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Gated Luxury Condominiums
in India

Gated Luxury Condominiums in India: A Socio-Spatial Arena for New Cosmo-

politans critically examines gated luxury condominiums in contemporary India,
exploring their role in shaping elite power and identity within the framework of neo-
liberalism. It delves into the spatial structure, perception and post-occupancy expe-
rience of these enclaves, offering valuable insights into India’s urban development.
This book convincingly elucidates the complex socio-spatial transformations
underway in India, inviting readers to understand the depth and breadth of these
changes, particularly within the rapidly expanding middle and upper-middle
classes. It adopts a robust multi-disciplinary approach, combining methodologies
such as spatial ethnography, threshold mapping, qualitative interviews and dis-
course analysis. Focused on the architectural typology of luxury condominiums,
the study serves as a lens for broader social transformations grounded in case stud-
ies from Mumbai and Pune. Through a meticulous dissection of the lived experi-
ences of various categories of users – owners, visitors and service staff – the book
unveils the complex socio-spatial hierarchies perpetuated within these enclaves.
Drawing on theories of cosmopolitanism and postcolonial critiques, the monograph
makes a significant scholarly contribution to the disciplines of architecture and the
built environment. It fills a gap in the existing literature on modern domesticity in
India, offering original research that highlights how architecture is instrumental in
socially divisive practices of elite formation.
It will appeal to scholars, researchers and students across disciplines like archi-
tecture, landscape design, spatial sociology, urban studies and area studies, focusing
on India and South Asia. It is particularly compelling for those interested in the
sociocultural dynamics of the middle class, encompassing themes such as domestic-
ity, material culture and spatial politics within the context of Indian condominiums.

Dhara Patel is an architect and postdoctoral researcher at the Chair of Urban and Spa-
tial Sociology, Institute of Sociology, TU Darmstadt, Germany. Her research focuses
on the intersection of architecture, urban studies and sociology, with a particular em-
phasis on housing and socio-spatial dynamics. She holds a PhD in Architecture Build-
ing and Planning from the University of Melbourne. Her scholarly pursuits delve into
the transformative impacts of globalisation on living spaces, the intricacies of postco-
lonial urbanism and the material manifestations of culture in the built environment.
Routledge Research in Architecture

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Curated in China
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Gated Luxury Condominiums
in India
A Socio-Spatial Arena for New Cosmopolitans

Dhara Patel
Designed cover: image created by Carla Joraschky
First published 2024
by Routledge
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© 2024 Dhara Patel
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Names: Patel, Dhara (Dhara Ramesh), author.
Title: Gated luxury condominiums in India : a socio-spatial arena for new
cosmopolitans / Dhara Patel.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2024. | Series: Routledge
research in architecture | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2023058581 (print) | LCCN 2023058582 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781032469355 (hardback) | ISBN 9781032484273 (paperback) |
ISBN 9781003389019 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Condominiums--India. | Gated communities--India. |
High-rise apartment buildings--India. | Elite (Social
sciences)--Dwellings--India. | Architecture and globalization--India. |
India--Economic conditions--1991-
Classification: LCC HD7287.67.I4 P38 2024 (print) |
LCC HD7287.67.I4 (ebook) | DDC 333.33/8--dc23/eng/20240401
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ISBN: 978-1-032-46935-5 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-032-48427-3 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-38901-9 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003389019

Typeset in Times New Roman

by KnowledgeWorks Global Ltd.
Contents

List of figures vi
List of tables xiii
Acknowledgements xiv

I ntroduction: Verticality and prestige: bungalows to gated

luxury condominiums 1

PART I
Conception 15
1  The allure of exclusivity: Imagery, investment and identity 17
2 Liminal luxury: Identity and spatial constructs 50
3 D
 wellings and social prestige: Vernacular, colonial,
postcolonial India 74

PART II
Occupation : Case studies from Mumbai 107
4 The new cosmopolitans: Modern domesticity 109
5 O
 ld discriminations, new spatial mechanisms: The spectacle
of consumption 174

PART III
Evolution 199
6 From global to neocolonial? Progression of type 201
7 Beyond the gates: Unpacking social mobility and spatial politics 238

Bibliography 251
Index 264
Figures

0.1 “Antilla”: ‘A modern house with an Indian heart’, as described

by one of its owners, Nita Ambani, wife of Indian industrialist
and billionaire Mukesh Ambani, Mumbai. 3
0.2 Luxury high-rises forming the skyline in south Mumbai. 6
0.3 India level indices, housing price index, National Housing
Board India (Base year 2017=100). 7
1.1 Luxury housing units sold in India’s seven prime residential
markets in 2022 as compared to previous years. 19
1.2 Income pyramid of Indian households as per NCAER-CMCR
2010 annual income data. 22
1.3 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and housing types. 24
1.4 Concept model reflecting a marketing strategy for luxury properties. 25
1.5 Promotional image for World One. 26
1.6 Advertisement from Lodha Bellissimo marketing brochure. 27
1.7 Advertisement from Lodha Bellissimo marketing brochure
emphasising luxury concierge services. 28
1.8 Advertisement from Lodha Bellissimo marketing brochure
targeting affluent, globally mobile professionals aged 35–45,
emphasising world-class amenities and a cosmopolitan lifestyle. 29
1.9 Advertisement from Lodha Bellissimo marketing brochure
highlighting opulence and lifestyle, aimed at affluent individuals
with cultural capital. 30
1.10 Advertisement Imagery for Lodha Altamount – (a) Altamount
Road as an epitome of serene exclusivity and contemporary
luxury; (b) Historical symbols and narratives evoking the
longstanding legacy of aristocracy and power associated with
Mumbai’s esteemed Altamount Road. 32
1.11 Advertisement for Lodha Altamount - Potrayal as a landmark on
the skyline of Mumbai’s Altamount road, offering expansive sea
and city views. 33
1.12 Division of Indian households based on annual income. 36
1.13 Shift in Mumbai demographics. 36
1.14 Advertisement displayed at a bus stop in Thane, Mumbai. 38
1.15 Advertisement displayed on the side of the road, Pune. 38
 Figures vii

