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Konrad Raczkowski

Public
Management
Theory and Practice
Public Management
.
Konrad Raczkowski

Public Management
Theory and Practice
Konrad Raczkowski
Institute of Economics
University of Social Sciences
Warsaw, Mazowieckie
Poland

Originally published in Polish with the title “Zarza˛dzanie publiczne. Teoria i praktyka”
published by “Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN (Warsaw), 2015

ISBN 978-3-319-20311-9 ISBN 978-3-319-20312-6 (eBook)


DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-20312-6

Library of Congress Control Number: 2015944976

Springer Cham Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London


# Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission
or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt
from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained
herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made.

Printed on acid-free paper

Springer International Publishing AG Switzerland is part of Springer Science+Business Media


(www.springer.com)
Foreword

The basic indicator of efficient functioning of the state in categories of economy,


production development and systematic increase of citizen’s life quality is efficient,
that is effective, economical and ethical, administration. Americans understand it
well. For many years in their country, there have been the so-called Schools of
Business and Administration consisting of two separate faculties: organisation and
enterprise management science, and organisation and management of administra-
tion. The rule is that a number of basic subjects are taught for both faculties. This
way in theory the administration personnel is well prepared in planning, static and
dynamic structures construction, personnel problems: selection, development, staff
motivation and methods of rational activity control.
Unfortunately, in Europe, we still have the tradition of treating the issue of
administration as political science, and in Poland the subject of administration
organisation is taught in the Faculty of Law. There are also attempts to develop a
science of public management, but unfortunately so far distinguishing management
science as independent discipline consisting of two equivalent parts: business
management and public management do not succeed. This didactic immaturity
and political manipulations in Polish administration led to dissemination of patho-
logical phenomena figuratively referred to as the Four Horsemen of the Bureau-
cracy Apocalypse: Gigantomania, Luxurymania, Corruption and Arrogance of
Authority. Extremely high, more than triple increase of employment in central
apparatus of free market economy in relation to centralised planned economy is a
purely shocking phenomenon, just like 18 ministries, often with numerous deputy
ministers and exceptionally developed internal structure consisting of
20 departments and offices.
Similarly, remarkable is the expansion of the field apparatus through creation of
poviats and the structure of two parallel provincial and the marshal offices in
16 voivodships and in further 33 voivodships the so-called Delegations of Provin-
cial and Marshall Offices. This gigantic expansion took place with simultaneous
far-reaching negligence of the development of modern information technology
equipment. Corruption, unfortunately, is also a phenomenon continuously detected
on a large scale. Revealed abuses in IT investments proved ease of execution, both
by high-level international corporations and national executives. It proved lack of
appropriate methods of organisation preventing from such operations.

v
vi Foreword

Undoubtedly, realisation of all cannons of efficient public management is able to


prevent also this pathology to a large extent. There are also frequent issues of
excessive expenditures for the so-called representation, while arrogance of author-
ity is the topic of a great number of complaints referring to the attitude of tax
authority.
In general, one may claim that knowledge and consequent implementation of the
whole rich repertoire of public management knowledge have the potential to make
our administration more efficient, which now is far from satisfactory. Thus, this is
another indicator of value of Professor Konrad Raczkowski’s work “Public Man-
agement. Theory and Practice”. In my opinion, it is a work of both cognitive and
didactic value with exceptionally rich documentation. Also worthy of recognition is
the broad analysis of the essence of state, due to developing discussion over its
modern role in the European Union, among other things. With satisfaction I
evaluate clarity and readability of language, so important in works of also didactic
character. I believe that the discussed work is also an argument supporting the thesis
of self-empowerment of Organization and Management Science in the mirrored
form of Business Management and Public Management.
A kind of world revelation is author’s collection of opinions on public manage-
ment of 12 Polish Prime Ministers. The fact is that none of them had modern, actual
studies in this field, thus the source of opinion is practice in some cases supported
by business management science. Opinions are interesting. It would be good to
compare them with their practical activities and outcomes. I believe that the
discussed work is undoubtedly very valuable for everyone interested in problems
of organisation and management, and in particular for people working in adminis-
tration to broaden their practical knowledge, while for those studying public
management should be a must.

Krak
ow, Poland Witold Kieżun
Washington, DC
Warsaw, Poland
New York, NY
Preface

Public management is undoubtedly acknowledged area of management science but


too narrowly empirically researched. First, it results from the fact, that until recently
large part of economists has proclaimed views, that the macroeconomic level, equal
to macroorganisational level of national economy, belongs to the area of pure
economics. Second, it results from practice, where the majority of representatives
of economic sciences in the discipline of management have mostly dealt with
macroorganisational level in their research. Thirdly, public management is being
developed also in the Faculties of Law and Administration, which on the one hand
introduces the legal and administrative approach, which broadens possibilities of
scientific generalisations; on the other hand it not always finds a fertile ground in the
more hermetic management science.
Today, it can be said with full responsibility that both macroorganisational
(state) and megaorganisational (global) level can and need to be discussed from
the perspective of the management science. It results both from the development of
international corporations and empirically the existence of global structure of
corporational control confirmed in 2011 by the scientists from Swiss Federal
Institute of Technology in Zurich. It also results from changes on the global
stage, where on the basis of various bilateral or multilateral agreements certain
socio-economic, commercial or intentional communities are created at international
level, with various models of participation, accountability and public management.
Significant in this process is also a fact that realisation of fourth traditionally
understood management function, namely control providing measurement of eco-
nomic and organisational efficiency of operation of state’s institutional system
within the macroorganisation, is possible only in terms of macroeconomics.
Like before, man tried to manage a given tribal community, so today’s public
management is an integral part of the processes of existence or destruction of a
given state. It does not matter if these were despotic, slave, feudal, socialist or
capitalist states with all of its forms—in all of them the better or worse understood
forms of planning, leading and control occurred—from Vatican having 800 citizens,
which is the smallest city-state in the globe to the most populous in the
planet—China, from Democratic Republic of Congo—the poorest state on Earth,
to Qatar, where income per capita is the highest in the world, from Afghanistan,
constantly torn by wars since 1979, to Greenland—autonomic, yet dependent from

vii
viii Preface

Denmark—who has never in history waged a war. At the same time, there are
different management techniques and tools. People in power in the given state try to
introduce such practices, which will allow them to reach their goals. But those
goals, more often achieved by nihilisation of values and disinformation of the
society, very often cater to specific interests of a selected group of people or
corporations. Realisation of common good, at least to ensure respect for the person
as such, prosperity in the sphere of dignified life and peace—characterised by safe
and just order—can more often resemble the provision of partial good, where there
is a conflict of still public goods with the already private ones.
Thus, this book is a proposition of filling the cognitive gap in terms of both
theory and practice. The work consists of six chapters, which were constructed in
such a way that they present the state in chronological order as the main subject of
institutional understanding of the organisation in the context of new institutional
economy. The research methodology included the triangulation of methods, which
combined content analysis and critical overview of subject literature with diagnos-
tic sounding.
According to classical understanding of management by R. W. Griffin, J. A.
F. Stoner, R. E. Freeman and D. R. Gilbert, the focus of research was directed at
analysis of such functions like planning (and decision making), organising, leading
(that is leading the people) and control.
Public management is researched by approaching D. North and O. E.
Williamson’s perspective of new economy treating state as organisation with
formal and informal institutions. Such approach allowed references to various
levels of research of socio-economic organisational processes directed at theoreti-
cally developed management analysis (foreground) and resource allocation mecha-
nism analysis (using J. M. Buchanann’s social choice and public choice theory and
public interest in welfare economics, analysis of institutional environment within
theory of regulation and property right (directing the focus on J. M. Buchanann and
G. Tullock’s efficiency of economic operators and decision collectivism) and
analysis of social environment in formal institutions within social evolution and
change of economic structures during the whole period of political transformation
in Poland, that is since August 1989.
Within quality empirical research of 12 Polish Prime Ministers, conducted in
2012–2013, the nomothetic approach with diagnostic sounding was used. The
interview consisted of six standardised open questions. All questions were addi-
tionally defined each time during an individual interview in a free form, but still
directed at the issue. Depending on the needs of respondents and proper reference to
the discussed issues, the interviews took from 40 min to 3 h and were electronically
registered after receiving the respondents’ consent. In the research procedure,
especially secondary, the method’s drawback regarding limitations of intersubjec-
tive verifiability of information was eliminated by its physical verification in
majoritarian form. At the same time, the knowledge of various political
environments came from the respondents as well as author’s experience from
long-term practice in public organisations allowed to adopt a horizontal concept
of public management.
Preface ix

The main goal of the work is empirical verification of public management


realisation from the perspective of the experience of former Prime Ministers in
Poland.
The main research problem was formulated in questions:
What is the perception of public management from the perspective of the
experience of former Prime Ministers in Poland.
Due to the adopted methodology and institutional understanding of state, the
detailed issues were formulated as questions:

1. What is the perception of state in understanding the organisational form of


society?
2. In what way is the practical planning realised in state management?
3. What is the evaluation of state organisation capabilities in practice?
4. Which elements of state management process should be seen as the most
difficult?
5. What is the perception of evaluation of degree of realisation of own planned
actions in relation to actually undertaken actions?
6. What kind of power and management capabilities does the Prime Minister have
in practice?

