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Textbook Pronunciation Learning Strategies and Language Anxiety in Search of An Interplay 1St Edition Magdalena Szyszka Auth Ebook All Chapter PDF
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Second Language Learning and Teaching
Magdalena Szyszka
Pronunciation
Learning
Strategies and
Language Anxiety
In Search of an Interplay
Second Language Learning and Teaching
Series editor
Mirosław Pawlak, Kalisz, Poland
About the Series
The series brings together volumes dealing with different aspects of learning and
teaching second and foreign languages. The titles included are both monographs
and edited collections focusing on a variety of topics ranging from the processes
underlying second language acquisition, through various aspects of language
learning in instructed and non-instructed settings, to different facets of the teaching
process, including syllabus choice, materials design, classroom practices and
evaluation. The publications reflect state-of-the-art developments in those areas,
they adopt a wide range of theoretical perspectives and follow diverse research
paradigms. The intended audience are all those who are interested in naturalistic
and classroom second language acquisition, including researchers, methodologists,
curriculum and materials designers, teachers and undergraduate and graduate
students undertaking empirical investigations of how second languages are learnt
and taught.
Pronunciation Learning
Strategies and Language
Anxiety
In Search of an Interplay
123
Magdalena Szyszka
Opole University
Opole
Poland
The book focuses on two constructs located in the domain of individual learner
differences (ID): pronunciation learning strategies (PLS) and language anxiety
(LA). The growing interest in both cognitive and affective language learner pro-
cesses that determine the pace and ultimate attainment of second or foreign (L2)
language acquisition brought about the development of research exploring ID
relationships. The latest findings in the field of research on the interplay of various
IDs, however, rarely offer their contributions regarding the role that L2 learner
internal affective factors play in pronunciation learning processes. The main aim of
this volume is, therefore, to shed more light on the interplay between two IDs
affecting L2 pronunciation acquisition: PLS and LA. This account presents the
relevant theoretical claims, the most recent research findings and the results of the
empirical research on PLS deployed by the EFL trainee teachers experiencing
different levels of LA.
Apart from the Introduction, the book consists of five chapters, offering both
theoretical clarifications and empirical findings. More precisely, the focus of
attention in Chap. 2 is on the psychological and pedagogical perspectives of English
pronunciation learning. It provides the theoretical explanations and rationale for the
research on the interplay between PLS and LA. Working definitions for the key
terms (pronunciation, language learning strategies and pronunciation learning
strategies) are selected from an array of definitions provided by a number of
researchers. As pronunciation learning processes are largely affected by didactics, a
diachronic overview of pedagogical approaches to pronunciation teaching is offered
in order to locate pronunciation learning strategies within the framework of pro-
nunciation teaching. Subsequently, several factors affecting pronunciation acqui-
sition are presented and discussed before the emphasis is shifted to different
typologies of language and pronunciation learning strategies.
Chapter 3 is intended to overview the key issues related to the constructs of
general anxiety and language learning anxiety. First, anxiety is viewed from a
psychological perspective. The concept and its types are defined with reference to
stable characteristics (trait anxiety) and transience in specific situations
(situation-specific anxiety). Next, some selected theoretical models explicating the
vii
viii Preface
1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2 Pedagogical and Psychological Background of Pronunciation
Learning and Language Learning Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
2.1 Pronunciation and Language Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
2.1.1 Different Approaches to Pronunciation Teaching—A
Historical Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.1.2 Goals in Current EFL Pronunciation Teaching . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.1.3 Foreign Language Pronunciation and Cognitive
Processing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
2.1.4 Selected Factors Affecting Pronunciation Attainment . . . . . 17
2.2 Language Learning Strategies (LLS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.2.1 Defining Language Learning Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.2.2 Selected Taxonomies of Language Learning Strategies . . . . 31
2.2.3 Factors Affecting the Choice of Language Learning
Strategies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
2.3 Pronunciation Learning Strategies (PLS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
2.3.1 The Typology of Pronunciation Learning Strategies . . . . . . 38
2.3.2 The Role of Pronunciation Learning Strategies
in Pronunciation Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
3 Foreign Language Anxiety in the Context of Foreign Language
Oral Performance, Language and Pronunciation Learning
Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
3.1 The Concept of Anxiety as a Psychological Construct . . . . . . . . . . 51
3.1.1 Anxiety Types: Trait, State, Situation-Specific
and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
3.1.2 Selected Theories and Models of Anxiety . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
3.2 Foreign Language Anxiety . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
3.2.1 Constituents of Language Anxiety . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
ix
x Contents
6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Appendix A . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
Appendix B . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Abbreviations
xiii
Chapter 1
Introduction
1
Although the author is aware of Krashen’s (1981) and Krashen and Terrell’s (1983) theoretical
distinction between the terms ‘learning’ and ‘acquisition’ used in SLA resources, in this book these
terms are used interchangeably.