1.16 Marketing poster, CASA VIVA by Lodha. 39

1.17 Advertisement from marketing brochure. 41
1.18 Advertisement from marketing brochure. 42
2.1 Mumbai district and the location of the chosen condominium cases. 61
2.2 Abandoned mill structures with upcoming condominium
structures in the background. 62
2.3 Site plan of Planet Godrej. 64
2.4 Site plan of Lodha Bellissimo. 65
2.5 Site plan of World Towers, Lodha Place. 66
2.6 Suburban plan of Pune with location of YooPune and One North
in the Hadapsar area. 67
2.7 Site plan of One North. 69
2.8 Site plan of YooPune. 70
3.1 An open chowk shared between pol houses with a central
chabutaro (bird feeder) (a). Amba Ma no khancho, a narrow
laneway through Dhanasuthar ni Pol with face-to-face houses
in Ahmedabad (b). 76
3.2 Intricately carved street-facing façade of a traditional courtyard
house (haveli) belonging to an elite in Jaisalmer, Rajasthan
(left). The streetscape formed by the indegenous havelis
(centre); internal courtyard open to the sky featuring ornamental
jharokhas with intricate stone carvings (right), Jaisalmer. 77
3.3 Plan of a mohalla in South Delhi, c. 1910 (a). Haveli Qamr
al-Din Khan c. 1850, showing pavilions and units connected
by courtyards (b). 78
3.4 A Hindu haveli type in Baroda (a). View of the grand courtyard
in the former haveli of a rich Marwari merchant in Shekhawat,
Fatehpur (b), image taken from Adobe Stock Images,
photographed by David Evision 2012. 79
3.5 Haveli Khazanchi, a Muslim haveli type in Delhi with separate
men’s and women’s quarters around the two different courtyards
(a), entertainers performing in the central courtyard (b). 80
3.6 Plan and elevation of a townhouse in Kolkata (a). Façade
incorporating European influences (b). 81
3.7 A typical colonial bungalow (a). A colonial bungalow in Bangalore (b). 82
3.8 Generic site layouts showing driveways and servants’ quarters
at the back (a). Urban plan depicting the officer’s suburbs in
Calcutta 1887–1909 with servants’ spaces shown in black (b). 85
3.9 Standard type of bungalow in Bangalore (left), more opulent
type of bungalow (right). 86
3.10 Art Deco apartment block on Nariman Drive, South Mumbai. 89
3.11 Typical apartment landscape with buildings and compounds
in south Mumbai. Notice the minimal distance between the
compound wall around the four-storey apartment building and
the high-rise residential block. 90
viii Figures

3.12 An Art Deco-style bungalow in Bandra, Mumbai (a). ‘Villa

Shodhan’: Modernist bungalow designed by Le Corbusier in
Ahmedabad in the early 1950s (b). 93
3.13 Typical apartment landscape with buildings and compounds in
various regions from the 1930s to 1990s: Tara Housing, Delhi
1975 (a), Babylon apartments, Kolkata 1983 (b) and Bandra
apartment skyline 2007 (c). 94
3.14 Bird’s eye view of an upcoming luxury condominium project,
highlighting the luxurious and extensive nature of its amenities. 96
3.15 (a), (b), (c) Marketing brochure advertising extensive and
‘world class’ list of amenities. 98
3.16 The towers are connected at the 20th floor and have a
kilometre-long skywalk with a jogging track. The development
also has facilities such as a splash pool, coffee shop, library,
yoga zone, skating rink, gym and so on. 99
3.17 Bird’s eye view of various amenities on the elevated deck at
World Towers. 101
4.1 Panorama view of Planet Godrej. 110
4.2 Lodha Bellissimo. 111
4.3 Axonometric sketch of Planet Godrej, demarking thresholds at
site level. 117
4.4 Axonometric sketch of Lodha Bellissimo, demarking thresholds
at site level. 118
4.5 Entrance gate to Planet Godrej. 119
4.6 Entrance gate to Lodha Bellissimo. 120
4.7 Mill workers’ chawls in the foreground of Planet Godrej, Mumbai. 121
4.8 Comparatively modest drop-off point and entrance foyer at
Planet Godrej (a); more opulent drop-off point covered by a
bronze portico at Lodha Bellissimo (b). 122
4.9 Personalised lobby space – Apartment A2. 123
4.10 Personalised lobby space with name plaque – Apartment A3. 124
4.11 Perspective from the visitor’s point of view while entering from
the main door into Apartment B2 (a). On the right-hand side is
the private lift, which opens directly into the apartment. View
of the living room complete with two diwans and Mughal-style
carpets (b). 129
4.12 A series of hand-drawn sketches depicting rural life in India
(a). Collection of various scales of artefacts depicting traditional
ethnic musicians and dancers along with ethnic painting
(b). Various paintings in abstract modern style depicting deities
such as Buddha and the Hindu god Krishna (c). 130
4.13 Living room (a). Marble zhula with ornate carving in the deck
attached to the dining area (b). Marble mandir with marble idol
of Jalaram Bapa (c). 133
 Figures ix

4.14 VGA for Case A4. A4.1(a) (visibility graph: owner), A4.2(b)
(accessibility graph: service staff) and A4.3(c) (accessibility
graph: visitor). 136
4.15 Perspective from a visitor’s point of view while entering from
the main door into Apartment A4 with a clear focus on the
elevated ‘stage’ as the living area (left). An additional door was
added as a demarcating threshold between the public and private
areas, rendering service staff invisible (right). 138
4.16 VGA for case B2. B2.1(a) (visibility and accessibility graph:
owner); B2.2(b) (accessibility graph: visitor). 141
4.17 A zhula on the sea-facing balcony (a); double-sized living room (b). 144
4.18 VGA for Case A1. A1.1(a) (visibility graph: visitor), A1.2(b)
(accessibility: service staff) and A1.3(c) (accessibility
graph: visitor). 145
4.19 Interior photos of Apartment A1. The image on (a) shows the
dining area furnished with a dining table and crockery cupboard,
and the image on (b) shows the living area with a wooden mural
of Krishna. 147
4.20 Stylised piece of furniture that acts as both a storage space and a
sculpture (a). View of the living room incorporating the butterfly
sculpture recommended by an architect friend (b). 150
4.21 The golden crane statue on one side of the wall (a); a wooden
mini bar on the right end of the wall (b). Both of them were
acquired in China. 153
4.22 VGA for case A3. (a) (visibility graph: visitor) and (b)
(accessibility graph: visitor). 154
4.23 Interior photos of Apartment A3. The image on (a) shows the
large living area with a marble floor and a full wall of sea-facing
windows. The image on (b) shows the marble shrine in the
pooja room (prayer room). 155
4.24 A highly curated living area of Apartment B4. 159
4.25 The grand mandir (a) and the powder room door clad in
wooden batons (b). 159
4.26 The upper left image shows the arrangement of the furniture in
the living room and the nature of the decor; in the remaining
images, one can see the collection of marble figurines: Venus de
Milo, porcelain table lamps, oriental vases and Italianate statues,
in addition to a painting depicting the streets of Paris. 163
4.27 VGA for Case A2. A2.1(a) (accessibility graph: visitor) and
A2.2(b) (accessibility graph: service staff). 164
5.1 Diagrammatic representation of various landscaped spaces.
Plan (top), section (bottom). 177
5.2 Clockwise from lower right: approach to the clubhouse
(pathway), arrival portico with pool view, view from within to
the main lawn, visual integration of the pool into the main lawn. 179
x Figures