Recognition of the problem situation and collected and studied research


materials allowed to adopt the following working thesis:
The perception of public management from the perspective of experience of
Prime Minister is determined by the period of governance and conditioned by
the security of predictable parliamentary majority.
Taking the general character of working thesis into consideration, in the context
of details of adopted issues, the detailed theses were also determined:

T1: State is perceived as the basic and the most effective form of organisation of
society.
T2: Constant search for compromises and decision-making dilemmas regarding
systematic correction of plans are inseparable element of planning process in
public management.
T3: The principle of inertia of public institutions is a major cause of organisational
inefficiency and low evaluation of capabilities of organising the state in practice.
T4: Conflict of interests and lack of motivation are the most difficult areas in state
management.
T5: The degree of realisation of planned actions in relation to actually realised ones
depends on the efficiency of actions of the whole Council of Ministers and the
ability to control the whole management process.
T6: Prime Minister’s scope of power is vast, but strongly determined by the quality
of political party structures and meritorious expert’s support.
x Preface

The first chapter presents the state as the form of organisation of society. It
analyses differences between coping and managing and finally presents new defini-
tion—also within the opposite approaches.
Planning and decision making in public management is a topic of the second
chapter. It presents the essence of planning as the basis of management as such,
decisions and their classifications, and conditions their consequences and change-
ability during the difficult period of political transformation.
The third chapter focuses on the possibility of organisation of state from the
institutional and system perspective. It refers to the Equilibrium Law and new
institutional economy—discusses the order and institutional rules, emphasising the
relation between institution and network connection. It presents the state’s
organisational system and its main models, including multi-level model of man-
agement in European Union.
In the fourth chapter, the management and leading in public organisations is
presented with focus on the approach oriented at intellectual capital on macroorga-
nisational level. The network determinants of public leadership, information and
disinformation in leading process and examples of global leadership crisis were
discussed.
The fifth chapter discusses fourth management function, namely control. Due to
a still erroneous interpretation of basic notions, the effectiveness and efficiency in
control process were presented. The main indexes of control at the macroorgani-
sational level were discussed; finally, the efficiency of diagnosis of the state and
management capability measurement was presented.
The sixth chapter presents the practice of governing and public management. It
includes the characteristics of empirical research with the necessary definition of
main measurements of development of Poland in 1989–2015 congruent with
International Monetary Fund’s GFS methodology. The undoubtedly exceptional
value of this chapter is the presentation of sounding research in analytical and
holistic version—interviews with all Polish Prime Ministers, who governed
between 1989 and 2007. In the global scale, it is the only comparison of consequent
Prime Minister’s perception of the broadly defined public management in a given
state. It regards the state under political transformation, which in general perception
was economically successful, however not without mistakes. Some of them could
have been avoided.
Here I would like to thank all the Polish Prime Ministers, who took part in the
research: Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, Jan Olszewski, Waldemar
Pawlak, Hanna Suchocka, Jozef Oleksy, Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz, Jerzy Buzek,
Leszek Miller, Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz and Jarosław Kaczyński. It
is with regret that, despite numerous invitations, the currently governing Prime
Minister Donald Tusk did not take part in the research, which undoubtedly would
have enriched the whole science and practice and presented broader spectrum of
approaches and management dilemmas in the consequent years of governance.
I would also like to thank my Colleagues from the scientific community, both
national and abroad, for numerous discussions and reviews, which for me were a
source of considerations and further inspirations in works on this book.
Preface xi

Public management has become a normative scientific discipline, which more


than ever requires the search for dynamic efficiency within creative entrepreneur-
ship of public institutions. The economy, then, requires a state, but institutionally
efficient one, which on the one hand will provide a proper allocation of public
resources and on the other hand will increase social utility in all dimensions. Thus, I
hope that this work will be a profound contribution to reflection on the role and
meaning of public management, both scientifically and in practice.
As the author, I take full responsibility for the book’s imperfections, which I
have certainly not avoided, and ask the Respected Readers for understanding and
constructive criticism.

Warsaw, Poland Konrad Raczkowski


ThiS is a FM Blank Page
Contents

1 State as a Special Organisation of Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1


1.1 Notion and Origins of the State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 State According to Social Teachings of the Church . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.3 Tasks for State as the System of Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.4 Governance Versus Public Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
2 Planning and Decision Making in Public Management . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.1 The Essence of Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.2 Decisions and Their Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.3 Decision Making in Conditions of Certainty, Risk
and Uncertainty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
2.4 Heterogeneous Knowledge in Strategic Planning and Decision
Making . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
2.5 Planning and Decision Making in Political Transformation . . . . . . 38
2.6 Institutional Development Planning on Local Government
Level (IDP Method) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
3 State Organisation for Institutional and Systemic Perspective . . . . . 55
3.1 Dynamic Equilibrium of Organised Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
3.2 New Institutional Economy and State Organisation . . . . . . . . . . . 58
3.3 Virtual Social Structure in Actual State Organisation . . . . . . . . . . 62
3.4 Organisational Social System of the State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
3.5 Role of Non-governmental Organisations in the State . . . . . . . . . . 68
3.6 Main Models of State Organisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
3.7 Models of Organisation of Unitary States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
3.8 Organisation of Multilevel Management in European Union . . . . . 87
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
4 Managing and Leading in Public Organisations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
4.1 Managing the Intellectual Capital in Public Organisation . . . . . . . 99
4.2 Leadership in Network-Dominated Public Sphere . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

xiii
xiv Contents

4.3 Global Crisis of Public Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111


4.4 Information and Disinformation: Key Tools of State
Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
5 Control and Its Regulative Function in Public Management . . . . . . 127
5.1 Efficiency and Effectiveness in Control Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
5.2 Control as Management Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
5.3 Main Indexes of Global Control of Competitiveness,
Entrepreneurship and Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
5.4 Diagnosing Efficiency of State as Organisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
5.5 Management Capability Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
6 Governance and Public Management Practice in Poland . . . . . . . . . 153
6.1 Synthetic Characteristic of Empirical Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
6.2 Prime Ministers About Managing the State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
6.2.1 Tadeusz Mazowiecki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
6.2.2 Jan Krzysztof Bielecki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
6.2.3 Jan Olszewski . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
6.2.4 Waldemar Pawlak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
6.2.5 Hanna Suchocka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
6.2.6 Jozef Oleksy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
6.2.7 Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
6.2.8 Jerzy Buzek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
6.2.9 Leszek Miller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
6.2.10 Marek Belka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
6.2.11 Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
6.2.12 Jarosław Kaczyński . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Definitional determination of the term public management in


public governance system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Fig. 2.1 Planning perspective in public management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Fig. 2.2 General model of planning in strategic management of EU
states . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Fig. 2.3 Decision-making style models . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . 29
Fig. 2.4 Model of ethical behaviour, decision-making and accompanyin
emotions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Fig. 3.1 Dynamic equilibrium model of organisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Fig. 3.2 Scopes of organisational participation of members of virtual
organisations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Fig. 3.3 Organisational model of state’s social system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Fig. 3.4 G20 group states with highest qualitative and quantitative
think-tank base in the world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Fig. 3.5 System structure of state organisation in tripartite division of
authority . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Fig. 3.6 System structure of state organisation in real division of
authority . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Fig. 3.7 Modern model of tetrarchy in management in unitary state . . . . . . 83
Fig. 3.8 Postulated model of harmonic triad in democratic state
management in twenty-first century . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . 85
Fig. 3.9 Administrative units of legal and institutional frameworks of EU
member states . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
Fig. 3.10 General system of multilevel management in the European
Union (real approach) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Fig. 4.1 Leadership skills according to J. C. Collins and J. I. Porras . . . . . . 113
Fig. 4.2 Basic communication processes of misinforming recipient in
state governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Fig. 5.1 Dependency among technical, production and allocative
effectiveness . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . 128
Fig. 5.2 Control system in public management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

xv
xvi List of Figures

Fig. 5.3 Modified and supplemented McKinsey’s 7S model for the


state—characteristics of the organization . .. . .. . .. . .. .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . 140
Fig. 6.1 Daily GDP in million $ for each Prime Ministers of Poland . . . . . 157
Fig. 6.2 The growth of public debt during the governments of Prime
Ministers in Poland (billions PLN) . . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . 157
Fig. 6.3 The percentage change in the inflation rate during the governments
of Prime Ministers of the Republic of Poland .. . .. .. . .. . .. . .. .. . .. . 158
List of Tables

Table 1.1 Opposite definitions of public management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15