classroom, where the teacher concentrates on teaching examination skills that stem
from the curriculum requirements. The researcher’s experience in teaching pho-
netics to learners who have graduated from secondary schools in Poland confirms
this unfortunate educational reality.
On the other hand, pronunciation is important in the process of L2 acquisition
because it facilitates intelligibility, communication and fluency amongst the target
language users. The correct articulation of L2 sounds and utterances may be crucial
for mutual understanding between interlocutors with different L1 backgrounds. If
L2 pronunciation practice is neglected, L1 articulatory features may obscure the
intelligibility of the intended message. In foreign language learning, where learners
sharing the same L1 have limited contact with L2, pronunciation instruction is
particularly important. In the foreign language classroom L2 pronunciation is
affected by the same L1 pronunciation features. This fact may mean that while
learners’ L2 speech is intelligible within their L1 group, it may not necessarily be
understood in the international communication. Therefore, an EFL teacher should
pay particular attention to pronunciation practice, by instructing and guiding
learners in how to deploy pronunciation learning strategies which are indispensable
for self-directed L2 pronunciation learning. Moreover, the speech of an L2 learner
who is aware of pronunciation phenomena taking place in a foreign language may
become more fluent. For instance, being familiarised with the aspects of connected
speech and the role of a schwa sound in English, an EFL student may practise and
apply this knowledge in his or her speech, making it more intelligible.
While proper L2 pronunciation may make a learner more confident, less perfect
articulation may lead to a lack of confidence and fear of negative evaluation linked
to anxiety, and may influence the attitude of a learner towards pronunciation
learning. This connection is clearly expressed by one of the respondents of
Vitanova and Miller’s (2002) study:
I think by improving my pronunciation I will be more willing to open up and speak in my
(…) classes. Sometimes for fear of people not understanding or misunderstanding you, you
prefer to keep quiet (p. 4).
This debilitating fear may reflect high levels of language anxiety experienced in
an L2 learning context affecting a speaker’s intelligibility, without which com-
munication is not effective. Thus, high levels of language anxiety may interplay
with pronunciation and the way L2 learners approach pronunciation learning.
Not only is a high level of pronunciation intelligibility necessary for language
learners, but it is also indispensable for non-native English teachers because this
group should provide a high-standard model for their learners. Thus, their roles as
teachers place greater demands on their pronunciation acquisition, which may also
elevate their levels of language anxiety.
Teachers should be aware of the fact that without intelligible speech commu-
nication is not possible. Therefore, it is essential to search for the tools that make
pronunciation teaching and learning more effective and attractive both for teachers
and learners. Pawlak (2006) and Wrembel (2002) advise teachers to incorporate
pronunciation learning strategies (PLS) in pronunciation teaching and to encourage
1 Introduction 3
2
In this volume a foreign language (FL) is understood as one learnt mainly in the classrooms of a
country where it is not an official language; whereas a second language (SL) is viewed as one
acquired in an environment where this language plays an important administrative, cultural and
social role (cf. Ellis, 2008, p. 6).
4 1 Introduction
The aim of this chapter is to provide the theoretical background for the concept of
pronunciation, its pedagogical aspects, and selected factors affecting its acquisition.
In the following section an array of definitions of pronunciation will be presented in
order to provide a broad perspective. This will be followed by a diachronic over-
view of approaches to pronunciation teaching and learning, in order to present the
pedagogical background. Subsequently, the chapter will address current issues
linked to aspects of pronunciation and factors affecting pronunciation acquisition.