5.3 Ganesha temple with minimalist modern aesthetics and a

marble idol of a non-ornamented Ganesha. 181
5.4 View of the main green lawn with the waterfall feature at one
edge and the residential towers in the background (left), water
pools within the lawn (right). 183
5.5 Cascading waterfalls with reflecting pools (top), the waterfall
lit at night-time (bottom). 185
5.6 Advertisement for Lodha Bellissimo focusing on the ‘pristine
landscape’. 186
5.7 ‘The stair with a view’ to the northern edge of the site (left), the
upper deck with timber flooring and palm trees and the gradual
stair connecting the lower ground to the upper deck. 188
5.8 Children’s play area including tree houses and themed play area
with water bodies. 190
5.9 The drop-off point covered by a bronze portico (a); the arrival
lobby with the concierge desk and waiting space for the visitors (b). 192
5.10 Shared balcony space occurring on every fourth floor as an
extension of the shared lobby area. (a) Plan of the lobby area
with the Sky-Garden looking out to the Arabian Sea. (b) Shared
lobby space connected to the Sky-Garden. (c) View of the Sky-
Garden from the shared lobby space. 194
6.1 (a) Standard colonial bungalow in Bengaluru. (b) More opulent
bungalow possibly once inhabited by Winston Churchill with a
free-standing kitchen. (c) Another opulent bungalow inhabited
by British officials. 203
6.2 Spatial zoning and access points in (a), (b) and (c) bungalows.
The arrows at the back of the bungalows indicate service
movement and access, while the arrows in the front side indicate
visitor access and movement to the bungalows. 204
6.3 VGA from the service staff perspective. All three (a), (b) and (c)
models have major movement and occupation by service staff at
the back of the bungalow, where the servant quarters and service
access to the bungalow are located (red areas indicate the most
integrated and dark blue the most segregated). 204
6.4 VGA from a visitor’s perspective. All three (a), (b) and (c)
models illustrate maximum movement and usage at the front of
the bungalow, with the main focus on the landscape and arrival
portico (red areas indicate the most integrated and dark blue the
most segregated). 205
6.5 Thresholds in colonial bungalows at site level and inside the
bungalow. Analysis by the author. 205
6.6 Thresholds in Planet Godrej and Lodha Bellissimo at site level
and inside the apartments. Analysis by the author. 207
6.7 Layout of a typical apartment showcasing the concept of staged
entry and staged living area. 209
 Figures xi

6.8 Image of the visitors’ lobby, laden with various plush

materials, artefacts and furnishings, sets up the staged entry,
leading up to the waiting point and funnelling visitors to the
edge of the living area. 210
6.9 Panoramic view overlooking the racecourse and the Arabian
Sea, forming an extension of the ‘display’ of the living area. 211
6.10 Diagrammatic representation of physical thresholds formed in
One North at site level and inside the apartments. 213
6.11 Central green open space at One North. 213
6.12 (a) Typical four-bedroom apartment in One North. (b)
Location of service core and lifts for owners and visitors
along with a separate entry point to the apartment for service
staff at the opposite end of the lobby. (c) VGA from service
staff perspective where the main entry to the apartment is
modelled closed. This graph is also modelled from the view
of accessibility. The most prominent area turns out to be the
centre of the living area, which provides access for service
staff to serve the living and dining area. (d) VGA from a visitor
perspective with the assumption of walking around – the most
prominently used area is the living area and entrance lobby,
illustrating a strong focus on the living area and the notion of
‘staged living’. 214
6.13 Provision of an additional threshold in the form of a glass
barrier/door after entering the apartment through the main door
(unoccupied unit at the time of visit) at One North. 215
6.14 Promotional material leveraging Bollywood actress Twinkle
Khanna as the brand ambassador for the interior design of
apartments by developers Panchshil Realty. 217
6.15 Ariel view of ‘Lodha Place’ housing World Towers and two
office buildings (a). Operational thresholds at site level and at
apartment level in World One (b). 219
6.16 A verdant green lawn with a cricket pitch at Lodha place,
catering to the World Towers (a). Luxurious swimming
pool at podium level, World Towers (b). 220
6.17 The ‘Avenue’ leading to World Towers (a). The entrance
courtyard at World Towers (b). 221
6.18 Master site plan – Lodha Place (World Towers) highlighting
the position of the retractable sliding gate alongside a security
cabin on both ends of the ‘Avenue’ (a). The main access to
‘The Avenue’ off Senapati Bapat Marg is secured and patrolled
diligently (b). A security cabin is on the left-hand side of the
road, while the tracks on the road for the retractable gate and
the concrete block that houses the gate can be seen on the
right-hand side of the street. 224
xii Figures

6.19 (a) Typical three-bedroom apartment in World One. (b) Zoning

plan indicating the service core with separate entry for the
service staff and separate movement core for the owners and
visitors, opening to a separate lobby on each floor. (c) VGA
from a service staff perspective, where the main entry to the
apartment is modelled closed. This graph is also modelled from
the view of accessibility. The most prominent area emerges as
the circulation spine. (d) VGA from visitor’s perspective with
the assumption of walking around – the most prominently used
area is the entrance lobby and the living area, reflecting a strong
focus on the living area and the notion of ‘staged living’. 228
6.20 A luxurious Hindu-Jain temple in the landscapes of Lodha
Place, which caters to the World Towers. 229
6.21 The central landscape at YooPune with its feature ‘rainforest’
housing many of its novel amenities. 230
6.22 Operative thresholds at site level and individual apartment
level in YooPune. Analysis by the author. 231
6.23 (a) Typical four-bedroom apartment in YooPune. (b) Location
of service core and lifts for owners and visitors along with
a separate entry point to the apartment for service staff
at the opposite end of the lobby. (c) VGA from a service
staff perspective, where the main entry to the apartment is
modelled closed. This graph is also modelled from the view
of accessibility. (d) VGA from the visitor perspective with the
assumption of walking around – the most prominently used area
is the central spine, reflecting a strong focus on the living area
and the notion of ‘staged living’. 232
6.24 Display dining area and kitchen with Osho chappals on the
ceiling (top). Entrance hallway decorated with elements of
self-orientalism – the multi-coloured turbans on the
wall (bottom). 233
7.1 A full-page advertisement for an upcoming luxury
condominium in the city of Ahmedabad in the Sunday Times. 239
7.2 Crescent Bay overview: (a) aerial view with Pragati Towers,
(b) Crescent Bay over former chawls in Bhoiwada, and (c) SRA
towers housing displaced slum dwellers. 248
Tables

2.1 Selected case studies in Mumbai and Pune, based on the

conception and occupancy phases 60
4.1 Classifying four apartment types used as case studies from
Planet Godrej in the chapter 114
4.2 Classifying four apartment types from Lodha Bellissimo used as
case studies in the chapter 115
Acknowledgements