Table 2.1 Methods and techniques of multiple criteria decision making
(MCDM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Table 2.2 Hierarchical value of compromise in decision making . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Table 2.3 Washington Consensus recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Table 3.1 Selected list of economic institutional effectiveness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
Table 3.2 Historically developed typology of states . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Table 3.3 Opportunities and threats in multilevel management model in
the European Union . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
Table 4.1 Intellectual capital model in public sphere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Table 4.2 System for measuring the intellectual capital in Finland . . . . . . . . . 104
Table 4.3 Strengths, myths and reality of leadership in public sector . . . . . . 107
Table 4.4 Metaphorical illustration of the apparent territorial boundaries
in global world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Table 4.5 Official revenue of political leaders in selected states
in 2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Table 4.6 Selected examples of political leadership crisis in the world . . . . 116
Table 5.1 Basic differences among managerial control, internal audit and
internal control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
Table 5.2 Pillars of the global competitiveness index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
Table 5.3 Check-list of the factors underlying the analysis of the state to
implement the strategy (the comments and evaluation on the
example of Poland) . .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. . .. .. . .. . 142
Table 5.4 Resulting characteristics of efficiency of the state (Poland) . . . . . 147
Table 5.5 Management Capability Index for public and private
organisations . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Table 6.1 Characteristics of interviewed Prime Ministers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
Table 6.2 Selected economic indicators for Poland in the years
1989–2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
Table 6.3 Pearson correlations between GDP, inflation, unemployment in
annual terms for the years 1989–2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
Table 6.4 Determination of the main perception of the Prime Ministers of
the Republic of Poland in the years 1989–2007 in the field of
management of the state . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
xvii
State as a Special Organisation of Society
1

1.1 Notion and Origins of the State

The initial frameworks of the state in the form of tribal organisations, with clearly
outlined role of each entity as well as social group, were marked with some kind of
budding. The city-states formed in ancient Mesopotamia or Athens usually
consisted of up to several thousands of citizens and a similar number of slaves.
When the population of a given city-state has grown and became a threat to the
tribal structure, the division turned out necessary. This way a part of citizens of then
over-populated city was indirectly forced to migrate and establish a new, similar
form of social organisation. This way many city-states in the east area of Mediter-
ranean Sea were formed. In the initial period they did not maintain any economic or
cultural contacts. They kept only formal relationships, more or less dependent.
They were closed, but self-sufficient. If they were not able to achieve self-
sufficiency, they had to fall, disappear or spontaneously resolve. Later such formed
city-states were forced to open to the world. A step towards it was the possibility of
conducting mutual trade. Athens were the first to realise the benefits of trade, which
led to its improvement by building a harbour, in consequence revealing a new
merchant class (wealthy and influential people). Athens, conducting trade with the
colonies and other city-states accumulated not only economic benefits. Through the
possibility of the flow of the goods, and in particular information and knowledge,
people started to question the authority of tribal sages, who in the new situation saw
more threats than advantages. This way the obvious conflicts of interests of the new
social class (merchants and traders) and leaders or chiefs took place. It was the
beginning of creation of open society, which from today’s perspective can be called
democratic. The main assumption of the concept was the belief in the freedom of
the individual and the human community as freemen (Brzostek 2011).
The characteristic feature of a vast part of social and economic organisations in
classical period of antiquity was a hierarchy of social groups and states. Members of
such communities “reserved the right or prohibition to deal with certain material or
non-material activities, depending on whether by birth they belonged or not to the

# Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 1


K. Raczkowski, Public Management, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-20312-6_1
2 1 State as a Special Organisation of Society

local community, linking the city and countryside, agricultural and urban activities.
The hierarchy of states created a social form, where a certain division of work
developed and material production was realised. The hierarchy was a form of social
relationships of productions, since it functioned like them, though directly it served
other functions” (Godelier 2012, p. 228, translated).
Also in Athens, in particular in colony city-states formed by it, a special
attention was paid to the possession of the land. Thus agriculture, which provided
the citizen’s prosperity, was highly valued. Other forms of activity, like trade or
crafts, were less respected, both in terms of material and social status. Other
services were often reserved for foreigners or even slaves, who were forced to do
it to survive. Simply citizens without a land were not respected (Godelier 2012).
State meant the governance tool through which signore of a given human
gathering (city) tried to control the groups of people living there (Sutor 1994). It
can be defined as a synonym of political community, where human natural and
rational reality is directed at a certain common good (Maritain 1993). At the same
time “(. . .) each country, to fulfil its task, promotes a certain basic style of being. It
is based on the set of ideas adopting through its advocates a character of social
norms expressed to some degree in the form of legal norms. It shows, that each
statehood is in some sense of ideocratic character” (Zieliński 2011, p. 19, trans-
lated). The connotations of state’s ideology may be of various character—from
religious to tyrant (idea in the form of tyranny) (Zieliński 2011). It is assumed, that
the term “state” (la stato) comes from modern Italian and contains borrowing from
Latin (statio). To simplify it greatly, la stato means a kind of establishment and
existence of something taking such forms, which decide about the structure of
authority. The author of this term in N. Machiavelli. By describing the connections
among various political systems, he gave the term a universal character
(Ziołkowska 2009).
Aristotle (2005) believed, that the state is a community of family welfare and
aggregation of families due to possibility of perfect satisfaction of own needs and
self-sufficiency of life.
Rothbard (2009) states, that by state we should understand such specific
organisation in society, which receives its revenue by coercion, not voluntary
payment. At the same time “state is that organization in society which attempts to
maintain a monopoly of the use of force and violence in a given territorial area”
(Rothbard 2009, p. 16). No state has ever been created by a social contract, but
through conquest and exploitation.
Oppenheimer (1926) by state understood the organisation of political resources.
He believed, that no state can be created before economics have created a sufficient
number of objects to satisfy its needs. Then the state can appropriate the economic
goods (also through war robberies).
State can also be defined as “a collection of organised institutions, in some sense
coherent or interlinked, so that we have the right to briefly describe the functioning
of these institutions in uniform terms” (Dunleavy 1998, p. 777, translated). At the
same time functioning of such institutions regards a certain territory, where the
1.1 Notion and Origins of the State 3

society has isolated itself, and people themselves set the public domain of activity
(Dunleavy 1998).
The state is undoubtedly the “territorial and political institution, which with the
use of its organs and legal and economic system and system of international
relations creates optimum conditions for civilisation development of a given soci-
ety” (Osiński 2005, p. 251, translated).
Mill (2004) believes, that government can be a good organisation—by
representing a part of good features of the society (e.g. intelligence, virtue) existing
in its members for managing common issues (which are in the interest of the whole
society).
According to Bastiat (2009, p. 11), “state is a great fiction, through which
everyone tries to live at the expense of others”. Motivating the definition further,
Bastiat states that the state “consists of ministers, officials, in a word people, who—
as everyone—carry in their hearts a desire, that their wealth and influences grow,
and eagerly catch each opportunity to. The state learns quickly how to benefit from
the role the society has given to it. It will be the arbiter, the master of all aspirations.
Will take a lot, so it will receive quite a lot. Will multiply the legions of their
officials, and broaden the scope of its prerogatives. In consequence it will reach
overwhelming sizes” (Bastiat 2009).
“Organisation, which controls the population living in a given territory we call a state, as
long as:

(a) it is separated from other organisations acting in the same territory,


(b) is autonomous,
(c) is centralised,
(d) its parts are formally coordinated” (Tilly 1975, p. 70).

We can also say “the state is a territorial and political institution, which, using the legal and
economic system and system of international relations effectively creates optimal
conditions for civilisation development of a given society” (Osiński 2011, p. 655,
translated).

In the functional sense, the state is a necessity in a certain phase of searching for
the organisation, which can be called national, determined by a system of structures
(Wojakowski 2011).
“Nation state is important not only as a basic pillar of global order, but also as a factor
deciding about the fate of the nation and the citizens. In each of the disciplines of social life
the role of state organisation seems to be the key one—is the basis of political rationality”
(Kamiński and Stefanowicz 2011, p. 195, translated).

Modern states are the highest form of political life of a given nation, developing
national features of the society (both good and bad ones). The nation in turn is or
should be the actual subject of governance. The state, as the organisation with
specific territory and legal and institutional system, is a natural complement to the
nation, which in turn creates the community of life, system of values or common
language. The society of a given state identifies with specific national ideas, has the
ability of collective integration, a distortion of which may be dichotomous
4 1 State as a Special Organisation of Society

recognition of extreme or dissimilar concepts—which leads to disintegration and


conflicts (Łastawski 2009). In its nature, the state should strive for satisfying the
vital national interests, especially within maintaining sovereignty and territorial
integrity, maintaining political stability, enriching cultural identity and providing
the citizens with optimal conditions of life (Łastawski 2009).
On the other hand, modern state is characterised by greater transnationality,
possibilities of managerial governance and diversification. Often the norms and
external networks of the state influence its structure, so by contestation or support of
specific behaviour patterns and actions it is forced to process of permanent recon-
figuration (Le Galès 2014).