Language learning strategies are now considered influential in the area of foreign
language acquisition. However, these were much neglected prior to the onset of the
twenty-first century, and have only recently begun to play a prominent role in this
field. Therefore, the second aim of this chapter is to discuss language learning
strategies and pronunciation learning strategies as factors facilitating the process of
L2 learning. For this purpose, problems concerning the definition of language
learning strategies are examined, and later exemplified through various classifica-
tions of language learning strategies. The final part of this chapter focuses on
pronunciation learning strategies, their definitions and taxonomies.
Communication between two speakers can easily be inhibited unless both inter-
locutors pronounce the language of communication clearly (Kelly, 2000).
A violation of any of the aspects of pronunciation, for example an incorrect pro-
duction of a sound or a word stress, may lead to misunderstandings and confusion.
Students often consider pronunciation important because of their need for intelli-
gible communication (Waniek-Klimczak, 1997), although “pronunciation is treated
as a low priority area of study” (Hewings, 2004, p. 11). When discussing pro-
nunciation learning, it is essential to clarify the concept of pronunciation. Therefore,
The earliest systematic studies concerning pronunciation date back to the end of the
nineteenth century, when Paul Passy and other reformers initiated the Reform
Movement which addressed the issues concerning teaching pronunciation to L2
learners (Celce-Murcia et al., 1996). The assumptions of this movement stressed the
value of an analytic-linguistic approach to pronunciation teaching, incorporating
articulatory descriptions or phonetic alphabet, which had been established by
International Phonetic Association founded by Sweet, Viëtor, and Passy
(Celce-Murcia, Brinton, Goodwin, & Griner 2010; Wrembel, 2006). Soon after, in
1899, Passy published an essay “On the direct method in modern language
teaching” the title of which inspired the followers of another method associated
8 2 Pedagogical and Psychological Background of Pronunciation …
with pronunciation teaching, the Direct Method. Although this method stemmed
from the Reform Movement, it favoured a different, more natural approach,
focusing on intuitive-imitative pronunciation practice. More precisely, an L2 lear-
ner was supposed to listen and copy the model sounds, rhythm and intonation of a
foreign language.
The Direct Method contributed significantly to the development of further nat-
uralistic approaches to foreign language teaching, e.g., Total Physical Response and
the Natural Approach (Wrembel, 2006). These approaches valued the natural
process of sound system internalisation following a period of initial exposure to the
target language pronunciation. In other words, the learner could listen to model
pronunciation for as long as he or she needed without any external pressure.
Following this period of assimilation, these approaches assumed that the learner
would be able to speak, having absorbed and internalised the new sound system.
In the 1940s and 1950s, when the Audiolingual Method gained in popularity,
pronunciation learning was limited to imitation and rote learning of segments
(Pawlak, 2003). Students were expected to achieve the target model through mere
repetition. However, the role of pronunciation in the classroom increased. This
method postulated the implementation of theoretical instruction parallel to model
imitation (Wrembel, 2006). It assumed that the process of learning corresponds to
the stages of habit formation, so the most frequently used techniques for pronun-
ciation learning were repetition drills, such as word drills based on minimal pairs
and sentence drills, either syntagmatic drills—contrasts within a sentence—or
paradigmatic drills—contrasts across two or more sentences (Celce-Murcia et al.,
1996). Therefore, primary attention was given to articulatory explanations, imita-
tion and pattern memorisation.
The Cognitive Approach, which emerged in the 1960s, viewed the process of
foreign language learning not as habit formation, but as rule-governed. The pro-
ponents of this approach assumed that the objective of gaining native-like pro-
nunciation was unrealistic; therefore, teaching this aspect in the classroom became
irrelevant.
In the 1970s new approaches to foreign language learning emerged. One of
them, Caleb Gattegno’s Silent Way, focused on pronunciation learning, which was
very different to the Audiolingual habit formation that relied on repetitions and
imitations. Gattegno understood learning a foreign language as “a process which we
initiate by ourselves by mobilizing our inner resources (our perception, awareness,
cognition, imagination, intuition, creativity, etc.)” (Larsen-Freeman, 2000, p. 54).
In this approach one aspect of pronunciation, sounds, was introduced at the very
beginning of the course forming the first building blocks for further learning.