My profound gratitude extends to my mentors and colleagues, whose guidance and

support were indispensable in the completion of this book. The genesis of this book
lies in my PhD dissertation, conducted from 2012 to 2018 at the School of Archi-
tecture, Building and Planning at the University of Melbourne. I am immensely
grateful to the University of Melbourne for its rich academic environment and the
generous financial support it offered, both crucial in bringing this ambitious pro-
ject to fruition. In particular, I owe a deep sense of indebtedness to Anoma Pieris,
who has been my PhD supervisor, mentor and friend for more than 13 years. Her
selfless assistance, invaluable guidance and unwavering belief in my work over
the past decade have been a literal light in the dark for me, guiding me through the
complexities of my academic journey.
The further research and writing of this book were undertaken during my post-
doctoral phase at TU Darmstadt, generously funded by the Deutsche Forschun-
gsgemeinschaft (German Research Foundation) from 2021 to 2023. Here, in
Sybille Frank, I found an exceptional mentor and a dear friend. Her intellectual
guidance and friendship have been a source of immense comfort and support as
I adapted to life in a new country and an unfamiliar academic environment. Her
guidance has been invaluable at every stage of this book’s development, and for
this, I am profoundly thankful.
I extend my sincere thanks to Utpal Sharma and Aniket Bhagwat from CEPT
Ahmedabad for their invaluable assistance in connecting me with key individuals
for my fieldwork interviews. Additionally, my gratitude goes to my contacts at
Godrej Properties and Lodha Properties for their essential guidance in navigating
the complexities of the corporate world. I am also thankful to numerous kind peo-
ple from Ahmedabad, Mumbai and Pune who helped and supported my research
in various ways: Archisha Hingu, Dhruvesh Gandhi, Kruti Patel, Sameer Khan,
Bhadresh Trivedi and Manish Soneja, among others.
I dedicate this book to my family, whose unwavering support and understanding
have been my pillars. To my husband, Alex, and my son, Arjun, for their endless
patience and encouragement, and to my parents and brother, whose kind support
has been a constant source of strength, I extend my deepest gratitude. Each of you
has played an integral role in this journey, and I am profoundly thankful for your
love and support.
 Acknowledgements xv

Portions of this book have been adapted from my previously published works.
Specifically, a segment of Chapter 4 originates from my paper titled ‘Negotiating
Identities in the Designs for New Luxury Condominiums in Neo-liberal India’, pub-
lished in the International Journal of Design in Society, Vol. 9, Issue 4, pp. 15–29,
by Common Ground Publishing, Illinois, USA, in 2015, accessible at https://doi.
org/10.18848/2325-1328/CGP/v09i04/38569. Additionally, elements of Chapters
1 and 6 are derived from my article ‘Evolution of Elite High-rise Condominiums
in India: From Global to Neo-colonial?’, published in the Journal of Postcolonial
Studies, Vol. 20, Issue 4, pp. 456–478, by Routledge, UK, in 2017, available at
https://doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2017.1407281.
Introduction
Verticality and prestige: bungalows to
gated luxury condominiums

I grew up in the metropolitan city of Ahmedabad in the 1980s. Despite its metro-
politan status, the city was known for its calm and relaxed pace, green spaces and
affordable housing compared to the hustle-bustle and space congestion of Mumbai,
Delhi or Kolkata. Ahmedabad has a distinct urban form characterised by the pres-
ence of an old city and a new city, divided by the river Sabarmati. The old city is the
historical walled urban centre (dating back to the 15th century) on the eastern side
of the river, while the new city is the hub established during colonial occupation to
the west of the river. This part of the city embodied the colonial vision of modernity
and of living spaces. Its urban fabric is distinctly dotted with bungalows from co-
lonial and post-colonial times, including various architectural styles such as mod-
ernist, regionalist, etc. My earliest memory of my home is of an apartment in my
father’s company’s residential quarters for its employees. The company housing
was categorised by employment hierarchy, with apartments for junior officers and
bungalows of varied sizes for higher ranking officers and management executives.
This socio-spatial hierarchy was also evident in the city’s urban fabric, with the
bungalow as a marker for social prestige and wealth. My family was a typical ex-
ample of the rising Indian middle class with a nuclear family structure; my father
worked as an engineer for a state-run electricity power plant. Owning a bungalow
was always a big aspiration for my parents, just like a million other aspiring Indi-
ans, and it seemed like an achievable progression at that time in Ahmedabad. How-
ever, the turn of the decade – early 1990s – brought major changes: my fathers’
company was privatised and the generous housing allowances were clipped. We
moved into a high-rise apartment instead of a bungalow, contrary to the residential
progression my parents had hoped for, owing to the rising price of land. During the
same timeframe there was also major demolishment of old-generation bungalows
on the C.G. Road (in the new city’s central business district) in Ahmedabad, only
to be replaced by sleek glass towers. Nonetheless my parents’ dreams persisted.
By the early 2000s, the price of land had sky-rocketed, making it impossible
to buy properties in inner-city areas, which gave rise to many bungalow develop-
ments at the outer city fringes. My parents fulfilled their dream by buying into one
of these developments, even though it meant compromising on the criteria of loca-
tion. By this time, the city was crowded with towers of all different sizes, and with