1.2 State According to Social Teachings of the Church

Justification of existence of a state by Catholic teachings of the Church was


included in the Bible (New Testament), thus it is connected with God’s plan.
“The political shape given to people on Earth by Jehovah is thus desired for their
gaining the goods and thus achieving spiritual goals” (Kozerska 2005, p. 71,
translated; compare Sadowski 1999).
The state according to social teachings of the Church is recognised as the highest
form of organisation of society, having its bases in natural law and directed at
building the earthly prosperity on the basis of created law and authority (Hoffner
1992). Thus the state is the highest form of existence and its aim should be
achievement of common good (Skorowski 2007). The state is also a developed
structure of organs of authority, both at central and local level. This structure can be
uniform or compiled of divided entities of autonomous character, whose aim is the
realisation of public interest (Szafrański 2008). Depending on whether the formal or
material character of common good is assumed in the teachings of Catholic Church,
the intention or specific action can be interpreted in such way. In the formal sense,
this is a kind of intent directed at maximum development being a sum of “social life
conditions, which make reaching own perfection more fully and easily by either
associations or each member of the society” (Konstytucja Duszpasterska o Kościele
w świecie wsp ołczesnym 1965, p. 26, translated). It is associated with respect for a
person (enabling e.g. development), providing social prosperity (providing with
access to basic goods), guarantee of safety to all members of society (Szafrański
2008). Common good in material sense relates to full development of a person by
dedicated social, legal and organisational solutions. The duty of permanent provi-
sion of common good in the material concept is supported by public government
(Szafrański 2008).
Thomas Aquinas claimed that it is human rational nature coming from God,
which creates in him the need of collective life and subjection to power (Thomas
Aquinas 1999). He claimed, after Aristotle, that the state is a natural consequence of
organisation necessary for a human. It is a self-sufficient and perfect community of
people. It is worth to point out, that to Aristotle politics is nothing else than social
ethics. It means, that whether the given political system will not be distorted
depends from adequate virtues (Jan Paweł II 2005).
1.2 State According to Social Teachings of the Church 5

Pope Pious XI believed, that the person form birth is a part of society, in which
he has the ability to fulfil his aims. He identified state with accordant group of
people, and happiness of society with prosperity of the state (Kozerska 2005). He
compared the state to a body, where “the whole body joined and held together by
every supporting ligament, with the proper functioning of each part, brings about
the body’s growth and builds itself up in love” (Pious XI 2002, p. 60, translated). As
the main purpose of the state, Pious XI lists providing peace and security to its
citizens. Responsibility for realising the goal is naturally associated with rulers,
whose task is to enable individual citizens and their families to use the generally
applicable laws, as well as achieve prosperity in both the spiritual and material
realm (Kozerska 2005). The Pope also postulated that the legal and economic
systems established by the authority in the given state should appeal to morality
resulting from the theological sciences. In order to ensure peace, the rulers of the
state should have the ability to protect the society in the given territory against the
aggression and external threats. Thus the political power should select and train
appropriate staff of both public servants and public officials (especially the mili-
tary). It can be pointed out, that the teachings of Pious XI in a way referred to the
modern welfare economy, since he emphasised, that the rulers’ duty is to provide
prosperity to the individual and the society. He emphasised, that social exclusion of
the majority of society threatens the bases of existence of the state itself, where
people brought against the wall will forcibly seek the political upheaval. He also
noticed that state’s excessive interference in all spheres of public or private life is
unlawful; he, however accepted the one that is necessary. Pious XI recommended
that the states should care for their independence, the guarantee of which requires
from the citizens to perform their duties towards the given nation. To fulfil the
condition of independence and providing the citizens with common welfare—
according to the Pope—mental, moral and physical culture are necessary (Kozerska
2005).
Saint Augustine of Hippo distinguished a dichotomous division into “God’s
state” (civitas Dei), to which virtuous people and the dead should be included,
and “Satan’s state” (civitas diaboli) with earthly sinners and the dead sentenced to
condemnation. In the earthly state (civitas terrena) according to St. Augustine there
are two kinds of states: God’s and Satan’s. At the same time the philosopher
justifies, that the state was created as a result of human sinful nature (Śmiałowski
2011).
The state discussed by Saint Augustine, Martin Luther and John Calvin in the
so-called Augustinian trend is strictly related to the authority of Christ and Church.
Although each of those three representatives of the trend valued the expression of
the voice of God by Church differently, they shared the theology of grace talking
about human inability and all-powerful God (condemning or salvaging). St. August-
ine, Luther, and Calvin believed that the state cannot make people truly good and its
role boils down to regulation of external behaviours, which will provide the citizens
with an agreeable life. They agreed, strongly emphasizing the view, that the state
needs strong power coming directly from God and temporarily assigned to earthly
ruler. They believed that maturity of the society and its moral condition decides,
6 1 State as a Special Organisation of Society

whether the given emperor is a gift from God or a consequence of population’s sin
under his governance. The governance in Augustinian trend has to prevent human
tendency to aggression, egoism or desire, which are the result of the original sin.
The essence of such governance is use of coercion to secure the rule of law and
public order. The punishment was the necessary condition of maintaining public
order and its application was associated with a conviction that sinful human nature
will lead to unlawfulness, if there will not be appropriate sanctions (Szczech 2006).

1.3 Tasks for State as the System of Institutions

In the modern world the majority of states do not have a homogeneous national
system alienated from global economy. More and more often they are a component
of integrative grouping of states in globalised world within a specified customs,
trade, economic or monetary union. Thus the public interest of nationalistic states
may force the need of justified departing from the freedoms of the internal market
(usually basic purpose of existence of a given union) for protection of own interests
realised by own institutions of both formal and informal character. State’s
institutions are to provide a kind of public goods. From the economic point of
view those should include the goods with two features: firstly, their consumption is
non-rival, secondly—there are no efficient method of excluding the stakeholders
(citizens) from those goods (Stiglitz 2004).
“Even if all poverty and social exclusion will be eliminated, that is whole
population of a given country will be middle class, there still will be the need for
institution allowing the individual to buy insurance protection and instruments
allowing redistribution in its life cycle. Although the private institutions are often
efficient, they face predictable problems, while attempt of coping with them inevi-
tably entails the state’s intervention” (Barr 2010). Firstly, it results from the fact,
that the private institutions are focused on achieving the biggest profitability in their
economic activity, and the responsibility or the so-called corporate social responsi-
bility is a marginal addition, not the other way round. Secondly, shoving formal
markers of democracy in the form of free election, apparently free and independent
press or division of authority does not mean, that the political power is evenly
spread. On the contrary, it is concentrated in the political and business system,
which contributes to the state’s institutional system serving the interest of elites to a
certain degree (Herrera and Martinelli 2013). This also means, according to
P. Barberis’ research (2012), that state and private institutions have more and
more complex relationships within all kinds of dependencies, and what it
entails—possibilities of creating new tasks or realisation of entrusted goals. On
the other hand, B. Bozeman (2013) adds, that in some cases some formally state
institutions can be more private, than economic institutions, and the other way
round. At the same time he adds that all organisations, both private and public, are
under influence of external political power and external economic organs.
1.3 Tasks for State as the System of Institutions 7

To tasks of the state as an institution Osiński (2011) includes:

(a) providing security (in all of its dimensions),


(b) possibility of representing various social interests within different state
structures,
(c) state performing the role of mediator—ability to reconcile opposite claims
within parliaments and other representative institutions,
(d) creating bases and strengthening development of civil society with open
political discourse,
(e) conducting various forms of social securities and social care for own
citizens,
(f) performing state market interventions according to public interest
(as endeavours to reach state and market synergy),
(g) guaranteeing social peace—especially by efficient legal systems and
justice,
(h) supporting human capital development by knowledge-based society,
(i) positive support of globalisation process in international order,
(j) performing owner’s functions in the state as the basic economic
(Osiński 2011).

The tasks realised by the state are always to some extent dictated by political and
economic factors and do not always contribute to performing functions expected by
the governing and managing people (Fromm 2012). One cannot give the fatalist
arguments, that the influence of politics is out of reach of politicians. In the actions
of actual power one cannot see either the ability of centralised actions in a
democratic state. One needs to remember, that the tasks of a state in the institutional
system are determined by the fact, that (Cairney 2012):

(a) Public institutions have intermittent balance and limited rationality—the


vast majority of public sector problems is ignored and decision makers can
focus only on one or at most a few most important issues, while the political
instability and political struggle distracts attention from important ones.
(b) Cognitive ability of decision makers is limited and very often in the
developed and created policies is based on the trial and error strategy. It
rarely leads to radical change of politics (since it is politically expensive).
(c) The realisation of new policies is often the consequence of mistakes and
negligence in the previous one.
(d) The political parties take and inherit large liabilities towards the electorate,
which requires responsibility in further realisation of promises.
(e) Multi-level structure and de facto lack of central decision maker in the
democratic system requires mutual adjustment, cooperation and
consultations.
(f) Historical shape of institution introduces dependency and does not always
motivate to necessary changes in new and often costly policies.
8 1 State as a Special Organisation of Society

(g) Carelessly developed legislation often generates bureaucracy and lack of


success in introducing changes, which results in lack of decisions, routine
approach or excess of procedures.
(h) Crisis situation, breakdowns and shocks are the driver of changes in
politicians’ way of thinking and acting. On the other hand, the ideas may
contribute to undermining the paradigms of policy changes and ideas—to
promoting change and consequently solving the problem.
(i) Change of each policy requires publicising the given problem and devoting
proper attention by providing available and adequate solutions.
(j) The change of government does not cause the expected quantitative
changes in policy, since large number of decisions may be out of given
minister’s capabilities. Policy is often made by small, trusted and
specialised technical and political entities, whose actions are not parti-
cularly exposed.

