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RE-ENVISIONING CHRISTIAN HUMANISM
Re-Envisioning Christian
Humanism
Education and the Restoration of Humanity
Edited by
JENS ZIMMERMANN
1
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/10/2016, SPi
3
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First Edition published in 2017
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and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
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Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
This book is dedicated to Brett Foster († 2015), whose love
for learning and capacity for friendship reflected better than
any written word the spirit of Christian humanism.
εἶ ἐπιστολὴ Χριστοῦ […] ἐγγεγραμμένη οὐ μέλανι
ἀλλὰ πνεύματι θεοῦ ζῶντος
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 17/10/2016, SPi
Contents
List of Contributors ix
Introduction 1
Jens Zimmermann
Christ is the Logos, in whom the whole human race has a portion, and all
who have lived according to this Logos are Christians, even though, like
Socrates and Heraclitus among the Greeks, they are accounted godless.
(Justin Martyr, Apologia I.46).
What is Christian humanism and why should anyone care? A simple, albeit
insufficient, answer to this question is cultural literacy. Secular humanism and
its religious antecedents comprise a vital root of Western culture. Religious
ideas about human nature, especially Christian ones, and their further devel-
opment through the process of secularization are deeply embedded in our
cultural narrative, and have shaped our collective understanding of human
dignity, human rights, and social responsibility. Hence, one important reason
for reflecting on the idea of humanism in general, and on Christian humanism
in particular, is the need for self-understanding. Christian humanism is
intrinsic to how we see ourselves, and the essays in this volume should make
readers aware of how much humanism shapes our implicitly held assumptions
about what it means to be human.
At the same time, the plethora of ideas within our culture that identify
themselves as humanistic indicates the elusiveness of this term. What does
humanism mean? Almost any intellectual movement of note in the Western
cultural narrative has been labelled as ‘humanism’: the literature mentions
patristic humanism, scholastic humanism, Renaissance humanism, and the
German educational humanism of (Friedrich Immanuel) Niethammer, Hegel,
Schleiermacher, Alexander von Humboldt, and Wilhelm Dilthey (which define
our idea of the university to this day). In addition, we find Marxist humanism,
2 Jens Zimmermann
1
See Lewis W. Spitz, ‘Humanismus und Humanismusforschung’, in Theologische Realenzyk-
lopädie, xv (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1986), 639.
2
For a thorough history of this non-humanist atheism see Stefan Geroulanos, An Atheism
That Is Not Humanist Emerges in French Thought (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010).
3
Florian Baab, Was ist Humanismus? Geschichte des Begriffes, Gegenkonzepte, säkulare
Humanismen heute (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 2013), 26.
Introduction 3
4
Baab, Was ist Humanismus?, 275.
5
Michel Foucault and Jeremy R. Carrette, Religion and Culture (New York: Routledge, 1999), 99.
6
Foucault and Carrette, Religion and Culture, 275.
7
Baab, Was ist Humanismus?, 276.
8
Martin Heidegger, ‘Letter on Humanism’, in Martin Heidegger: Basic Writings, ed. David
Ferrell Krell (New York: HarperCollins, 1977; repr. 1993), 239.
9
Heidegger, ‘Letter on Humanism’, 238.
10
Emanuel Levinas, Totality and Infinity: An Essay on Exteriority (Dordrecht, Boston, and
London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1961), 88.
11
Helmuth Plessner, Grenzen der Gemeinschaft: Eine Kritik des sozialen Radikalismus (Franfkurt
a.M: Suhrkamp, 2002), 17; Peter Sloterdijk, Regeln für den Menschenpark: Ein Antwortschreiben zu
Heideggers Brief über den Humanismus (Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1999), 17.
4 Jens Zimmermann
12
H. I. Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity, trans. George Lamb (Madison, WI:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1956), 98.
13
Werner Jaeger, Early Christianity and Greek Paideia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1961), 91–2.
