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A persuasive and important challenge to current thinking on sports diplomacy.
Stuart Murray’s book is path-breaking and draws upon a breadth of interactions
with governments, diplomats and the world of sport. For those who question and
acknowledge the role of sport in making the politics of the possible, possible this
is a significant and timely tour de force. The author is arguably one of the world’s
leading authorities on sports diplomacy and this recent endeavour is a must read
for those working in politics, cultural relations and sport.
Professor Grant Jarvie, Chair of Sport,
University of Edinburgh, Scotland
This book provides a lively, engaging and much needed account of the deep and
enduring relationship between sport and diplomacy. Stuart Murray provides
analytical clarity and insights from the field to highlight the potential and pitfalls
of “sport diplomacy” as a tool for bringing people and communities together. In
doing so, he reminds us of the value of innovation in diplomacy, particularly for
today’s ever- changing world. An important piece of interdisciplinary scholarship,
this book will be of great interest to diplomats, scholars and sportspeople alike.
Professor Caitlin Byrne, Director,
Griffith Asia Institute, Australia
This book offers an accessible overview of the role sport plays in international
relations and diplomacy.
Sports diplomacy has previously been defined as an old but under-studied
aspect of the estranged relations between peoples, nations and states. These days,
it is better understood as the conscious, strategic and ongoing use of sport,
sportspeople and sporting events by state and non-state actors to advance policy,
trade, development, education, image, reputation, brand and people-to-people
links. In order to better understand the many occasions where sport and diplo-
macy overlap, this book presents four new, interdisciplinary and theoretical cat-
egories of sports diplomacy: traditional, ‘new’, sport-as-diplomacy, and sports
anti-diplomacy. These categories are further validated by a large number of case
studies, ranging from the Ancient Olympiad to the recent appearance of esoteric,
government sports diplomacy strategies, and beyond, to the activities of non-
state sporting actors such as F.C. Barcelona, Colin Kaepernick and the digital
world of e-sports. As a result, the landscape of sports diplomacy becomes
clearer, as do the pitfalls and limitations of using sport as a diplomatic tool.
This book will be of much interest to students of diplomacy, foreign policy,
sports studies and International Relations in general.
Secret Diplomacy
Concepts, Contexts and Cases
Edited by Corneliu Bjola and Stuart Murray
Sports Diplomacy
Origins, Theory and Practice
Stuart Murray
Stuart Murray
First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Stuart Murray
The right of Stuart Murray to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
Names: Murray, Stuart, author.
Title: Sports diplomacy : origins, theory and practice / Stuart Murray.
Description: First edition. | Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2018. |
Series: Routledge new diplomacy studies | Includes bibliographical
references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018005793 | ISBN 9780815356905 (hardback) |
ISBN 0815356900 (hardback) | ISBN 9781351126960 (ebook) |
ISBN 1351126962 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Sports and state–History. | Diplomacy–Social aspects. |
International relations–Social aspects.
Classification: LCC GV706.35 .M86 2018 | DDC 306.4/83–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018005793
Acknowledgements xii
Introduction 1
Framing sports diplomacy 1
Re-conceptualising sports diplomacy: towards a new,
quadripartite framework 6
Aims, theory and parameters 8
Let the games begin 9
PART I
Sport, diplomacy and traditional sports diplomacy 15
PART II
Sports diplomacy in the twenty-first century 87
PART III
Non-state sporting actors and diplomacy 133
PART IV
The dark side of international sport 201
Index 260
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade,
The Office for Sport and the Consular Corps (Melbourne) for all their help,
support and access they have provided over the past couple of years. This book
would not have been possible without the kindness and counsel of Rob Tranter,
Lou Anderson, Kris Maslin and, in particular, Trent Smyth. Similarly, the work
that the lead researchers Pat Blannin and Holli Edwards undertook was out-
standing, of high quality and always timely. I cannot thank Pat and Holli enough.
Finally, special thanks must go to my partner in Team Sports Diplomacy, Caitlin
Byrne. I would not have come so far if it hadn’t been for Caitlin’s help, encour-
agement and ready ability to share a laugh. Thanks to everyone else concerned,
including Corneliu Bjola and the team at Routledge.
Introduction
sport has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It has
the power to unite people in a way that little else does. Sport can awaken
hope where there was previously only despair. Sport speaks to people in a
language they can understand.