Undoubtedly, for the tasks of the state in the institutional system to be realised
efficiently and effectively, they need to form (each one separately and through their
members collectively) a type of charismatic organisation, which has social capital
on a high level. At the same time, the core of such organisation should be based on:

(a) motivation-based mission,


(b) possibility of creating an organisational culture,
(c) making decisions supported by data, information (and in consequence
knowledge),
(d) introducing intentional innovations,
(e) real selection of such people to manage, who will be able to create an
interpersonal contact network and realise common good,
(f) important communicates,
(g) active range of influence,
(h) expressive participation (inclusion in the entire process) (Sagawa and
Jospin 2008).

The state not realising efficiently its duties becomes weak, namely the one, that
“still has potential to execute its own decisions in the external and internal environ-
ment, but in a given moment is not able to do it. Potential power of a weak state can
turn into actual power, if it manages to form more efficient administrative and
institutional system. However, if the state’s organisation becomes so weak, that it
irrevocably loses such degree of own sovereignty, which is necessary for realising
the basic good, it stops being a state and disposes of the precedent goal of every
statehood” (Krawczyk 2012).
Modern state within the institution system often transforms into a formation full
of paradoxes and ambivalent at the same time. On the one hand, it is still develop-
ing, on the other hand is susceptible to loss of steering. The indicators of pseudo
power of nationalistic state are growth of bureaucratic structures, administration of
public sector, using circulars and internal legal interpretations with flimsy legal
1.4 Governance Versus Public Management 9

bases in practical functioning of public administration (so-called quasi-legislation),


new populism or ideology of discourse of state power. Simultaneously, there are
constant antagonist processes: privatisation, deregulation, disposing of state
organs’ sovereignty in relation to internal and external dimension (Iwuski 2012).
The tasks of the state will be changing and adjusting to market requirements,
economic capability, international situation and level of innovativeness. To a large
extent, the number and quality of performed tasks within separate functions of the
state, both internal and external, will be determined by responsibility of political
class governing in the given moment, potential, and citizens’ ability to articulate
their needs.

1.4 Governance Versus Public Management

The word governance (Greek kubernḗsis—leading, directing) can be already found


in Plato, who described the system of government formation. Currently, this term
can be defined as “power over formal and informal rules of political game.
Governance refers to those media, which are associated with determination of the
principles of governance and conflict resolution, whose source those rules may be”
(Kjær 2009, p. 11, translated). From the institutional point of view, governance is
the possibility of influencing the general structures, where the politics takes place
and all the citizens function within more or less shaped civic society (March and
Olsen 1995).
The World Bank’s definition says that governance is “the institutional capacity
of public institutions to provide goods demanded by citizens of a given state or their
representatives in an efficient, transparent, impartial and responsible manner
depending on the restrictions resulting from access to resources” (Attacking Pov-
erty 2000).
Rose and Miller (1992) lean toward the opinion that governance is a
problematising act. “The ideals of governance are inherently linked to the problems
on which they focus, defects they are trying to fix, diseases they are trying to cure.
In fact the history of governance can be written as the history of problematizing”
(Walters and Haahr 2005). At the same time, in the case of the European Union we
can and should rather talk about management than governance, if we acknowledge
the fact, that it regards the lack of hierarchy and full sovereignty of the states,
non-hierarchical system of political negotiations, administrative structures and
regulations, which are to facilitate the decision-making and conflict solving process
(Ruszkowski 2007).
Next to modern governance there also has been developing a pre-scientific, but
practical management directed at rationalisation of organised activities. Even
before our era it regarded three domains: governance and administration, military
and joint staff organisations, and socio-economic perspective. Later, in the Middle
Ages and the period of trade development, new rationalising techniques appeared,
mostly in unverified form. In the era of industrial development supervision and
coercion dominated, which through economic development needed to improve the
10 1 State as a Special Organisation of Society

production cycle and required management. Only by the end of the nineteenth
century the beginnings of scientific approach to organisation and governance were
born (Lachiewicz and Matejun 2012), and the very conceptions of governance
developed particularly strongly in the twentieth century.
The reform of public sector aimed at improving its efficiency and the quality of
services was initiated more than 30 years ago (the turn of the 1970s and 1980s of
the twentieth century) in Great Britain and the United States. Its goal was the
greatest marketization of public sector using the private sector management
models. In quite a short time it was announced that the new conception is called
New public management—NPM (Zalewski 2006). Characteristic for this approach
are (Alonso et al. 2013):

(a) introducing larger competition in public sector,


(b) increasing efficiency by cost reduction and increase of activity scale
(downsizing),
(c) introducing practices from private sector to public sector,
(d) replacing expenditure control with results control,
(e) decentralisation related to delegating managerial responsibilities to lower
levels of management,
(f) creating new agencies on the basis of disaggregation of centralised
bureaucracies,
(g) separating buyers from suppliers,
(h) client orientation,
(i) separating political decisions from direct public process management
(at the same time it is the most difficult to realise aim of NPM).

Public management is researched and developed mostly on the basis of theory


of: organisation and management, public change management and new institutional
economy (with large reference to the theory of public choice developed within this
theory). Also important are economic analyses, especially in behavioural economy
or behavioural finances.
Fra˛czkiewicz-Wronka (2009) and Sudoł (2007a) rightly noticed, that scientific
augmentation of this sub-discipline is much broader than reference to theory of
management, economics and political science, since it requires not only research in
functioning of public sector, but also possibility of catering to social needs or
optimising actions from the perspective of efficiency. Therefore, Kożuch (2005)
emphasises the reference of public management to direction at realising public
interest, creating public values or optimal use of possibilities of organised actions. It
should research the ways and scope of uniform actions, which provide proper
determination of goals and their realisation (Kożuch 2006). Those goals, their
availability and ability to reach them should be discussed in the perspective of
praxeological model of action, taking into account the balance of funds, personnel
and property. Actions in public management have to be most of all efficient, which
means, that they should be both effective and economical, balance the material and
moral costs (Kieżun 2011). At the same time improvement of organisational
1.4 Governance Versus Public Management 11

effectiveness of that sector each time needs acknowledging the needs specified in
the election procedure and context conditions of actions (Fra˛czkiewicz-Wronka
2010). Therefore, sound is W. Kickert’s (2011) position that the reforms of public
sector are a big problem, which to be solved requires coordination and leadership.
However, central coordination in public management is restricted by various
decentralised entities.
In this regard—whether we are dealing with governance or management—an
interesting terminological proposition is the Galicek’s opinion, who proposed the
term managerial executive for the government. It manifests through centralised
executive management (executive authority), organised functionally with well-
developed staff responsible in particular for state’s finances and planning, and
who is supported by active citizens (Van Riper 1990). Such approach is associated
with the fact, that undoubtedly in reference to unitary state, where the Prime
Minister plays deciding role, each of members of the government can be assigned
a foreground roles in governing and managing the departments they lead. In this
sense, the Member of Parliament can be a manager with crucial role in creating
democratic results of functioning of each programme, where effective management
is a surplus necessary for compensating the higher decision costs in democracy
(Meier 2010).
One should fully agree with Talbot (2010), that the period of more than three
decades is a revolution in terms of managing the public sector and directing the
governments of each state to increase in efficiency. The promotion of effectiveness
and reducing the role and significance of the government, also through “slimming
down” the administration and cutting the expenses, was meant to be a panacea for
good governance and management in different parts of the world. Use of such
practices, like efficiency measurement, control and audit, was to guarantee achieve-
ment of intended goals. Disaggregation, decentralisation and outsourcing of
services were encouraged. Increase in quality of services and introducing new IT
solutions in e-administration was rightly followed. Sometimes the solutions from
private sector were literally copied to public one, introducing elastic work hours,
recruitment and carrier path based on organisation’s professionalism and needs,
instead of only formal rules. In addition, the trade unions were strongly
marginalised (Massey and Pyper 2005).
The aim of such approach was and still is to remove the bureaucratic barriers,
which generate too high transaction costs of creating and strengthening cohesion in
economic and public dimension. However, low level of social capital or creating
too much time-consuming methods of coordination do not facilitate it. More often
they lead to improving the methods and techniques of navigating among the
complicated procedures and regulations or creating lobby groups oriented at other
goals than common good (Woźniak 2011).
Miller (2012) states that there is a need for scientific research, which will show
the capabilities of exchangeable use, both in private and public sector, of manage-
ment techniques, achieving efficiency and effectiveness, researching reforms of the
whole public sector, efficiency management or broader use of public choice theory.
It is true. Nevertheless, we cannot agree, that it would be right to completely
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men had come to Tatuin, the most southerly station, to purchase
corn.
Whether they might not have again left he did not know, but at any
rate there was a chance for me. Relays of horses and an escort
should be at my disposal whenever I desired them; but he hoped I
would stay over the morrow, that I might meet the officers.
The garrison at this military post consists of a company of infantry,
a squadron of cavalry, and a small detachment of artillery. The
soldiers are lodged in large airy barracks, and the officers have
comfortable quarters in new buildings.
There are no women within the camp, therefore all domestic
service is performed by soldiers, who act as cooks and
chambermaids. The officers form themselves into committees for the
control of supplies, and at their table one dines remarkably well, as I
had occasion to verify that same evening.
Lieutenant Henry introduced me to his mess. There I met most of
the messmates of Gabés, and we renewed acquaintance to the clink
of glasses.
After dinner we adjourned to the military club, where we met all
the officers of the garrison, both young and old.
Next morning Lieutenant Henry accompanied me to the Ksar. We
first ascended the minaret, from which we had a beautiful view over
the town and plain. Then we visited the various groups of houses,
with their vaulted gables and remarkable steps to the upper storeys.
These steps were merely stones projecting here and there from the
wall for the convenience of those who wished to climb up. Several of
the groups of houses clustered so closely together, and leant so
much the one upon the other in endless confusion, that it was
extremely difficult to find one’s way through the labyrinth.
MEDININ.