Introduction 5
Greek paideia, designed to prepare the Roman upper class or the free men
(liberales) for running their estates and governing society. We can see, then,
that from their very beginning humanistic or liberal studies were associated with
literary, rhetorical, and philosophical training rather than with trades or profes-
sions. Classical humanistic education as conceived by Greco-Roman ideals did
not demean specialized training, but ‘the main thing was to become a person of
intelligence, someone with insight and good judgment, in order to frame prac-
tical and political life’.14 For classical humanistic education, ‘no form of govern-
ment, no branch of knowledge, no technique, should ever become an end in
itself: since they are created by man, and supposed to serve man, they should
always, no matter what their results, be subordinated in the way they are used to
one supreme value: humanity.’15
In his classic study Early Christianity and Greek Paideia, the classicist
Werner Jaeger (1888–1961) has shown how the legacy of Hellenistic education
was taken up and transformed by early Christian theologians into an ‘ancient
Christian humanism’, without which classical humanist ideals would not have
survived well into the early twentieth century.16 The church fathers first
revitalized the classic heritage, and their effort was renewed by medieval
theologians and Renaissance humanists.17 The belief that God had become a
human being to redeem humanity filled the old wineskin of classical culture
and education with new life. The key idea in this transformation was deifica-
tion. In early Christian theology, deification describes the glorious hope
brought into the world by Christ for the transformation of human beings
into their full Christlikeness, their true humanity in the image of God. Patristic
writers from Irenaeus, to Clement of Alexandria, Athanasius, and beyond
marvelled at God’s becoming human for the sake of healing and transforming
humanity. Augustine sums up the central teaching of this Christian humanist
tradition when he tells his congregation that ‘the Son of God became the Son
of Man, so as to make the sons of men into sons of God’.18
The historian of Christian doctrine Henri de Lubac grasped the heart of
patristic theology when he referred to the ‘comprehensive humanism’ of the
church fathers.19 Recognizing the central importance of deification or theosis
14 15
Marrou, History of Education, 225. Marrou, History of Education, 225.
16
Jaeger, Early Christianity, 102.
17
Werner Jaeger, Humanism and Theology (Milwaukee, WI: Marquette University Press,
1943), 24–6. See also Charles Trinkaus, ‘The Religious Thought of the Italian Humanists and
the Reformers: Anticipation or Autonomy?’, in Charles Trinkaus with Heiko Obermann (eds),
The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval And Renaissance Religion (Leiden: Brill, 1974),
358–61.
18
Augustine, Homilies on the Gospel of John, ed. Allan Fitzgerald, trans. Edmund Hill, The
Works of St. Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century, iii/12 (Hyde Park, NY: New City
Press, 2009), 372.
19
Henri de Lubac, Catholicism: Christ and the Common Destiny of Man, trans. Lancelot
Sheppherd and Elizabeth Englund (San Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press, 1988), 321.
6 Jens Zimmermann
20
Emil Brunner, Christianity and Civilization, vol. 1: Foundations (New York: C. Scribner’s
Sons, 1948), 90.
21
Jaeger, Early Christianity, 25.
22
Basil the Great, Letters 59–185, trans. Roy J. Deferrari, LCL, Basil 2 (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1928), 361.
23
For a more detailed account of this development see Jens Zimmermann, Humanism and
Religion: A Call for the Renewal of Western Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).
Introduction 7
24
Henri Bergson, The Two Swords of Morality and Religion, 243; quoted in Jacques Maritain,
Christianity and Democracy; and, The Rights of Man and Natural Law, trans. Doris C. Anson
(San Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press, 2011), 36. Maritain cites Bergson after offering his own
passionate summary of Christianity’s spirit: ‘To keep faith in the forward march of humanity
despite all the temptations to despair of man that are furnished by history, and particularly
contemporary history; to have faith in the dignity of the person and of common humanity, in
human rights and in justice—that is, in essentially spiritual values; to have, not in formulas but in
reality, the sense and respect for the dignity of the people, which is a spiritual dignity and is
revealed to whoever knows how to love it; to sustain and revive the sense of equality without
sinking into a leveling equalitarianism; to respect authority, knowing that its wielders are only
men, like those they rule, and derive their trust from the consent of the will of the people whose
vicars or representatives they are; to believe in the sanctity of law and in the efficacious virtue—
efficacious at long range—of political justice in the face of the scandalous triumphs of falsehood
and violence; to have faith in liberty and in fraternity, an heroical inspiration and heroical belief
are needed which fortify and vivify reason, and which none other than Jesus of Nazareth brought
forth into the world’ (Christianity and Democracy, 36).