A teacher, whose role was to support a learner, would help learners internalise the
sound system through comparison and reference to the sound system of their
mother tongue and through a sound-colour chart practised by students (cf.
Larsen-Freeman, 2000). Other elements of pronunciation, such as stress and into-
nation, were considered important for a better understanding and use of the target
language. A number of teaching aids supported the teacher who was supposed to
speak as little as possible. In order to teach effectively, the teacher therefore used
2.1 Pronunciation and Language Learning 9
gestures, tapped out the rhythm, indicated stress with fingers, used coloured rods
and an array of charts, e.g., a sound-colour chart (presenting sounds), or a Fidel
chart (providing sound-spelling associations) (Celce-Murcia et al., 1996). In brief,
Silent Way foregrounded the importance of pronunciation learning in the class-
room, thus reasserting its important status.
Another method from the same decade “recognised the importance of affective
domain” (Brown, 2001, p. 25) in second or foreign language learning. This was
Community Language Learning (CLL) developed by Curran (cf. Larsen-Freeman,
2000) who focused on the relationship between a learner and a teacher. The latter
was supposed to be sensitive to students’ needs, taking not only their intelligence,
but also their feelings and reactions to the process of teaching into account. This
method followed the ideas of Carl Rogers’ humanistic psychology, which
approached a learner as a “whole person” (Brown, 2000, p. 89). One of the most
important assumptions of CLL was the value of the process of learning rather than
teaching, which is only a step further from autonomy. Therefore, from the very
beginning students were engaged in generating their own materials, which consti-
tuted the springboard for their learning of various aspects of a language, including
pronunciation patterns. One of the techniques used for pronunciation learning was a
Human Computer the role of which was played by a teacher-counsellor, ready at
any moment to be ‘switched on or off’. While using this ‘computer,’ a student
decided when to ask the teacher for pronunciation help, i.e., to switch on the Human
Computer. Then the student imitated and repeated pronunciation after the teacher as
long as was necessary. To sum up, CLL followed the intuitive-imitative approach to
pronunciation teaching, yet allowed learners to control the scope of the content of
pronunciation learning (Celce-Murcia et al., 1996).
From the 1980s to the present moment, the Communicative Approach, also
termed Communicative Language Teaching (CLT), has dominated teaching of
foreign language pronunciation (Celce-Murcia et al., 2010; Wrembel, 2006),
placing learners’ abilities to communicate at the top of foreign/second language
learning priorities. Apart from linguistic competence, an L2 learner is expected to
develop three other components of communicative competence: discourse com-
petence, sociolinguistic competence and strategic competence. Therefore, class-
room instruction should focus on providing useful tools for developing the above
competences in order to maximise communication. This purpose can be served not
only through classroom pronunciation practice, but also though the guided appli-
cation of pronunciation learning strategies. Both of these aspects are viewed as
invaluable factors leading to the development of communicative competence
through a positive influence on the development of both speaking and listening
skills (Pawlak, 2003).
Nevertheless, the role of pronunciation in the communicative classroom is
supportive rather than central. For instance, the guidelines for CLT suggested by the
Council of Europe (2001) in the Common European Framework of Reference for
Languages enumerate a list of skills and knowledge contributing to phonological
competence, but the recommendations are insufficient and the proposed classroom
tasks focusing on pronunciation are limited to activities such as exposure to
10 2 Pedagogical and Psychological Background of Pronunciation …
Pronunciation learning goals are determined by the general L2 learning goals. For
instance, if an L2 learner wants to achieve a mastery in writing, pronunciation
practice will be perceived as useless. Obviously, an EFL student who intends to use
English professionally in communication will be more motivated to improve his or
her pronunciation than a biology student who needs an L2 for other purposes.
A primary school pupil learning a foreign language as a school subject will have a
different pronunciation learning aim from a young adult who is trained to become
an L2 teacher. Therefore, individual learners’ pronunciation learning goals vary,
2.1 Pronunciation and Language Learning 11
depending on age, motivation, attitude, and various other factors mentioned later in
Sect. 2.1.4. Moreover, the approaches and methods of L2 teaching adopted by
educational institutions and teachers influence the goals for pronunciation teaching
and learning to a large extent.
The aims for pronunciation teaching and learning have fluctuated from a com-
plete neglect of this aspect of L2 to an insistence on native-like mastery.