DOI: 10.4324/9781003389019-1
2 Introduction

an ever-rising land value, the property rates of my parents’ bungalow also went up
eight times the original price in a span of ten years. This unprecedented spike in
property prices has since led to further uneven urban restructuring, with gentrifica-
tion of the urban fringe. The re-sale of city fringe bungalows has now resulted in
the development of the new model of gated condominiums with luxury amenities.
But these high-rise residential developments are nothing like the previous genera-
tion of apartments that I grew up in. They cater to the aspirations of people who
dream of, but are unable to own landed properties such as spacious bungalows with
lush green lawns and uninterrupted vistas of greenery; they cater to the aspirations
of people who want to feel they have finally arrived. This new condominium type
is tied to the associations of a modern-day, fast-paced global way of living, not
having to worry about security or maintenance of the house, but also not having
to compromise on luxuries and most importantly, achieving the ultimate dream of
owning a bungalow. My parents are frequently contacted by developers with offers
to eschew their prize-possessed bungalow in exchange for a swanky condominium
in these aspirational gated developments.
My story is not a singular account but rather a reflection of a collective socio-
spatial ordeal of millions of other aspiring middle-class Indians as a result of India’s
tryst with neoliberalism – the economic framework that preaches market fundamen-
talism but uses the state to engineer a redistribution of income and assets in favour of
financial capital and big business – tracing back to the opening up of the economy in
1991.1 The neoliberal capitalist economy has produced an array of drivers for draw-
ing investment into the country. I argue that real estate developers within this econ-
omy devise familiar imagery, seduce investors and produce an international market
for Indian land and buildings. The scenarios developed are familiar to international
investors, and new housing types like gated luxury condominiums serve as new aspi-
rational models for new and ‘wannabe’ elites. These domestic spaces have the most
intimate impact on the largest growing segment of the population, the upper-middle
and middle class, providing an innovative site for self-fashioning where users can
directly negotiate their environment. This book thus focuses on the architectural type
of luxury condominiums as a lens with which to explore the sociocultural transfor-
mations brought about by the market economy and globalisation in Indian society.
Developers recast embedded cultural hierarchies as class-based environments
in these luxury condominiums by borrowing from the spatial colonial taxonomy of
a bungalow, and in turn reviving many of the colonial attributes of status building.
Perhaps the most incongruous manifestation of these dual aspirations is ‘Antilla’,
a private house belonging to an Indian billionaire, Mukesh Ambani, which was
completed in Mumbai in 2010 (Fig. 0.1). The building, which integrates bungalow
and high-rise tower, reflects the extremity of the transformation that has happened
to the elite house form in India. It is also a very peculiar image, as it combines a
house and high-rise tower in a hybrid configuration that reflects concepts such as
new-age living, cosmopolitanism and globalisation, which are used by authors like
Christiane Brosius,2 Henrike Donner,3 Leela Fernandes,4 Ruchira Ganguly-Scrase
and Timothy Scrase5 and Pavan Varma6 in describing the scenario that followed the
economic liberalisation in India.
 Introduction 3

Figure 0.1 “Antilla”: ‘A modern house with an Indian heart’, as described by one of its
owners, Nita Ambani, wife of Indian industrialist and billionaire Mukesh Am-
bani, Mumbai.
Source: https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2018/08/antilla-the-worlds-costliest-house/

Building on this scholarly work, this book explores the increasing attraction
of luxury condominiums as a preferred housing type for elite residences in con-
temporary India, their proliferation as gated communities at the urban fringe, and
the displacement of the bungalow as the preferred residential type for the elite in
India throughout the 20th century. The high-rise condominium is a new ‘gated’
spatial type associated with economic liberalisation in the minds of Indians and
is perceived to express aspirations of social mobility and global citizenship. To
gain a deeper insight into the social processes that accompany economic structural
change, this study explores the architecture of this condominium type. It shows that
at least three parallel processes are unfolding: an ‘Indianisation’ of a global housing
type, an exhibition of cosmopolitan sophistication, and demonstrations of aspira-
tional status change. Simultaneously, new versions of spatial differentiations be-
tween would-be elite owners, guests, servants and outsiders, established in colonial
bungalows, are being reconstructed inside the landscaped grounds in the air. This
monograph delves into these processes by scrutinising the conception, occupation
(lived experience) and evolution of the condominium type since its injection into
the Indian urban landscape by exemplifying five condominium projects in Mumbai
and Pune. The investigation is based on a multi-disciplinary methodological ap-
proach grounded in spatial sociological theories. Spatial ethnography and threshold
mapping in combination with qualitative interviews and discourse analysis were
applied to open a window to the complexity of the gated environments. The study
4 Introduction

reveals that the neoliberal model of condominiums in India not only adapts to but
also reinforces local socio-spatial hierarchies, a phenomenon that is paralleled by,
yet distinct from, the manifestations of spatial inequality within condominium
landscapes in Western contexts.
The focus of this book, high-rise luxury residential condominium development
and its role in the socio-spatial construction of elite power and identity in neolib-
eral India, is a conspicuous and significant phenomenon in the contemporary urban
development of India that has been begging for rigorous critical research, inde-
pendent of the market research ongoing within and for the property industry that is
creating these increasingly extraordinary and exclusive developments. This book
is the first substantial study of such developments undertaken from the standpoint
of the discipline of architecture and the built environment, and focusing critically
on the spatial structure, perception and post-occupancy experience of these high-
rise enclaves, rather than the formal ideas and technical ingenuity of their design
and construction.
This study is not about the formal ideas and technical ingenuity of the design
and construction of luxury condominiums. It also does not claim to be a system-
atic and all-embracing investigation of ‘the’ condominium type throughout India;
the varying urban histories of varied geographies would require many more and
specific inquiries into those urban contexts. Instead, the case studies in this book
address the most exorbitant condominium projects in the financial capital of Mum-
bai and Pune and their associated images and socio-spatial concepts, with a view
to venturing into the very evocative realm of domesticity, coupled with a concrete
experience of globalisation, especially of transnationality and cosmopolitanism.
This study is an investigation into the conception, perception and lived-in experi-
ences of these high-rise enclaves through the lens of cultural globalisation, which
produces diverse strategies of socio-spatial occupation, new forms of identity con-
struction and new forms of subjectivities.

The phenomenon of luxury condominiums

The attraction of condominium living is better contextualised in terms of signifi-
cant social, political and economic factors over the last century. Many forces such
as colonial occupation, the modern movement, a resurgence of regionalist ideas,
economic liberalisation and globalisation have contributed to changes in Indian ar-
chitecture and more recently to the housing associated with elites. India is a hetero-
geneous country of many regional geographies and subcultures and this diversity
is reflected most clearly in its vernacular residential architecture.7
Traditionally, large residences for the rich were most often built around an en-
closed courtyard, whereas ordinary villagers lived in detached huts or continuous
urban housing. The use of the bungalow as a typical house form was introduced
by British colonists in urban areas as a sign of separateness and superiority, as
an object sitting in a landscape in sharp contrast with the dense fabric of tradi-
tional Indian houses in the same city, a condition typical of British presidencies
such as Bombay, Bengal and Madras. The bungalow as a detached house form was
 Introduction 5

gradually appropriated to suit different cultural and climatic variations across India
and became an aspirational symbol of status for middle- and higher-income urban
houses during the 20th century. Wealthy Indians adopted a more elaborate style of
architecture at the scale of a mansion.8
With the arrival in independent India of modernist masters like Le Corbusier
and Louis Kahn, their architecture became a major source of inspiration for de-
signing modernist houses for elite families who were open to accepting global
aesthetic trends. These new ideas were also supported by the political aspirations
of the newly independent India as advanced by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru,
an advocate of scientific progress.9 However even during this modernist wave,
the bungalow persisted as a desirable residential type for Indian elites. For ex-
ample, Le Corbusier designed three residences in Ahmedabad for wealthy mill
owners10 that reinterpreted and extended some of the spatial elements and con-
figurations of bungalows. After independence, there was a new-found desire to
establish and assert local identity and identify with Indian roots. On a wider scale,
low-rise apartments also became more prevalent in the late 1970s and 1980s, with
self-proclaimed regionalist architects like Charles Correa and Raj Rewal building
institutional houses with forms and aesthetics reflective of indigenous culture,
spaces and materials.