The South African President was well aware of the power of sport to over-
come division, estrangement, and old, racial prejudices. Mandela became Presi-
dent in 1994, one year before South Africa was due to host the Rugby World
Cup (they had been excluded from the previous two tournaments, in 1987 and
1991, respectively). If the freshly minted Rainbow Nation was to have any sort
of future, Madiba knew that reconciliation had to be top of the agenda. Sport
became a means to that end, something all South Africans had in common,
regardless of past conflict, social status, or the colour of people’s skin (Grund
lingh 1998). The footage of Mandela walking onto the pitch for the final at Ellis
Park in Johannesburg wearing a huge smile and, more importantly, a Springboks
rugby jersey remains one of the simplest yet most powerful examples of how
sport can heal wounds, celebrate all that is good about humanity and drive
nations forward (Cornelissen 2010). That the Boks went onto win a thrilling final
against the New Zealand All Blacks 15–12 simply added to the magical
occasion.
Sport, however, also has a dark side. It has a long, ugly relationship with viol-
ence, is often hijacked by states for jingoistic purposes, or, tragically, as was the
case with the 1972 Munich Games Tragedy, by terrorist organisations for the
dissemination of anti-diplomatic messages. Moreover, some sportspeople will
also do anything to win. An independent 2016 report, commissioned by the
World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA), asserted that more than 1,000 Russian
athletes across more than thirty sports were ‘involved in or benefitted from state-
sponsored doping between 2011 and 2015’ (McLaren 2016). In addition,
Introduction 3
secrecy, ethical wrongdoings, and mysterious financial transactions are all too
common in the administration of international sport. The 2002 Salt Lake City
Winter Olympics bidding scandal, the 2013 allegations of ‘profound corruption’
levelled at the Union Cycliste Internationale (UCI) under President Pat McQuaid
and his predecessor Hein Verbruggen, or, more recently, the ethically obnoxious
behaviour of FIFA President Joseph ‘Sepp’ Blatter are all egregious case studies
(Rosenfield 2013). Like it or loathe it, international sport remains blighted with
graft, violence, cheating and blatant displays of nationalist fervour and
pageantry.
The complex role that sport plays in both domestic and international life has
generated a wide body of scholarship from many different academic disciplines.
Blanchard (1995), for example, adopts an evolutionary anthropology perspective
when thinking about sport’s place in the human story. For Jarvie (2017, 2), a
sociological and cultural perspective is far more important. Writing in the
seminal Sport, Culture and Society, he notes ‘it is impossible to fully understand
contemporary society and culture without acknowledging the place of sport’.
Furthermore, validating Orwell’s famous (1945) ‘war minus the shooting’
dictum, Goodhart and Chataway (1968) analysed sport during the Cold War, the
American Civil Rights struggle and in Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations in their
famous tome War Without Weapons. International sport has also been theorised
by sociologists, philosophers, biologists, lawyers, human security and peace and
development studies scholars, to name but a few.
Far less attention, however, has been paid to the means of these exchanges:
sports diplomacy. A diplomatic perspective focuses on the processes, actors
involved and networks created by states, non-state actors and international sport.
At its very simplest, sports diplomacy is a new term which describes and recon-
ceptualises an old practice: the use of sport to realise goals, minimise friction and
– generally – bring strangers closer together. More specifically, it can be defined as
the conscious, strategic use of sportspeople and sporting events by state and non-
state actors to engage, inform and create a favourable image among foreign publics
and organisations, to shape their perceptions in a way that is (more) conducive to
the sending group’s goals (Murray and Pigman 2014; Murray 2017).
As an esoteric area of theory, however, sports diplomacy languished in the
bleachers of the canon of diplomatic studies. For decades, all that existed were a
collection of anecdotal, sporadic and case-study articles on important but famil-
iar narratives: Ping-Pong diplomacy (Hong and Yi 2000; Wasserstrom 2000;
Chang 2004), the role sport played in isolating Apartheid South Africa (Lap-
chick 1979; Booth 2003; Merrett 2005), or the intermittent baseball diplomacy
practiced between the United States (U.S.) and Cuba (Carter 1999; Turner 2010;
Elias 2010; Carter and Sugden 2012), for instance. Other authors such as Gold-
berg (2000) wrote papers entitled ‘Sporting Diplomacy’ but rehashed common,
historical narratives of sport and international relations, or mentioned tantalising
areas of diplomatic research but didn’t dig deeply.
Recently, however, theoretical and practical interest in sports diplomacy has
increased. The genesis for this book, for instance, began in 2012 when ‘The Two
4 Introduction
Halves of Sports Diplomacy’, the first paper on ‘new’ sports diplomacy, was
published in the journal Diplomacy & Statecraft (Murray 2012). Many more ori-
ginal, esoteric and lively works have followed (Beacom 2012; Black and
Peacock 2013; Dichter and Johns 2014; Murray 2016). For example, a total of
twenty-two peer-reviewed articles were published across, respectively, special
issues of The Hague Journal of Diplomacy (2013), Sport in Society (2014) and
Diplomacy & Statecraft (2016) devoted to sports diplomacy. The field of studies
is growing. From one article in 2012, the student, scholar and practitioner now
have dozens of publications on sports diplomacy to choose from.
