 301
Tidikelt, 334
Tifinagh, writing of the Tawarek, 25, 330, 334
Tijania dervishes, 20
Tikeru, 131, 296, 298, 299, 306
Tilho, Col., 297, 299, 300, 303, 320, 335
Timbuktu, 199
Tollab, 296-299
Town crier of Mut, 139, 140
Tracking Qway, 164-179
Tracks of cart, 83; of issulla, 285, 286; permanence of, in desert, 83, 87; of
Senussi couriers, 82, 83, 98
Trade winds, 306
Traps, 266-268
Treasure-hunting, 51, 58, 59, 76, 79, 144, 145, 203-223, 279
“Tree of extremity,” 258
Tree with a soul, 48
Tree worship, traces of, 263, 264
Trial of Qway, 187-191, 196
Tripoli, 107, 131, 135, 304
Tuggurt, 302
Tulsim, Talisman
Tumas, 305
Tunis, 21
Tunisian libraries, 19
Tunnelled streets, 313
Turkish revolution, 105, 106, 127
Turks in Kufara, 109
Twat Oases, 302, 330, 334, 335

Ulad ben Miriam tribe, 330

Ulad Mahmud tribe, 330
Um el Atham, 296
Um Shaloba, Mushaluba, 296

Valley of the Bedayat, 303

“Valley of the Mist,” 89, 92, 95, 96, 111, 151, 153, 154
“Valley of the Rat,” 88, 90, 95, 178
Vegetation. See Flora
Veil worn by women, 277
Venereal diseases, 261
Veterinary methods, 76, 204, 205
Viper, 283, 286

Wad Ghirh Oases, 302, 310, 311

„ Igharghar, 301, 302
„ Ighargharen, 301
„ Mihero, 301
„ Saura, 301
Wady Dom, 299
„ el Far. See “Valley of the Rat”
„ el Fardy, 301, 302, 304, 319
„ el Fede, 301
„ el Muluk, 54
„ esh Shabur. See “Valley of the Mist”
„ Howar, 297, 302
 „ Howash, 298
„ Kafut, 297
„ Kobay, 297
„ Ko’or, 302
„ Kuttum, 297, 303
„ Medjoures, 296
„ Meleeat, 297
„ Moghara, 304
„ Natrun, 304
„ Tibbu, 301
Wahatis, natives of the oases, 248
Wakwak islands, 214
Wall paintings, 314
Wanjunga Kebir, 131, 296, 300, 306
Wanjunga Sgheir, 131, 296, 300, 306
Wanjungat, the district containing the above two places
Waran, a large lizard, 285
Washing in the desert, 118
Wasm, tribal camel brand, 24-26, 73, 235, 330-333
Water, action of, in forming depressions, 294
Water tanks, 132, 161-164
“Watermelon” desert. See battikh
Wayta Kebir, 296, 298
Wayta Sgheir, 296, 298
Weather, 92, 98, 99
Wehda. See Qasr el Guehda
Wells. See Cultivation
Wind-blown grass, 96, 97
Wind scoop, 123
Wind shelters, 116, 117
Winds, 97, 299, 300, 306, 307, 310; influence of, in desert, 307-310
Wissa, Dr., 144-146
Wolves, 281, 288
Wood, petrified, 90

Yum Ashura, ceremonies on 10th of Moharrem, 256, 257

Yussef Effendi, tangerine oranges, 49

Zabit, police officer

Zaghawa tribe, 297
Zaiyan. See Qasr
Zawia, monastery, 20
„ at ’Ain Sheykh Murzuk, 225, 230
„ at Hindau, 238
„ at Qasr Dakhl, 40, 60-64, 134, 144, 145, 229, 242
„ at Qasr Farafra, 223, 228, 229
„ at Smint, 40, 154, 184
Zeffet el Arusa, procession of the bride, 252, 253
Zemzemia, water bag, 132
Zerzura Oasis, 51-54, 57, 58, 63, 75, 76, 78, 100, 101, 128, 145, 299, 304
Ziania dervishes, 20, 182
Zoazi tribe, 330
Zodiacal light, 307
Zowia tribe, 330
 FOOTNOTES:

[1]Trifolium Alexandrinum, L.
[2]Medicago Sativa (Lucerne).
[3]An ardeb = 300 lbs.
[4]Peasant of the Nile Valley or oasis.
[5]“The Libyan Desert from Native Information,” R.G.S.J.,
Sept., 1913.
[6]“Travels in the Libyan Desert,” R.G.S.J., Feb., 1912.
[7]“The Farafra Depression and Bu Mungar hattia,” R.G.S.J.,
Nov., 1913.
[8]“The Farafra Depression and Bu Mungar hattia,” R.G.S.J.,
Nov., 1913, pp. 455-461.
[9]“Travels in the Libyan Desert,” R.G.S.J., Feb., 1912.
[10]See R.G.S.J. “The Nature and Formation of Sand Ripples
and Dunes,” March, 1916, pp. 189-209. “Study of a Dune Belt,”
January, 1918, pp. 16-33. Discussion on the latter paper, April,
1918, pp. 250-258.
[11]“Customs, Superstitions and Songs of the Western Oases,”
Cairo, Aug., 1914.
[12]“Irrigation in Dakhla Oasis,” R.G.S.J., Nov., 1917.
[13]“The Geographical Distribution of some Plants from the
Libyan Desert,” Cairo, Oct., 1913.
[14]Calotropis procera.
[15]Malva parviflora, L.
[16]p. 146.
[17]p. 262.
[18]“North American Deserts.” Prof. D. T. MacDougal, R.G.S.J.
Vol. XXXIX, No. 2.
 [19]“Problems in Exploration: Africa.” By F. R. Cana, R.G.S.J.,
Nov., 1911, p. 464.
[20]See also “The Libyan Desert from Native Information,”
R.G.S.J., Sept., 1913.
[21]Hassanein Bey’s observations have shown that Rohlfs’
position for Boema in Kufara is some twenty-five miles in error.
[22]See note on p. 319.
[23]“The Sand Dunes of the Libyan Desert.” By H. L. Beadnell,
R.G.S. Vol. XXXV, p. 383
[24]p. 96.
[25]See p. 90.
[26]“Note sur quelques stations nouvelles, ou peu connu, de
pierres écrites du Sahara,” par M. Q. B. M. Flamand.
[27]Waddington and Hanbury, “Journal of a Visit to some parts
of Ethiopia,” 1882. Published by John Murray, Albemarle Street,
London, 268.
[28]Oric Bates, “Nomad Burials in Marmarica.” “Man,” Vol. XII.
No. 10.
[29]“Note sur quelques stations nouvelles, ou peu connu, de
pierres écrites du Sahara,” par G. M. B. Flamand, p. 9.
[30]Referred to by G. B. M. Flamand, op. cit.
 Transcriber's note:

pg 181 Changed: excessively attentuated to: attenuated

pg 205 Changed: probably ocherous to: ochreous
pg 223 Changed: for my longtitudes to: longitudes
pg 256 Changed: is the anniversay to: anniversary
pg 341 Changed: See Qasr el Gushda to: Guehda
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