The opening of the economy

The 1990s saw the end of a Soviet-inspired socialist regime in India that had pur-
sued a closed, import-substitution model of trade. Now, India began opening the
economy to an influx of foreign investments. The accumulation of local and for-
eign debt in 1991 initiated the rollback of development economics and brought
in fiscal and monetary policies to open trade and capital accounts. Foreign direct
investment was invited into the Indian economy, signalling India’s new connection
to the landscapes of globalisation.11
The primarily agrarian economy shifted to a non-agrarian model following 1990
with the switch to decentralisation in policymaking and planning.12 The central
government effectively promotes policies that allow states to allocate large areas
of land for the use of private investment. The establishment of nearly 300 special
economic zones (SEZs) since 2005 exemplifies this approach.13 Post liberalisation,
the commercialisation of agricultural land led to a major shift in the structuring of
the urban environment in and around cities.
The structural adjustment programmes and liberalisation policies eventually
led to new opportunities for economic and cultural globalisation, with subsequent
changes in Indian architecture. The rapidly growing urban areas of India now at-
tract the largest investments and are where significant architectural transforma-
tions occur. Architecture in contemporary India is increasingly market-driven and
influences affluent and emergent middle-class city dwellers who have largely ac-
quired wealth due to new economic opportunities. Globalisation and its conceptual
corollary, neoliberalism, make transnational connections possible. With economic
liberalisation and a desire to attract foreign capital, there are opportunities to
6 Introduction

reconfigure built environments according to transnational norms. Luxury condo-

miniums exemplify transnational elite developments.
Globalisation has brought about big changes in building types by introducing
new programmes such as information technology parks, shopping malls and enter-
tainment multiplexes. Housing represents one of the largest sectors among these
development models with exponential growth during the past two decades.14 Fol-
lowing liberalisation and the introduction of policies of economic reform in the
country, incoming international investment transformed the political and spatial
arena.
Impressed by forecasts of sustained economic expansion, politicians and real
estate investors have capitalised on the opportunities created by various reforms to
channel funds into the property sector. Key policy changes, such as the authorisa-
tion of foreign direct investments in townships in 2002, the promotion of venture
capital investments in real estate in 2004, and the establishment of legal frame-
works for SEZs in 2005, have empowered developers to take a pivotal role in shap-
ing urban spatial developments.15 For a period in the mid-2000s, as the real estate
sector was growing at more than 20% per year, Indian developers experienced mas-
sive increases in valuation, those valuations being driven largely by land holdings.
However, these real estate reforms have better benefited the private actors and did
not result in the provision of housing to the economically weaker sections (EWSs)
or low-income groups (LIGs) of the population.16
The most radical transformation in the housing sector has taken place in the
residences for wealthy Indians who increasingly eschew living in a bungalow on
an individual property for a condominium unit in a high-rise tower (Fig. 0.2). In the
last two decades, these luxury high-rise towers have mushroomed around the major

Figure 0.2 Luxury high-rises forming the skyline in south Mumbai.

Source: Vijit 2023, Adobe Stock Images.
 Introduction 7

wealth-generating centres like Mumbai, Delhi and the new metropolitan cities as-
sociated with the IT sector. Major Indian multinational companies like Tata and
Godrej have also joined the competition in this rapidly expanding housing market
to offer luxury housing with developments around every major metropolis. These
trends are indicative of the scale and rate of growth of this premium building sector.
Changing economic policies during the last two decades have also caused dramatic
rises in land prices in and around the major metropolitan wealth-generating cen-
tres. There has been a sharp increase in property values in India’s major cities fol-
lowing economic liberalisation. This increase has provided lucrative incentives for
bungalows traditionally built on individual land parcels to capitalise on the value
of their land by selling it to developers and buying luxury condominiums in new
developments. The substitution of one house form with another is one of the most
influential aspects in the rapid development of luxury condominiums. The latest
trend in this price hike across India is documented by the National Housing Board
India (Fig. 0.3).17
Another result of the process of economic liberalisation since the 1990s, along
with the shift in the housing model for the elite in India, was a new heterogeneous

Figure 0.3 India level indices, housing price index, National Housing Board India (Base
year 2017=100).
Source: housingpriceindex.in.
8 Introduction

band of elite, produced by globalised capitalism, that is distinctly different from

the old. While in colonial times, zamindars (feudal lords) were the elite, the post-
independence era saw the demise of the zamindari (feudal system), giving rise to
the industrialist elites. In India, the liberalising of the economy in 1991 heralded the
age of knowledge and service-based industries, raising young professionals to the
elite category. These include professionals working in information technology (IT),
information technology enabled services (ITES), telecommunications industries
and the global banking sector. Non-resident Indians (NRIs) also form a big part of
the new investors in the Indian real estate market.

Approach and framing

The relationship between the market economy, the formation of the new middle
class and the conspicuous modes of consumption in India have begun to receive
attention in scholarship from the social sciences. However, comprehensive inves-
tigations of an architectural housing typology resultant of the market economy,
the particular role of modern domesticity, material culture and spatial organisa-
tion of interiors are rarely conducted due to lack of accessibility and the politics
of exclusion. Many of the studies in the field focus on a discursive analysis of the
neoliberal condition in contemporary urban India, which produces developments
ever more inaccessible to the general population.18 In such an approach, the accent
is on the semantic capacities of the buildings and public spaces which are often
analysed as symbols of collective notions of social mobility, growth, consumer-
ism, technology, social identity and development. In contrast, this book offers an
insight into the spatial structure, perception and lived experiences of the condo-
minium enclaves, apart from its discursive aspects. It uncovers the ways in which
the architecture of the condominiums is employed for self-fashioning purposes by
the new elite of India.
Some of the existing research does concentrate on ideas of modernisation pro-
cesses through domesticity and consumer culture, socio-spatial practices and the
use of aestheticised physical landscapes as a tool for producing new class sys-
tems.19 But most of these concepts have been explored as ‘singular ideas’ leading
the monograph based on different geographical locations. In contrast, this book
employs the combination of all the above-mentioned concepts to unpack the hous-
ing type of condominium in India in light of cultural globalisation and economic
liberalisation.
The focus of this book is on the spatial dimensions of the architectural type of
condominium in elite building processes in neoliberal India. The introduction of
condominium complexes featuring extensive green open land and shared ameni-
ties has redefined traditional notions of ownership, privacy and social dynamics in
residential spaces, presenting a contrast to earlier spatial types such as bungalows.
This transformation is characterised by a shift towards ownership by association,
a spatially compact model that engenders new understandings of privacy, and an
evolved relationship between owners and service staff that has implications for
spatial planning.
 Introduction 9