By a narrow opening, so low that we had to pass through with


bowed heads, we arrived in a courtyard, emerging thence by a larger
opening like a gateway, built as a defence. Through loop-holes in the
sides, a severe fire might be kept up on an attacking enemy.
In a few of the outer walls overlooking the plain I noticed the same
loop-holes; but defence is supposed to be maintained from the roofs,
or rather from the central building.
It surprised me not to see more men about; but my cicerone
explained that nearly all the inhabitants had sallied out on the 20th of
this month, and had gone towards Moktar and the Tripolitan frontier
nearest the sea, to follow their agricultural pursuits.
There they live in tents—first to sow, later to watch their fields,
and finally to gather the harvest; not returning until the month of June
the following year. Then they bring home the harvest, and store the
products in the Ksar, which thus becomes what it is intended for—a
great fortified granary.
At the time of my visit, there remained in the Ksar only about a
couple of hundred men, who were merely left to guard the houses.
The place looks quite different in the month of July, when some
one thousand five hundred or two thousand men arrive and pitch
their tents above the Ksar; they depart again in October, after they
have stored the barley, wheat, maize, “sorghum,” beans, and millet.
The inhabitants belong to the Berber tribe of “Tuasin,” and number
some fifty thousand souls, dwellers in the Ksar and on the plain.
They possess at least the same number of camels, a couple of
thousand asses and twenty thousand sheep, from which it may be
gathered that the greater portion are nomads, rather than dwellers in
the oasis. In fact, they care little for their plantations.
In the groves near the Ksar grow palm, olive, and fig trees, also a
few pomegranates, peaches, and apricots; but they are ill tended,
and produce but poor crops.
The mode of life of the inhabitants and their perpetual feuds with
the tribes on their frontier have caused them to develop into a brave
and warlike people. Every man owns a firearm, which he does not
hesitate to use on the slightest pretext. If hardly pushed, he flies to
his fortress with all his possessions and cattle—there he is in safety.
It is natural that the Turks in Tripoli should regard with mistrust the
French occupation of Tunisia, which they have never consented to
recognise; and on that account have never been disposed to have
the frontier defined. To this day it remains undetermined, perpetual
frontier conflicts being the result; for the tribes on either side still look
on the country, as they have always done, as their own to dispose of
according to their will and pleasure; and, as hitherto, prefer to settle
disputes in their own way. But the French occupation of Metamer,
Medinin, and Tatuin has been of no small service in bringing about
peace and quiet in these regions.
The northern side of the frontier is especially desert and barren,
consisting only of interminable sandhills destitute of vegetation.
South of this are far-stretching steppes, seldom trodden by human
foot, and over which a deathlike silence reigns. No paths are traced
through these deserts to guide the lonely traveller who may venture
to penetrate them. Even the natives fear to enter a territory where
any man they may meet must be regarded as an enemy.
To the south the steppes form a junction with the Matmata
mountains, and are frequented only by the Tripolitan tribe of Nuail
and the Tunisian Urghamma. These alone, therefore, would be
capable of defining the boundary of this desert region, as their
wanderings have made them well acquainted with its limits.
The Urghamma tribe—from which this continent apparently takes
its name—the “Aurigha” of the ancients having become Africa—
numbers some thirty thousand souls. At one time they mustered
some four or five thousand soldiers, and were exempted by the Bey
from payment of taxes, as they had bound themselves to defend the
frontier.
The fact was, that they would not pay taxes. They took advantage
of their peculiar position to make armed forays to rob and plunder far
and wide; and gloried in deeds of bloodshed, engraving a mark on
their guns for each man they slew. Guns covered from stock to
muzzle with such marks are still to be met with.
With the advent of the French, circumstances altered, and now,
thanks to the supervision of the military authorities, the Urghamma
behave more like peaceful nomads.
Everywhere in the plains of Southern Tunisia I found remains of
ancient towers—now lying in ruins, since the need for them no
longer exists, but where formerly the nomads sought refuge when
they were pursued. The decay of these towers proves that the
French have known how to establish quiet and order in the country.
According to inquiries which I made in the south, the Urghamma
are divided into the following groups:—
The Khezur and the Mehaben in and around Medinin.
The Accara on the coast.
The Tuasin on the plains.
The Uderma on the mountain slopes and on the plains.
The Jelidat people the eastern mountains.
The Duiri are found in the mountains and on the high tablelands.
We visited the Jews in their own quarter, and conversed with a
couple of women, who, with their children, lived in a little hut stuck
away in a corner of a yard. One of the women was a soothsayer, and
showed us a book with closely written leaves, evidently the source of
her cunning.
In a large open square on the outskirts of the Ksar stood a hut,
occupied by a family of whom only the women and children were at
home. We entered. It was dirty and comfortless, containing no
furniture, not even the indispensable “senduk.”[3] The hut was built of
slender branches wattled together, and in many places was covered
with old rags to keep out rain. The form was circular with a high-
pointed roof, evidently carrying out the idea of a tent. The fireplace
was outside.
In the evening, after a jovial dinner with Commandant Billet, at
which most of the officers were present, Lieutenants Adam, Coturier,
and Druot started southwards with a company of Zephyrs, to return
in two night marches to Tatuin, a distance of thirty-two miles. They
invited me to breakfast with them next day at Bir el Ahmer. The
bugles rang, and the sections tramped off as we said au revoir.
The water in Medinin is very unwholesome, and requires to be
distilled before it is fit to drink; a huge distilling apparatus has
therefore been erected; this has a number of taps, whence the
distilled water flows drop by drop. A sentinel watches it, that the
precious liquor may not be wasted.
Not far from this is the post office, which is also the telegraph
office for private telegrams, the heliograph being used for military
purposes.
Night and day, watch is kept on the tops of the mountains and far
out on the plains to the north-west, that the flash connection between
Gabés, Medinin, and Tatuin may be constantly maintained. It is
expedient that a strict watch be kept, for frequently in the middle of
the night a summons is flashed, and there must be no delay in
replying; Commandant Billet not being a man to be trifled with on
matters connected with the service.
He rides long distances on horseback to inspect the various
southern posts and to see that all is well; and many a night has the
startled guard seen him arrive, having ridden over the mountains in
pitch darkness to make a visit of inspection. He is ubiquitous, and of
an astounding energy, only allowing himself four hours for rest, then
mounts his horse once more, or goes to work at his writing-table.
As an example of the Commandant’s iron will, one of the doctors
told me that some months ago he was attacked by fever, just at the
time that the General arrived to make an inspection. Notwithstanding
the fact that his temperature was at 104° Fahrenheit, Commandant
Billet left his bed and accompanied his superior officer on horseback
round all the outposts. When he returned his temperature was still
104°.
On his spirited horse he has covered prodigious tracts of country
in the south, often under very trying conditions. Lately he rode over
eighty miles on a mountain track in five-and-twenty hours; not being
met by the persons he expected, he took a couple of hours rest
beside his horse, lying lightly clad in the cold night air, and then
resumed his journey.
He told me himself of a rather amusing adventure. On a pitch-dark
night he was riding home to Medinin from Bir el Ahmer. When he had
ridden so long that he believed he must be near home, his horse
became restive and left the path. After some time had elapsed, to his
great delight he rode against a telegraph post, for he knew that by
keeping along the telegraph line he should find his way home. But,
alas! when morning broke he was back again at Bir el Ahmer,
whence he had started; to the great astonishment of the soldiers,
who evidently thought he had returned to take them by surprise: he
then rode home.
As in Algeria, the army in Tunisia has literally paved the way to
civilisation by making roads across the mountains and over the
plains.
But their work is far from confined to this alone; they plant trees
and dig wells, and are soon followed by telegraphic and postal
officials, but above all by the schoolmaster. Where the soldier has
cut a way, the schoolmaster can begin his work. If we call to mind my
little Ali we can best understand and value his labours.
I called on the postmaster and the schoolmaster of Medinin at the
officers’ club. They were energetic young men whose work goes
hand in hand with that of the soldiers. There also I met the
interpreter, a perfect gentleman who spoke faultless French. A
tattooed mark on his forehead alone betrayed his origin; he was a
Mohammedan and a married man. Besides himself, only one other
of the officers in Medinin, a captain of cavalry, was married: he lived
with his wife within the Ksar.
CHAPTER XIII