25
Benedetto Croce, My Philosophy and Other Essays on the Moral and Political Problems of
Our Time (London: Allen & Unwin, 1949), 46.
26
For the argument that Nazism was fundamentally due to a change in anthropological
values, see Helmut Thielicke, Being Human—Becoming Human: An Essay in Christian Anthro-
pology (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1984).
8 Jens Zimmermann
(the Catholic) recalled the West’s Christian roots to protest against fascism
and to rebuild Europe on humane political foundations. For the same reasons,
T. S. Eliot (1880–1965) argued in 1939 that ‘It is in Christianity that our arts
have developed; it is in Christianity that the laws of Europe have—until
recently—been rooted. It is against a background of Christianity that all our
thought has significance.’27 The same conviction drove German Nazi resisters
to emphasize Christian values as the moral foundation for a new, secular post-
war constitution.28
Recalling this moment of cultural crisis shows us at least one reason for the
contemporary importance of thinking about Christian humanism. Many
believe that we are currently experiencing, although in a different way, a
similar cultural crisis, a similar uncertainty about the ultimate purpose of
culture and its institutions. In some ways, our current cultural crisis is more
profound because it is more subtle. The West is not immediately threatened by
war and obvious deprivation. To be sure, acts of terror by radical Islamists are
changing Western nation’s cultural climate in profound ways, yet it would be
absurd to compare this situation to the kind of warlike climate and depriv-
ations experienced by many other countries in the Middle East and elsewhere.
And yet even in the midst of affluence, indeed perhaps because of it, we have
lost a sense of higher ends for our cultural activities. Our culture suffers from
the separation of what we do from an ultimate reality that lends our activities
purpose—beyond merely eating, getting along, and being entertained. Alasdair
MacIntyre’s analysis from over three decades ago still holds true: the
culture of modernity that forms our mental habits and moral horizon has
lost a shared vision of a common good towards which human nature tends.
Humanistic ideals, at least as they arose within the classical cultures of
antiquity, were wholly dependent on a discernible telos intrinsic to human
being. We have lost this vision because we no longer believe that ‘human
beings have an end towards which they are directed by reason of their specific
nature’.29
From the ancient world up to the late medieval period, by contrast, people
had a strong sense that proper thinking and acting were based on the natural
moral order of the cosmos. Religion, science, and moral reasoning in the
ancient world operated on the premise of an intrinsic link between mind
27
T. S. Eliot, Christianity and Culture: The Idea of a Christian Society and Notes towards the
Definition of Culture (New York: Harcourt, 1968), 200.
28
‘The state declares the Christian faith to be the most important moral and ethical
foundation of its orders’ and, for this reason, the state supports ‘the practice in all its dimensions
of the Christian faith in public’ (Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Dietrich Bonhoeffer Werke, vol. 16:
Konspiration und Haft 1940–1945, ed. Jørgen Glenthøj, Ulrich Kabitz, and Wolf Krötke
(Gütersloh: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1996), 596–7.
29
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory, 3rd edn (Notre Dame, IN:
University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), x–xi.