Celce-Murcia et al. (2010) advocate considering a realistic goal which enables
learners to use intelligible speech. Nevertheless, the term intelligibility can be
understood differently and needs to be addressed. Nelson (2008) explains that “to
be intelligible, the speaker must articulate his sounds and words clearly, so that the
hearer does not have to stop to think what word was meant” (p. 14). Another view
is provided by Jenkins (2000) who regards intelligibility as indispensable for suc-
cess in communication between second language learners who use a “simplified
linguistic code” (p. 19). Abercrombie (1991) perceives intelligible pronunciation as
“pronunciation which can be understood with little or no conscious effort on the
part of the listener” (p. 93). Munro and Derwing (1995), as well as Celce-Murcia
et al. (2010), distinguish intelligibility from comprehensibility and accentedness.
The first notion is “the extent to which a listener actually understands an utterance
or message” (p. 32). The second stresses perception of the level of difficulty (how
difficult the message is for the listener to understand), and the last concentrates on
the perception of the differences between the accents of a speaker and a listener.
Therefore, both native and non-native speakers of English may speak at either very
low or high levels of phonological intelligibility (Scheuer, 2007).
Fitzpatrick (1995) and Kenworthy (1987) are in favour of intelligibility or
comfortable intelligibility as the main aim in pronunciation teaching. They claim
that the rejection of a native-like level of pronunciation as a target pronunciation
model is more achievable, and at the same time they encourage teachers to take
learners’ needs for pronunciation learning into consideration (Kelly, 2000).
However, they still operate within traditional model systems of either standard
British or American pronunciation. In other words, a teacher should use either
standard British or American pronunciation as a model but should not require
perfection in the use of either of these models on the part of the student whose aim
is to achieve intelligible communication.
Other researchers (e.g., Głogowska, 2003; Jenkins, 2000, 2007; Walker, 2001,
2010) support the idea of teaching pronunciation in accordance with the syllabus
entitled Lingua Franca Core (LFC) proposed by Jenkins (2000), who moves further
towards the idea of intelligibility in pronunciation teaching. She analyses English
language and pronunciation as used by non-native speakers in a multilingual
context. The data collected leads to the establishing of a set of features
(LFC) essential for intelligible communication among non-native speakers of
English.
The two major goals in current pronunciation pedagogy, regarding the choice of
pronunciation model and teaching pronunciation from the perspective of LFC, are
discussed below in more detail.
12 2 Pedagogical and Psychological Background of Pronunciation …
Both the Received Pronunciation (RP) and General American (GA) models attained
dominance for a considerable period in the area of pronunciation learning and
teaching. Other standard native models, for example Scottish English, Australian
English, Irish English, etc., play a marginal role in the Polish context
(Szpyra-Kozłowska, 2004; Waniek-Klimczak, 1997), and they are not discussed
further here.
The choice of a pronunciation model should largely depend on a learner’s needs,
requirements and context (Celce-Murcia et al., 2010; Hewings, 2004). However, it
is frequently the choice of a teacher or an institution as to which variety of English
is taught. In Poland RP, also referred to as BBC English, Standard British English
or Queen’s English, has been the dominant model for years due to historical and
political links (Sobkowiak, 1996) and geographical proximity. Despite the fact that
only 5% (Mazurkiewicz, 2009) or even 3% (Crystal, 1995) of the British population
actually use it, this model is still present in most dictionaries and course books
offered by British publishers which flood the Polish market and are chosen by
teachers of English at Polish schools.
Gradually, with the growing economic and political status of the United States as
well as access to the Internet resources and media, the General American
(GA) model has gained in popularity, according to Sobkowiak (1996), although
teachers are frequently forced to design their own GA pronunciation activities
because the majority of course books used in Polish schools follow the Standard
British model (Pawlak, 2003).
There are different arguments for choosing a particular native model for teaching
pronunciation, especially for teaching pronunciation to students in a Polish context.
One of the arguments is that both RP and GA are high standard models in the sense
that they are supra-regional, natural, well described and researched by specialists.