Southwards over the Plain to Tatuin

It was early morning on the 28th October; the sun was just rising,
the horses were ready, and I swung myself into the saddle to start on
a day’s march of a little over thirty-two miles. Commandant Billet and
Lieutenant Henry accompanied me part of the way, then bade me
farewell and galloped off in a different direction; the gallant chief
intending to join that morning one of his companies then on the road
to the north.
The sun rose above the plain, and lit up the mountains which
encircle it to the eastward like an outlying wall, and, beginning in the
north, stretch along to the south as far as the eye can reach. In front
of us rode a Spahi from the Bureau in his light blue burnous, and
behind, wrapped in his crimson cloak, paced the trooper furnished by
the Spahi regiment.
Theirs are beautiful uniforms, but should be seen in brilliant
sunshine and with Africa’s golden sands as a background. I have
seen these uniforms in the streets of Paris in dull weather, and they
were disappointing.
We had ridden long at foot’s pace, and it was time to push on.
“Forward, forward” I shouted to our leader, after taking off my
burnous and laying it before me on my saddle. My handsome brown
horse broke into a gallop. The trooper in front of me rose in his
saddle and stood in his stirrups, as his horse “threw his head and his
tail to the winds and let his legs dance like drumsticks,” as my friend
the “Jægermester” at home used to say. The red Spahi followed. My
horse was eager to join the others in front of him, but I held him in.
After a good long gallop we slackened again to a foot’s pace, and
I ejaculated, “He pulls like the deuce!”
“Oh, sir, he thought a mare was leading.”
“Nonsense; can’t he tell the difference?”
“No, sir; the Arabs always ride mares, therefore stallions, when
they see the broad back of an Arab saddle, conclude that it is on a
mare.”
I observed here some of the small round mounds I had seen
elsewhere, and which may be either graves or the remains of
vanished dwellings.
A couple of hours later we descried, beyond the mountains, a
white spot on the horizon. This is a Marabout tomb on the plain—not
far from the well of “Bir el Ahmer.”
The sun was very hot, but, rain having recently fallen, the earth
smelt fresh and pleasant.
At long intervals we saw here and there people at work, for the
tribes had scattered in every direction to sow and plough. There,
where at other seasons flocks of antelopes are wont to gladden the
sportsman who roves over the barren plains, are now gathered little
bands of men and women to till the ground rendered moist and fertile
by Allah; and the smoke from their encampments may be seen rising
from all points of the compass.
From the Marabout’s tomb the ground falls away a little towards
the south, and on the level, not far ahead, we saw the square-walled
enclosure of the well with in one corner an old, low, squat tower,
against which was propped a house.
Soon we distinguished the little tentes d’abri pitched in straight
lines, and, moving amongst them, the soldiers.
We reached the well, having covered the twelve miles in two
hours and a half, and I found a fresh horse and new escort awaiting
me.
The company had arrived during the night. The men had slept and
cooked their food. Lieutenant Adam and the regimental doctor, M.
Cultin, had ridden out to shoot on the neighbouring mountains, so I
went in quest of Lieutenants Coturier and Druot, who greeted me
with “Bon jour, camarade.”
Whilst the horses were unsaddled, fed, and watered, and the cook
busied himself preparing breakfast at a fire in an angle of the wall, I
was refreshed with a glass of wine.
The officers’ camp beds and canteens were conveyed into a cool
room in the house, and the tables and chairs were arranged in the
shade outside.
The walls of the fort, or rather the caravansarai, are so low that
one can see over them when seated within the courtyard. It is not
garrisoned, and is inhabited only by an old Arab, who strolled about
in an enormous straw hat. He had barley to sell to those who
required it, and presided with much pride over a large register, in
which the “Chefs de Detachments” have to note the numbers
encamped at the well. Moreover, it is his duty to take care that the
well is not damaged or misused by the Arabs who wander over the
plain, and who, under certain conditions, are allowed access to the
enclosure. His straw hat interested me greatly, and with some little
difficulty I succeeded in purchasing it from him.
Lieutenant Coturier and I took a walk on the plain. Just outside the
fort were some miserable huts built of branches and straw, where we
saw an ancient crone, probably the wife of the old Arab, fussing
about her hearth. Near the huts were three two-wheeled carts all
ready laden and with the horses in the shafts. In the shade beneath
them some Europeans and Arabs lay and dozed, whilst the horses
and mules closed their eyes and slept in their harness, the flies
buzzing about them in the intense heat.
Farther on, we found on the plain two women and a man busy
ploughing. To two of the ploughs were yoked camels, and to the third
a mule.
Both the women were very lightly clad on account of the heat. The
younger was exquisite in her grace as she paced, goad in hand,
behind the plough, and by the movements of her arms revealed her
perfectly formed figure. From afar we could see her bracelets and
anklets glittering in the sun.
We stood and watched them awhile until, saying “En route, mon
ami,” my friend took my arm and we sauntered on over the heated
plain, where through refraction, distant objects, even though small,
appeared to be in constant leaping movement.
We turned towards the blue mountains, in hopes of catching sight
of the sportsmen, for breakfast time drew near, but no one was in
sight; so we strolled back to the fort, and lying on the camp beds
dozed the time away.
It was nearly eleven o’clock before we heard the riders arrive.
Lieutenant Adam had shot some partridges, and the doctor a hare,
which hung from their saddles.
In the meantime breakfast had been prepared, and the table was
laden with good things.
Before we sat down, the doctor examined a number of sick men,
of whom some hobbled up unassisted; others were carried on their
comrades’ backs. Not a few were really unfit to march, but many
were shamming.
The African Light Brigade—the Zephyrs—is composed of men
who, through misconduct and frequent punishment, are removed
from their regiments in France to serve the remainder of their time in
Africa.
The heterogeneous troops that form the Foreign Legion can, to a
certain extent, be moulded into a united body, imbued with a strong
esprit de corps—thanks partly to stern discipline, and also to the fact
of the Legion being aware that it has burnt its ships; but the case of
the Light Brigade is quite different.
The men enter it on account of offences committed in other
localities, but they retain their evil propensities, and indeed it would
not be easy for them to improve while forced to associate with so
many bad characters of every variety: fear alone keeps them
straight.
It is true that a “Zephyr,” if he conduct himself well for a certain
length of time, may be sent home to his division, but this rarely
occurs. In fact, he may even be promoted in the Zephyr Brigade
itself, but this is yet more rare.
A French officer told me that the difference between a soldier of
the Legion and a Zephyr was, that a Legionary, even though he were
a thief, would be forced to cease from being one, but a Zephyr, if he
were not a thief, would certainly learn to be one.
In old days the Zephyrs fought well in many a close action, and
their behaviour in time of war has often been brilliant, but in time of
peace they are of little worth.
It follows that the commanding officers must be of the best—for it
is sharp work for the chiefs. For that matter all the officers in Algeria
and Tunisia are especially selected. Many lieutenants have year
after year sought in vain to be sent on service with the troops in
Africa, whilst others speedily obtain this privilege. Every year’s
service there counts as double, both as regards pension and
decorations.
I have seen lieutenants wearing the Legion of Honour solely
because they had had sufficient length of service in Africa, whilst a
young chef de bataillon, newly arrived from France where he had
served during all the earlier portion of his career, had earned no
decoration.
Indeed, it is really surprising that an officer who serves in Algiers
or Oran should thereby gain so many advantages over another who
is stationed in a little provincial town in France. As regards Tunisia it
is intelligible, many parts of the country being unhealthy, and the
heat ruining the nerves and being the cause of mental strain: but in
Algiers—a bit of Paris!
My new escort, sent from Tatuin, was ready, and the hot midday
hours being past I said farewell until the morrow.
There still remained between four and five miles to cover, and we
might not loiter on the way; so we pressed on, alternately walking
and cantering, keeping close to the mountains on our right.
Half-way between Tatuin and Bir el Ahmer we passed some
soldiers who were busy digging a well. They had pitched a little tent,
and provisions and water were sent them occasionally. Raising
themselves from their work they saluted us as we passed.
Presently mountains appeared in the south and south-east, and
on the summit of one on our front we distinguished the signal station
of Tatuin. At the foot of this mountain we passed some palm trees,
and then turned into the valley. This is full of palms, and on the
southern side lay a little Ksar, similar to those with which we had
already made acquaintance at Metamer and Medinin.
At a little distance, but nearer the oasis and on the slope, stand
the military buildings.
As we rode towards the Bureau we met a couple of natives. “Are
the Tuareg still here?” I asked.
“No, they have probably left; they came to buy corn, but there was
none to be had, so they went away.”
Just as the sun set I dismounted, and saluted a group of officers
who awaited me.
The whitewashed walls of the two rooms into which I was shown
were hung round with weapons, implements of the chase, and
ethnographical objects collected from the Tuareg. It was a typical
lieutenant’s quarter; the owner was in France on leave, and in his
absence his comrades had placed his rooms at my disposal.
Captain Beranger, who was to be relieved the day but one
following, invited me to dine at the little mess where the infantry
officers, the postmaster of the town—young Cavaignac, a
descendant of the celebrated general—and an officer of engineers
were to dine.
After dinner we spent our evening with other officers at the casino.
There I met Ben Jad, an old native lieutenant of Spahis, with a
handsome Arab face, and wearing the Cross of the Legion of Honour
on his breast. He promised me a good horse for the morrow when I
took my way to Duirat, the southernmost village of Tunisia. I met also
the interpreter and the lieutenant of the Bureau and Dr. Renaud, their
medical man, who talked with me about the country, and promised to
do what he could to get hold of some of the Tuareg, whom I so
longed to see; but of this he told me there was little hope.
CHAPTER XIV