This body of work has resulted in a robust collection of empirical material on
sports diplomacy, however, it is rather light on theory. So far, no research mono-
graph has traced the rich, deep history or sports diplomacy, or asked why sport
and diplomacy are so compatible, or why, in the twenty-first century, many
nations and non-state sporting actors (NSSAs) are turning towards sports diplo-
macy? Moreover, the growth in scholarship described above is encouraging,
however, a familiar problem persists: much of the work described above is case-
study heavy, that is, it often puts the proverbial and practical sports diplomacy
cart before the theoretical horse. This book adopts a different approach. It puts
theory and epistemology first and practice, policy and ontology second. In doing
so, many new theoretical observations emerge which explain why state and non-
state actors co-opt sport for diplomatic purposes. A quadripartite conceptual
framework is also introduced in this volume. This should provide the young but
growing field with some much-needed conceptual order, as well as solid, theor-
etical bedrock from which to build upon. Furthermore, as this book argues, while
practical experiments, sports diplomacy case-studies and primary data are
important they must not drive or overshadow theoretical inquiry. Good theory
should be grand, abstract and obtuse, maintain a healthy distance from the object
which it objectively and critically observes, and most importantly of all, generate
more questions than it does answers. In such a context, this book does not seek
to provide a terminal theory on sports diplomacy, for such an intention would be
anathema to the epistemological nature of academe. Rather, it seeks to introduce
to the canon of diplomatic studies the first sustained, theoretical discussion on
sports diplomacy. It therefore ‘describes a range of possibilities’ conducive to
stimulating and directing the further development of knowledge by highlighting
‘gaps’ in what we do, and don’t know about the myriad relationships between
sport and diplomacy (Hayek 1980, 32).
Sports diplomacy is also growing in practice. In the globalised, intercon-
nected and very public twenty-first century, many nations are experimenting
with sports diplomacy. Indian and Pakistani leaders often engage in ‘cricket
diplomacy’ as a means of diffusing tensions over Kashmir, terrorist attacks, trade
disputes and any number of security dilemmas (Shahid 2015, 51). After 9/11, the
U.S. Department of State instigated the SportsUnited initiative as a way to
engage disenfranchised, young Muslims across Africa, the Middle East and
South Asia. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) regularly mobil-
ises football and footballers to augment its traditional diplomacy, something that
Introduction 5
China, under President Xi Jinping, seems keen to emulate and surpass. Building
on the 2008 Olympic Games, sport has become a vital soft power asset for China
and is now elevated to the strategic level (Zhang 2016). And, in June 2015, Aus-
tralia became the first country in the world to officially codify every aspect of
their formidable international sporting footprint into a comprehensive, whole-of-
government Sports Diplomacy Strategy. These practical developments allude to
a prolific research agenda. Very little is known, for example, of the reasons why
a state embeds sport as part of its public or cultural diplomacy suite of opera-
tions, how sports diplomacy relates to traditional foreign policy goals, or, indeed,
how the growing practice can be effectively measured?
Also, it is not just states that need to be analysed as sporting diplomatic
actors. Many non-state sporting actors (NSSAs) exhibit diplomatic functions,
engage in political activities and participate in, create and re-create an inter-
national society of sport. A sporting regime such as World Rugby (WR), for
example, engages in constant processes of negotiation, representation and com-
munication in order to make international rugby ‘possible in the first place’
(Murray and Pigman 2014, 1099). Arguably, NSSAs, due to their scope, exper-
tise, networks, financial clout and star power are more effective at overcoming
estrangement between separate political communities. Or, consider the fact that
many sports-people are considered as ‘ambassadors for their sport’, but what
does that really mean? What, or who, do they represent? Moreover, many sports-
people are anything but diplomatic!1 Celebrity sports diplomats such as Colin
Kaepernick can speak for millions of oppressed Americans, clubs like Manches-
ter United are masters at public diplomacy, and global, corporate brands such as
Nike, Adidas, ESPN all play the diplomacy game, yet very little is known of
their role, capacities or mediating effects.
In light of this ‘multistakeholder’ (Hocking 2006, 13) nature of sports diplo-
macy, this book positions itself as a piece of Innovative diplomatic scholarship.