Therefore, in this sense they give the learner the opportunity to sustain intelligibility
and communication (Głogowska, 2003). Those high standards are especially
important in the context of teacher training where “native-like pronunciation—
alongside structural accuracy, fluency, sociolinguistic and pragmatic competence,
knowledge of the realia, etc.—is a logical target of advanced foreign language
instruction, particularly expected of prospective teachers” (Majer, 1997, pp. 28–29).
Sobkowiak (2003) supports this claim by saying that teachers’ pronunciation should
be as close to the native model as possible. Celce-Murcia et al. (2010) confirm the
high status of pronunciation among non-native groups of English teachers in the
course of their training but suggest aiming at a more realistic goal, namely that of
intelligible pronunciation.
The second argument for the choice of one of the above standard native models
is a learner’s preference based on attitudinal factors. High preference for native-like
pronunciation models is evident in both international (Sifakis & Sougari, 2005;
Timmis, 2002) and Polish-based studies (Szpyra-Kozłowska, 2004; Wach, 2011;
Waniek-Klimczak, 1997; Waniek-Klimczak & Klimczak 2005). The results of
research confirm that the majority of EFL university students and teachers choose
2.1 Pronunciation and Language Learning 13
classroom, learners will most probably maintain their ways of pronouncing the
target language, so the pronunciation learning process will be limited, if not alto-
gether abandoned. Furthermore, there are no suggestions in LFC concerning the
teaching of pronunciation to teacher trainees, although there is an overt acceptance
of regional traces of a teacher’s accent resulting from his or her acquisition of only
the core pronunciation features (cf. Sobkowiak, 2003). Such an approach leads to
lowering the pronunciation standards in education. Moreover, there is a psycho-
logical aspect of pronunciation learning, which goes against introducing LFC in a
Polish educational context. Students may consider appropriate pronunciation as a
value in itself, regardless of its function in the language, which in turn triggers
motivation for learning.
The attitude of learners towards LFC was researched by Szpyra-Kozłowska
(2004) and Bryła (2006). In the first study 134 Polish students learning English at
the age of 16–17 were asked to express their opinions on whether or not they would
like to learn a particular pronunciation model. LFC was one of the items stated in
the questionnaire. Only 13.4% of the respondents gave LFC as their selected option
for pronunciation learning, providing several arguments for their choice, including
the following: the pronunciation model is universal, and understood on a global
level, it is easier to learn, or it is the most useful in terms of its application. 16% of
the students stated that they would not like to follow LFC for the following reasons:
it is artificial, it is over-simplified, and it would not be well perceived by native
English or American speakers. The majority of students (over 40%) opted for the
standard British model because of its universality, as well as for aesthetic reasons
—“it sounds nice” (Szpyra-Kozłowska, 2004, p. 118)—and for its perceived sim-
plicity. Szpyra-Kozłowska (2004) emphasised that the English language was
viewed by the majority of the respondents not as a lingua franca, but as the lan-
guage embedded in the English culture they wanted to know more about. Bryła
(2006) collected the views of 70 European learners of English who responded to a
question concerning their preferences of accent. 26% selected International English
as a preferred option for many reasons: pragmatism, neutrality, and personal
identity. Although Europeans who chose LFC as their target model outnumbered
Polish learners who selected the same model, Bryła (2006) concluded that both
groups “value[d] good English pronunciation” (p. 34) and Jenkins’s (2000)
assumptions were not confirmed by the respondents’ opinions of both of the above
surveys. In conclusion, LFC does not seem to be a generally accepted model for
pronunciation learning in a Polish context both for pronunciation researchers and
learners. Besides, as Hewings (2007) points out, it is not possible to adapt EIL
pronunciation in the constantly changing international context when speaking to
different users of EIL, e.g., Chinese English or Italian English. Therefore, a unified
model is essential for mutual intelligibility and “it is useful to ‘model’ your pro-
nunciation on one variety—but also recognise that this is just one of many equally
acceptable varieties” (Hewings, 2007, p. 10).
16 2 Pedagogical and Psychological Background of Pronunciation …
GERMANY.
EXTRACT FROM LETTER OF AN EMINENT HOUSE IN
COLOGNE.
A short time since, in the course of the present decade, the public
has spoken out, following numerous and important persons who
wished the entire abolition of Patents for inventions, because they
allege that the existence of such is incompatible with the free-trade
movements. They said that such impede industry instead of
advancing it; that the claim of the first inventor to a monopoly is
untenable; that discovery is not the work of one man, but the ripe
fruit of industrial development.