Hence in order to fully appreciate the complex spatial and social phenomena un-
der study, an explorative and multi-layered methodological approach was needed.
This study combines methods derived from the social sciences, architecture and
ethnography to gain a holistic understanding of the condominium type, in terms of
its role and influence in shaping the new elite identities. The primary lens adopted
was of design, spatial planning, and the occupation and negotiation of built space,
and was based on the tools and perspectives most relevant to the discipline of
architecture.
To understand the condominium type as a whole, it was important to understand
the processes behind the conception of the type and also the user interaction within
the type once it is built and occupied. Hence, condominium projects were selected
and categorised into two groups of cases studied before and after occupation by
residents. The selected case study condominiums are luxury high-rises in Mumbai
and Pune, developed by major Indian multi-corporations in partnership with inter-
national design teams. Chosen for their architectural language, innovative sales tac-
tics and premium amenities, these projects represent the pinnacle in spatial planning
and market pricing. They offer a lens into the typology’s systematic evolution and
its integration into India’s architectural milieu based on chronological development.
Why Mumbai and Pune? For one, because the two metropolitan cities of Mum-
bai and Pune have had very specific histories of urbanisation and associated archi-
tectural typologies for elite houses. Second, the condominium type in these two
western cities of India has the most exorbitant condominium projects in the whole
country. The investigation of socio-spatial boundaries in the apartments does not
produce generalisable results but rather focuses on the temporal changes across the
type as it evolves over a period of two decades. Each case is specific to the location
and social demographics of the residents.
My study presupposes a socially constructed understanding of what constitutes
elite status, which I argue is tied to these condominium environments, and is ac-
companied by a shift in the culture of production and marketing of these spaces that
is remarkably different from real-estate practices before economic liberalisation.
I was able to gain insights into these new practices through media analysis and
interviews with professionals from the real estate industry, which revealed both the
social constructed-ness of these environments and the new cultures that they cul-
tivate, as well as the dissemination of associated lifestyles. After having accessed
the apartments spatially, I conducted a spatial-ethnographic analysis that addressed
how social and cultural divisions particular to Indian society are reproduced in
these environments. My findings challenged the perception of standardised modern
apartment design as universally applicable across different environments.
In an effort to address both the social and spatial attributes of the elements under
study, I developed a framework that could satisfy both criteria focusing on physical
thresholds rather than self-contained spaces as indicative of the changes created by
this new form of vertical gated living. Visual graph analyses (VGA) from Space
Syntax were employed as a scientific tool to map social hierarchies in the usage
of space. In this study, this technique is used to map operative thresholds from the
perspective of three main categories of users – owner, visitor and service staff.
10 Introduction

At the same time, with the development of the type over time, there is a gradual
transition from an effort to create spaces that are identifiable with Westernisation
to other processes by which they are reclaimed through particular cultural prac-
tices. This becomes evident through the display of material artefacts and aesthetic
choices made by the residents. Not only am I marking a period of transition gen-
erally, but the spaces themselves are in transition, they undergo changes in this
process. Ethnographic methods like analysing photographs, making sketches of
the spaces and interviewing the occupants about space usage provide the richest
potential for better understanding this important phase of development.

Shape of the book

The book is divided into three sections. The first part, ‘Conception’, comprising
Chapters 1, 2 and 3, examines the phenomena and the factors that shape this new
emergent typology of condominiums. The second part, ‘Occupation’, is an in-depth
post-occupancy case study examination of two condominium developments from
Mumbai, shedding light – in Chapters 4 and 5 – on how this architectural typology
is used as an instrument for social mobility by the new elite in the neoliberal era.
Chapters 6 and 7 constitute the third and final section, ‘Evolution’, which serves
as the conclusion, addressing the way in which this typology has evolved, and pre-
senting insights for the future.
The first chapter, ‘The allure of exclusivity: imagery, investment and identity’,
revolves around how these new apartments are made desirable and the kinds of
social relationships that are anticipated for the future. It also centres on the role
played by the real estate industry in the process of devising this concept of exclu-
sivity and projecting it through this new residential typology. The chapter includes
analyses of marketing material and interviews with the marketing teams of real
estate companies. Real estate developers within this economy devise familiar im-
agery, seduce investors and produce an international market for Indian land and
buildings. The projection of the ideal client profile is a clever strategy to lure both
investors and consumers.
The ensuing chapter, entitled ‘Liminal luxury: identity and spatial constructs’,
serves as an intellectual scaffold for the analytical framework employed throughout
the book. It delves into the philosophical underpinnings and methodological rigour
that inform the study, with a particular emphasis on the application of threshold
theory and spatial analysis. These theoretical constructs are instrumental in dissect-
ing the mechanisms through which exclusivity is crafted and a novel cosmopolitan
identity is ascribed to the residents. The chapter further examines the intricacies of
social stratification, taste cultures and identity formation, particularly in the con-
text of neoliberal India. It provides a nuanced dissection of the contradictions and
complexities that luxury living encapsulates. The chapter also serves as a prologue
to the five case studies of luxury condominiums that are meticulously analysed and
critiqued in the subsequent sections of the book.
Chapter 3, ‘Dwellings and social prestige – vernacular, colonial, postcolonial
India’, discusses the construction of social prestige through various dwelling types,
 Introduction 11

with a focus on examples from various elite house forms in vernacular, colonial
and postcolonial India to then better situate the shaping of the new condominium
type in neoliberal India. The chapter simultaneously addresses economies of scale
when comparing condominiums to the previous models of elite residential typolo-
gies and the creation of a new spatial imagination. The typology of the condo-
minium introduces the provision of designed green open spaces along with other
global amenities that act as mechanisms of value creation and function as signs of
social distinction. These green spaces are completely invented and projected as part
of the cosmopolitan package.
Chapter 4, ‘The new cosmopolitans – modern domesticity’, analyses the socio-
spatial boundaries (thresholds) as they occur in the designs of luxury condominiums
through the study of the ‘lived experiences’ of two condominium projects – Planet
Godrej and Lodha Bellissimo – in Mumbai. The gated condominium developments
have been occupied and lived in since 2006 and are the first of their kind that are
available for investigation into changes to user identity within this new type. The
chapter discusses how this new architecture is mobilised for identity construction. It
focuses on socio-spatial boundaries as an existing social and architectural construct,
and on its use to emphasise the concept of exclusivity in this new environment
as contributing to new strategies of elite formation. Analysis-integrating data from
architectural threshold mappings, expert interviews and participant observation re-
veal that a study of condominium architecture presents an opportunity for analysing
the complex forms of self-fashioning under negotiation in the Indian cosmopolitan
landscape.
‘Old discriminations, new spatial mechanisms: the spectacle of consumption’
is the fifth chapter of this book and it focuses on various spatial elements in the
condominium projects as individual prestige mechanisms that exploit the persist-
ing segregation in society on the lines not only of class, but also caste and reli-
gion. Additionally, the chapter explores the ‘visual spectacle of consumption’ as
one of the key strategies employed spatially, which not only culturally mimics
the lifestyles and tastes of Europeans (and to certain extent of transnational non-
resident Indians), but strategically manipulates European ideas of living and being
and produces an ‘Indianised’ version of modernity. The chapter highlights the post-
colonial theorist perceptions of modernity and power imbalances transported by it.
Chapter 6, ‘From global to neocolonial? progression of type’, investigates pro-
gression across the spatial and socio-cultural typology of the condominium, fol-
lowing its injection into the Indian architectural landscape, employing the idea of
physical and social thresholds as a conceptual tool. The five condominium projects –
Planet Godrej, Lodha Bellissimo, One North, World One and YooPune represent the
chronological order and provide a window through which to understand how the con-
cept of exclusivity and the creation of a new elite (the new cosmopolitan Indian) is
further advanced as this residential typology evolves spatially. The chapter explores
the multiplicity of physical thresholds within the condominium’s spatial planning in
order to understand manifest social relationships of increasing complexity.
‘Beyond the gates: unpacking social mobility and spatial politics’, the fi-
nal chapter, concludes the book with theoretical considerations on the concepts
12 Introduction