Introduction 9
and world. For example, this is how the Roman statesman and Stoic philoso-
pher Marcus Aurelius summed up the natural order of the universe: ‘For there
is one Universe out of all, one God through all, one substance and one law,
one common Reason of all intelligent creatures and one truth.’30 Platonic
philosophers challenged the materialist pantheism of Stoic philosophy and
introduced the idea that the virtuous life meant the assimilation of the human
soul to the world soul, which was in turn the reflection of higher eternal
principles beyond the created order. Thus, where the Stoics say ‘live according
to nature’, Platonists encouraged their followers to assimilate to the divine
image inherent in both the cosmos and themselves.31 Later Christian thinkers,
such as the apostle Paul and the church fathers, could and did build on the
pagan language of assimilation to the divine image, even if they transformed it
radically based on their belief in Christ as the true image of God.32
In contrast to our modern cultural mindset, premodern Christians and
non-Christians articulated the purpose of human existence, of society, and
of education on the basis of a participatory, basically religious, framework.
Embedded in a meaningful cosmos, human consciousness participated in a
larger natural rational order and moral law that provided common refer-
ence points for the questions who we are, why we live, and what we live
for. This correlation between mind and intelligible being, specifically in its
later Christian configuration, gave direction and purpose to Western cultural
institutions, such as our universities, courts, and hospitals. The loss of this
configuration is the main reason for our current arguments about the legit-
imacy and intellectual credibility of the Judeo-Christian tradition as the soul of
Western values.
Given the inevitability of some philosophical framework, and some vision of
humanity to orient social life and political decisions, the only way to avoid
arbitrary decisions or pragmatic ones masking sheer instrumentality governed
30
Marcus Aurelius, Meditations 7.9, trans. A. S. L. Farquharson, Everyman’s Library (New York:
Knopf, 1994), 45 (caps in original).
31
So, for example, in this remarkable passage from the Timaeus: ‘For the divine part within
us, the congenial motions are the intellections and revolutions of the Universe. These each one
of us should follow, rectifying the revolutions within our head, which were distorted at our
birth, by learning the harmonies and revolutions of the Universe, and thereby making the part
that thinks like I (ἐξομοισαι) unto the object of this thought, in accordance with its original
nature, and having achieved this assimilation (όμοιωσαντα) attain finally to that goal of life
which is set before men by the gods as the most good both for the present and for the time to
come’ (Timaeus 90c–d; quoted in George H. van Kooten, Paul’s Anthropology in Context: The
Image of God, Assimilation to God, and Tripartite Man in Ancient Judaism, Ancient Philosophy
and Early Christianity, Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament (Tübingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 94.
32
In his Gifford Lectures (1947–8), Emil Brunner, for example, argues that the anthropology
of Christian humanism differs sharply from Greek anthropology by grounding the individual in
the electing call of God, and thus in the divine–human personal encounter that posits community
and individuality as the very ground of being. See Christianity and Civilization, vol. 1, 100.
10 Jens Zimmermann
33
See Emil Brunner, Christianity and Civilization, 2 vols, The Gifford Lectures 1947–8
(New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1948–9).
34
See Jürgen Moltmann, ‘Humanism in the Industrial Society’, in Man: Christian Anthro-
pology in the Conflicts of the Present, trans. John Sturdy (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress Press, 1974),
22–41.
35
For instance Paul VI, Populorum progressio, §42; the ‘Compendium of the Social Doctrine
of the Church’ gives its introduction the title ‘an integral and solidary humanism’, defining the
social teaching of the Catholic Church as such; Benedict XVI, Caritas in veritate, §16.
36
Charles Taylor, A Secular Age (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 539ff.;
see also Craig Calhoun, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan Van Antwerpen (eds), Introduction
in Rethinking Secularism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 10.
Introduction 11
37
Taylor, A Secular Age, 18.
38
Paradoxically, in 1961 the US Supreme Court recognized non-religious humanism as a
religion. Its main tenets of scientistic faith are contained in the Humanist Manifestos of 1933 and
1973: human beings are at the centre of the universe, nature is all that exists, happiness and
enrichment of human life now are all that we should aim at, scientific reason is all that is
necessary, and religions are a hindrance rather than a help in this endeavour. See J. I. Packer and
Thomas Howard, Christianity: The True Humanism (Waco, TX: Word Publishing, 1985), 18.