From the difficulty and complexity of the subject, men would do
away with Patent-Laws; but the real cause of the agitation against
them lies in the enormous development which our international
commerce has undergone in the last ten years through free-trade,
steam-boats, and railways.
As the complete abolition of the “customs-limits,” with the German
Zollverein [customs-union], was not made without a direct
transformation of the Patent-Laws and a positive limitation of Patent
protection, so is—through the concluding of the treaties of commerce
made during the last ten years between the Zollverein and France,
Great Britain, Belgium, and Italy—a total reform in the Patent-Law
rendered necessary.
All countries, with the single exception of Switzerland, recognise
by their existing laws the necessity of Patent protection; and this
case of Switzerland is particularly brought forward by those opposed
to the Patent movement. The Commission which was appointed of
Swiss experts (and which said that Patent protection is unnecessary
and tends to nothing good) was impartial enough to avow that the
particular advantages which Switzerland draws from existing
circumstances arise from the fact that in all the adjoining countries
the protection of Patents does exist, but in Switzerland alone not so.
Swiss industry, which is exceedingly small, is placed in the position
of imitating all foreign Patents which find a market in Switzerland,
and getting the benefit of the discoveries made under the protection
of foreign Patents. Switzerland is just in the position of a man who
keeps no cats because he can use his neighbours’.
HOLLAND.
I have before me a series of valuable illustrative documents
printed by the Government of the Netherlands, which are too long to
introduce here. The movement for abolishing Patents in that country,
already referred to on pages 196-230, was consummated by a
striking majority, in the First Chamber, of no less than 29 to 1; the
abolition to take effect from 1st January next, existing rights, of
course, to be respected.
ON PERPETUITY OF PATENT-RIGHT.
The following observations, abridged from a review, by M. Aug.
Boudron, of M. le Hardy de Beaulieu’s La Propriété et sa Rente, are
from the Journal des Economistes for May:—
The author assimilates the inventor’s privileges to proprietorship of
a field. Nevertheless there is a fundamental difference between the
two kinds of property. Independently of State privileges, the
originator of a discovery may use it as his own, and even to the
exclusion of all others, provided he keep it secret, so that he shall
have no competitor to encounter; whereas the owner of a field, if he
is deprived of his right, loses all. The advantages of an invention
may be enjoyed simultaneously by many persons; the produce of a
field by one only. Now for a difference of importance affecting the
interests of the public. Give the possessor of a field his right in
perpetuity, and you have circumstances the most favourable for its
yielding all the produce which it can. Not so with the privilege of an
inventor, for it essentially consists in hindering others from bringing
the methods or materials that are patented into use. From the time of
invention and first exploitation the privilege is an obstacle; it limits the
amount of good that society would in its absence enjoy. What, then,
is the motive of certain States in conceding this exclusive
privilege?... The legislators who have created the right thought that
there would in consequence be a larger number of useful inventions
and improvements, and that, on the whole, society would be a
greater gainer than if there were no Patents.... As there are
innumerable instruments and processes for which Patents have
been and might still be taken, there must, if perpetuity of privilege be
granted, be a prodigious number of monopolies, and almost no
operation could be performed, nothing done, without people being
obliged to pay tribute to some privileged person. There would be a
countless host of administrators like receivers of tolls and pontages,
diminishing wealth in place of creating it; the world would soon
produce too little to sustain the monopolists and their employés. We
thus arrive at an impossibility. But conceive all this possible, and the
world must yet miss a great number of inventions and improvements,
that would under the system of perpetuity be prevented. This is seen
by the obstacles which even privileges of limited duration throw in
the way of new inventions. In actual practice progress is often
attained only by the use of previous inventions. But what if these are
the subject of Patents the holder of which will not come to terms or
cannot be treated with? Retardation, if the privilege is temporary; a
full stop, if perpetual.
NOTES ILLUSTRATIVE OF MR.
MACFIE’S SPEECH.
[Page 17.]
The views taken in the text as to the meaning of the word
“manufacture” receive confirmation from the following extract from
the Engineer of June 4, 1869:—