emanating from the case studies from Mumbai and Pune. It compares the issues at
stake in western India to those in other international cities that have been reshaped
by globalisation. This chapter also reflects theoretically on the book’s findings and
provides new insights into the concepts that have emerged in the current literature
to theorise the mutually constitutive relationship between thresholds in architec-
tural design and the formation of elite identity. The phenomena that I examine here
in this book have far wider applications than in just one country. It is my hope that
further research will be carried out to understand the production and proliferation
of this type in other geographical locations.
This book is an extension of my doctoral research, undertaken between 2012
and 2018 at the Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning at the University of
Melbourne, Australia. The primary fieldwork, constituting the empirical backbone
of this study, was initiated in 2013 and executed in multiple phases. As I was in the
process of converting my dissertation into this manuscript, the global landscape
was dramatically altered by the advent of the COVID-19 pandemic. This unprec-
edented event not only temporarily halted my scholarly endeavours but also had
a profound impact on the real estate sector globally, including India. Contrary to
the widespread anticipation that the pandemic would deflate the ‘luxury bubble’
in the Indian property market, the phenomenon has intriguingly persisted in the
post-pandemic era. In 2022, upon revisiting Mumbai, I found that not only had
the luxury real estate market remained resilient, but it had also been aggressively
expanded, fuelled by a series of new state interventions at the urban scale. These
governmental actions, aimed at propping up luxury developments, bring into sharp
focus the ethical and social implications of urban governance in a world recover-
ing from a pandemic that has deepened existing inequalities. The first chapter of
this book serves as a critical entry point, scrutinising the so-called ‘resilience’ of
the luxury real estate sector while unpacking the complex socio-spatial dynamics
that underpin these exclusive habitats. In doing so, the COVID-19 pandemic is not
merely contextual but serves as a critical lens that refracts the inherent complexi-
ties and ethical quandaries of luxury living in neoliberal India.

Notes
1 Singh 1995.
2 Brosius 2010.
3 Donner 2011.
4 Fernandes 2006.
5 Ganguly-Scrase and Scrase 2008.
6 Varma 1999.
7 Desai, Desai and Lang 2012.
8 Evenson 1989.
9 Desai, Desai and Lang 2012.
10 Ibid. 2012.
11 Tiwari et al. 2015.
12 The crisis and subsequent economic reforms in the 1990s led to a change in politi-
cal relations between centre and state, from a command economy to a federal market
economy. The dismantling of controls exercised by the centre has created greater scope
 Introduction 13

for state governments to elaborate their own policies (Tiwari et al. from Rudolph and
Rudolph, 2001).
13 Tiwari et al. 2015: 7.
14 In post-liberalised India, total FDI rose rapidly from just $2.7 billion in 2004 to
$8 billion per year by 2007. In 2003, only 4.5% of total FDI inflow was committed to
the real estate and construction-related sectors. In 2004, the share of real estate invest-
ment increased to 10.6%. By 2007, when total FDI reached $8 billion, the share invested
in the real estate sector was 26.5%. Property consultancy firm Colliers reports that for-
eign institutional investment in India’s real estate has tripled, reaching $26.6 billion
from 2017 to 2022. During this five-year span, foreign capital constituted 81% of all
investments in the sector, as indicated in their report titled ‘India – High on Investors’
Agenda’. The first quarter of 2023 saw institutional investments in real estate increase
by 37% year-over-year, totalling $1.7 billion, with office assets being the primary driver.
Piyush Gupta, the Managing Director at Colliers India, stated that India is increasingly
becoming an attractive investment destination for both global and Asia-Pacific inves-
tors. (Sobia Khan, Economic Times, 12 May 2023) https://economictimes.indiatimes.
com/industry/services/property-/-cstruction/foreign-inflows-to-indian-real-estate-rise-
to-26-6-billion/articleshow/100175255.cms
15 Tiwari et al. 2015: 83. By the mid-2000s, many large developers that had remained
confined to specific cities went national, and DLF, Unitech, Sahara Group, Emaar MGF
have competed to expand land banks across many cities.
16 Ibid. 2015.
17 The Housing Price Index (HPI), established as a pivotal tool for monitoring fluctuations
in residential property prices, encompasses the eight preeminent cities of India. This
index utilises data obtained from quarterly surveys conducted by Housing.com, an emi-
nent real estate portal, with data accessible from the beginning of 2017. The collected
data encapsulates crucial details such as the price per square foot, the quantity – which
denotes the number of houses transacted or available – and the total value of transac-
tions. These are all crucial metrics derived from various sub-localities within each of the
eight major cities, and the data are collected in collaboration with real estate developers
and brokers. In addition to the city-specific indices, an aggregate India-level index is
computed. This holistic index delineates the average trajectory of housing prices and
quantities across the eight major cities, thereby offering a pan-India perspective on the
residential property market. As a critical part of the index construction, normalisation is
performed. This statistical procedure aligns the index to a base value of 100 as of Janu-
ary 2017. Such normalisation facilitates more straightforward temporal comparisons.
For example, should the index value for a specific city elevate to 110, it indicates a 10%
surge in housing prices since January 2017 in that city.
18 Baviskar and Ray 2020, Brosius 2010, Chattopadhyay 2010, Donner 2011, Fernandes
2006.
19 Abdelmonem 2015, Brosius 2010, Duncan and Duncan 2003, Jha and Pushpendra 2021,
Karimi 2013, Searle 2016.
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