Combining the insights from both the diplomatic and sports fields of studies it is
an interdisciplinary endeavour, and one that privileges ‘both the state and non-state
sectors’ in its analysis (Murray 2008, 33). It is an example of the ‘new diplomatic
studies paradigm’ (Pigman 2016, 5), which is itself a growing collection lively,
engaging and groundbreaking work on sustainable diplomacy (Wellman 2004),
public diplomacy (Melissen 2005, 2011), diplomatic theory (Sharp 2009), digital
diplomacy (Bjola and Holmes 2015), and defence diplomacy (Blannin 2017), to
name but a few examples. An innovative approach to writing and thinking about
diplomacy builds on and complements classical, traditional and state-centric works
of diplomacy: Satow’s A Guide to Diplomacy (1957), Nicolson’s The Evolution of
the Diplomatic Method (1957), and Berridge’s Diplomacy: Theory and Practice
(2015), for example. This book, in other words, ‘stresses the ongoing importance
of the role of traditional diplomacy but in relation to emerging forms of nontradi-
tional diplomacy’ (Murray 2008, 34).
In a complex, dangerous world there is plenty of room and necessity for both
state and non-state perspectives on diplomacy. As such, the book’s core argu-
ment is simple: sports diplomacy is a generally positive phenomenon that should
6 Introduction
be encouraged, particularly in the divisive twenty-first century. Sport and diplo-
macy are generally civil institutions aimed at overcoming the barriers conferred
on the world by a system of anachronistic but necessary states. Diplomatic
exchanges built around sport can bring alienated people, organisations and states
together in ways that conventional diplomacy or statecraft cannot. This is not to
claim that sports diplomacy is a hitherto undiscovered panacea but it does have
significant diplomatic potential to ‘mediate estrangement’ (Der Derian 1987,
91). As Dr. Jacques Rogge, International Olympic Committee (IOC) President
from 2001 to 2013, noted, ‘sport alone cannot enforce or maintain peace … but
it has a vital role to play in building a better and more peaceful world’ (Wood-
house 2010, 494). Rogge, Mandela and many others often describe sporting
utopias, and better places – all end in themselves. They just forget to tell us how
to get there. Sports diplomacy – a focus on the means to the end, as well as the
good and bad actors involved in this journey – begins to draw lines on the map.
I was introduced to the leader of the gang – toothless, bike chains around his
neck, wearing animal skins, with machetes, guns and weapons. After
quickly clarifying I was Australian and not British, the leader of the gang
looked me up and down and said … you don’t know Shane Warne, do you?
The moment was saved. 4
(AAP 2015)
Introduction 11
Many people have a story like the Australian Foreign Minister’s. Many of us
have been abroad, cast to a strange and foreign land where sport provides a bond
between strangers, regardless of our position in life, race, creed or religion. That
is both the simplicity and beauty of sports diplomacy. The ancient Sumerians
knew it, as did Queen Victoria, who built the British Empire on the three Cs of
Christianity, commerce and cricket, as did Baron Pierre de Coubertin, the
founder of the modern Olympic movement. It is only in the early twenty-first
century, however, an era where traditional roles and understandings are radically
changing, that students, academics and international relations practitioners are
beginning to truly realise the scale and potential of sports diplomacy. With that
being said, let the games begin!
Notes
1 The September 2017 footage of Ben Stokes, the England Test vice-captain, knocking a
man unconscious in a late-night pub fight in Bristol is ample evidence of this point.
Stokes was charged with affray in early 2018 and allowed to return to the national team.
See Berry, Scyld. 2018. ‘Ben Stokes could make England return in first ODI against New
Zealand’. Telegraph. Accessed 26 March 2018. www.telegraph.co.uk/cricket/2018/02/17/
ben-stokes-could-make-england-return-first-odi-against-new-zealand/.
2 To further explain the nature of scientific, theoretical inquiry, Popper (1960, 69) offers
a useful analogy:
It is as though science were working in a great forest of ignorance, making an ever
larger circular clearing within which, not to insist on the pun, things become
clear.… But, as that circle becomes larger and larger, the circumference of contact
with ignorance also gets longer and longer. Science learns more and more.… We
keep, in science, getting a more and more sophisticated view of our ignorance.
3 Over seventy-two aboriginals play for Australian Rules Football clubs, for example,
roughly 10 per cent of the total numbers of players. Legends such as Adam Goodes
(the Sydney Swans) or David Wirrpanda (formerly of the West Coast Eagles), have
demonstrated flair on and off the pitch, acting as role models, community leaders and
representatives of the First People.
4 Shane Warne is a legendary Australian cricketer.
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14 Introduction
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Part I
Sport, diplomacy and
traditional sports
diplomacy
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