DUIRAT

The route to the south from Tatuin leads through a valley. At first we
traversed the oasis, riding under the shade of the palm trees, then
followed the course of the dried-up river bed in the bottom of the
valley.
On the top of a hill to our left were a couple of villages. To the right
were other dwellings, some of which were caves; others were white
houses with vaulted roofs.
An hour later we saw on a height to the eastward the fortress of
Beni Barka. This is a village of narrow streets enclosed within a wall.
The houses are similar to those of other African villages.
Yet a little farther on we passed another village, which was built in
a square, and composed of the same oblong vaulted buildings we
had seen at Medinin and Metamer; it also appeared to be fortified.
We then emerged on an open golden-yellow plain that rose
gradually to the left, a solitary steep mountain lying to the south. To
the west also was a large group of magnificent, precipitous
mountains; behind these we were to find Duirat, but to reach it we
had to go round the mountain we saw to the south.
When, later, we approached this mountain, we found the ground
completely covered with every kind and shape of rocks and stones;
never have I seen elsewhere such a rocky waste.
We wheeled round outside this beautiful rocky region, picking our
way very carefully lest our horses’ legs should be injured. On the
steep slope, broken rocks of every size were tightly packed together,
and, at the very top, great beetling crags seemed prepared to plunge
down the precipice.
On the southern side of this stony waste, and standing away from
the rocky range, were a few tall cones of truncated form. To make a
short cut I rode between them and the mountain itself, but had to
proceed very cautiously, as the ground was terribly rough.
The sun was frightfully hot; not a breath of wind stirred as we
plodded along, my Spahis chanting now and then a monotonous
song. Beyond us, the plain appeared to quiver in the glare of the
sun, reflected from a bright, white, gleaming surface, which last
appeared to be a lake, but was only a “shott,” where the water that
had flowed from the heights during the rainy season rose in vapour.
I could not conceive whence came the sound that during some
few minutes had reached my ear. I looked for a cause, but my eyes
detected nothing.
At last I saw, far away in the shade under the overhanging cliffs of
an isolated peak, some dull, dark spots and dots, and amongst them
made out the indistinct outline of a female figure—evidently a
shepherdess with her goats. As we approached, her song rose and
fell clear and ringing in the pure air.
DUIRAT.

We now entered the valley, and turned in a north-westerly


direction. Before us lay Duirat, a grey mountain, shaped like a sugar-
loaf.
At first it was impossible to distinguish any dwellings, but after we
had crossed the valley and the bed of a stream, and had reached
rising ground, we made out clearly an old castle on the summit.
Below it, at different heights along the path that wound upwards, we
saw houses, and in one place, amongst or behind these, we caught
a glimpse of dark cavities, which proved to be entrances to caves in
the mountain side. These caves consist of several vaulted
chambers, access to which is through a small doorway. The actual
chambers resemble in every respect those of the Matmata. As a
rule, they do not suffice for the requirements of a family; an ordinary
house with a flat roof is therefore built in front of them on the
terraced cliff. Through the house a passage leads straight into the
cave, so that anyone outside can see right through the house, over
the little courtyard, and into the doorway of the cave.
There are doors to most of the dwellings, but, as these cannot be
constructed of palmwood, the materials have to be brought from a
great distance; a costly undertaking, and the cause of many poor
wretches living doorless and exposed to the elements.
I went in to see the Khalifa, an exceptionally clever and amiable
man, to whom I brought greetings from Drummond Hay, who had
visited him during his tour.
As I had no interpreter with me, our conversation was limited. I
managed to make out his replies to my questions, but it took time.
The breakfast I had brought with me I ate in company with the
Khalifa, the Sheikh, and another man. The preserved meats and the
delicate bread especially delighted them. In return they offered me
kus-kus, eggs, and black bread.
The Khalifa and the Sheikh wrote their names in Arabic in my
sketch-book, that I might carry away a memento of them; in return I
presented them with my visiting-card, which was put away with great
care to be exhibited to future travellers.
I inquired about Hamed-ben-Amar’s relatives, but at the time none
were at home.
On the whole I saw very few people at Duirat. The inhabitants
were probably away, occupied in agriculture, as was the case in
other villages.
The Khalifa spoke much of Drummond Hay, who had evidently
made an ineffaceable impression on him. From him I learnt that the
latter had scaled the mountain, visited a spring in the valley, and had
afterwards galloped to Shenini, a village on the summit of a
neighbouring mountain.
I am convinced that the secret of the success of the English
Representative amongst the southern tribes—for it was not the first
time I had heard his name mentioned in these parts—originates as
much from his having inherited his father’s remarkable insight into
the manner of thought of the Moslem, as from the fact that he
speaks Arabic like a native. Again, he has inherited his father’s
strong, fearless nature, and lastly—he is an Englishman.
It was near noon, but I had not time to wait till later, so in the
intense heat, and guided by a young Arab, I clambered up to the old
and now forsaken town on the top of the mountain.

SHENINI.

The walls, built of large slabs mingled with smaller stones,


completely enclose the town on every side, and stand from seven to
nine feet high, rendering it absolutely inaccessible to an enemy.
The interior can only be penetrated by climbing a covered way
which, ascending higher and higher, leads to a passage so low and
narrow that one must creep in on all fours. Then on till, with many
turnings through bewildering chambers and passages, the
uppermost houses are reached, and thence the streets, which are no
wider than a man’s breadth.
Now all lies in ruins, and one can climb over the crumbling walls
and up on to the few flat roofs which still hold together, but are
dangerous footing.
From the roofs I could see over mountain and vale to the plain,
and the blue peaks on the southern horizon.
Looking far down the precipice at my feet, I saw, through the
spreading smoke that floated upwards from the fires on their hearths,
the women moving in the courts of their dwellings. Now and then the
muffled sound of their voices reached me. A man’s voice shouting,
however, sounded almost as if close to my ear. It must have been an
echo which was the cause of my hearing it so distinctly.
How wearisome life must have been in this little town, so near the
sky. To the women especially, who had to fetch water daily from the
valley, it must have been very hard. One can but admire the folk who
endured existence in such a spot. The very difficulties of their mode
of life made their bodies supple, their minds keen and vigorous.
Sliding down through the dark passages we emerged once more
on the cliff.
By throwing back the upper part of my body, and seeking foothold
with my legs, whilst I supported myself by my arms, I succeeded in
reaching without mishap the uppermost tier of buildings. Here stands
the mosque, a picturesque little building, in the courtyard of which is
a minaret.
I began to make a sketch of this. My guide was down on me in a
moment. A two-franc piece did its work, and we went within.
The surrounding wall formed a low arcade. I scanned the view
over this down to the slope below; investigated everything, and
found a cistern in the middle of the courtyard. Pulling at a cord
attached to the cistern, I discovered that to the end of it was fastened
a drinking-cup, made of the horn of a mouflon. Whilst examining this
I heard a loud yell behind me, and saw an old man come up out of a
cave, shouting and shaking his fist at me. My guide went to meet

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