12 Jens Zimmermann
39
Martin Marty, ‘Foreword’, in Joseph M. Shaw, R. W. Franklin, Harris Kaasa, and Charles
W. Buzicky (eds), Readings in Christian Humanism (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Publishing
House, 1982), 17.
40
Lee Oser, The Return of Christian Humanism: Chesterton, Eliot, Tolkien, and the Romance
of History (Columbia, MO and London: University of Missouri Press, 2007), 5.
41
Shaw et al. (eds), Readings in Christian Humanism, 203.
42
See, for example, Calhoun, Juergensmeyer, and Van Antwerpen (eds), Rethinking
Secularism.
Introduction 13
Language: English
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
AUGUST, 1918
PART I.
BALLOON OBSERVATION.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
In this pamphlet will be laid down the general principles and also
the limitations which govern observation from balloons. Balloon
observation includes more than actual artillery observation. (See
“Employment of Balloons.”)
The details of cooperation between balloons and artillery are
issued from time to time by the General Staff in the form of
pamphlets. Whatever the system ordered at the time, there are
certain principles which do not change.
In artillery observation it can not be emphasized too strongly that
success depends both on—
1. The efficiency of the balloon observers, including an intimate
knowledge of the ground within view.
2. An intimate knowledge by artillery commanders of the
possibilities and limitations of balloon observation.
The limitations of balloon observation are—
1. Distance from the target.
2. Height of observer.
3. Visibility.
Distance from the target is inevitable, but can be lessened by
advanced positions and winch tracks. During active operation it has
sometimes been possible to approach balloons within 4,500 meters
(4,921 yards) of the line.
The low height of the balloon compared with an aeroplane is a
drawback, as it brings a question of dead ground and exaggerated
perspective.
Visibility is the determining factor of the balloon’s usefulness. In
very high winds, very misty or cloudy weather, observation is
impossible, and owing to its stationary nature the balloon can not, by
any special effort on the part of its observers, overcome unfavorable
conditions in the same way as is possible in the case of aeroplane
observation.
On the other hand, a balloon flying at a height of 1,500 meters
(1,640 yards) and 7,000 meters (7,651 yards) from the line, under
favorable weather conditions, combines in a marked degree many of
the advantages of air and ground observation.
In the first place, glasses can be used. Secondly, the balloon
observer can converse direct with the battery commander by
telephone. Apart, therefore, from ease and certainty in reporting
observations, the telephone system enables an elastic program of
work to be drawn up and admits of personal conversation between
the battery commander and the observer, often permitting mistakes
or misunderstandings to be cleared up during shoot instead of
afterwards.
Finally, owing to the continuous nature of his observation from
the same spot, the balloon observer is able to learn his country in the
greatest detail and can keep a close watch on suspected roads or
areas of country.
EMPLOYMENT OF BALLOONS.
In view of the above, the work most suitable for balloons is as
follows:
1. RESEARCH IN DIRECTION.
Join on the map the projection of the balloon and the center of
the objective. Identify this direction on the terrain by finding on the
alignment a prominent point. This line can be drawn in the basket. It
is a good thing to draw the alignment on a vertical photograph
of the objective also, in order to have a greater number of
reference points than the map could give.
2. INVESTIGATION OF RANGE.
Identify on the map (or photo) two points, one situated over and
one short of the objective. Narrow down this bracket step by step
until the object is recognized.
As this investigation of the range is the more difficult, observers
must be warned against certain methods which are to be absolutely
avoided—
1. Never identify the range of a point by comparing it with
that of a near-by point situated on a different alignment.
If these two points are not at exactly the same height, the
deformations due to oblique vision can falsify their apparent relative
range. The point farthest away can even seem nearer, and the
nearest point farther away.
Fig. 1 Fig. 2
Fig. 3