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MOBILITY & POLITICS
SERIES EDITORS: MARTIN GEIGER
PARVATI RAGHURAM · WILLIAM WALTERS

Sanctuary Regions and the

Struggle for Belonging
Undocumented Immigrants
in the United States

Zeina Sleiman-Long
Mobility & Politics

Series Editors
Martin Geiger
Carleton University
Ottawa, Canada

Parvati Raghuram
Open University
Milton Keynes, UK

William Walters
Carleton University
Ottawa, Canada
Mobility & Politics
Series Editors: Martin Geiger, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada;
Parvati Raghuram, Open University, Milton Keynes, UK; William
Walters, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada
Global Advisory Board: Michael Collyer, University of Sussex; Susan
B. Coutin, University of California; Raúl Delgado Wise, Universidad
Autónoma de Zacatecas; Nicholas De Genova, King’s College London;
Eleonore Kofman, Middlesex University; Rey Koslowski, University
at Albany; Loren B. Landau, University of the Witwatersrand; Sandro
Mezzadra, Università di Bologna; Alison Mountz, Wilfrid Laurier
University; Brett Neilson, University of Western Sydney; Antoine
Pécoud, Université Paris 13; Ranabir Samaddar, Mahanirban Research
Group Calcutta; Nandita Sharma, University of Hawai’i at Manoa;
Tesfaye Tafesse, Addis Ababa University; Thanh-Dam Truong, Erasmus
University Rotterdam.
Human mobility, whatever its scale, is often controversial. Hence it car-
ries with it the potential for politics. A core feature of mobility politics
is the tension between the desire to maximise the social and economic
benefits of migration and pressures to restrict movement. Transnational
communities, global instability, advances in transportation and commu-
nication, and concepts of ‘smart borders’ and ‘migration management’
are just a few of the phenomena transforming the landscape of migration
today. The tension between openness and restriction raises important
questions about how different types of policy and politics come to life
and influence mobility.
Mobility & Politics invites original, theoretically and empirically informed
studies for academic and policy-oriented debates. Authors examine issues
such as refugees and displacement, migration and citizenship, security
and cross-border movements, (post-)colonialism and mobility, and trans-
national movements and cosmopolitics.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14800
 Zeina Sleiman-Long

Sanctuary Regions
and the Struggle
for Belonging
Undocumented Immigrants in the United States
Zeina Sleiman-Long
Faculty of Skills
and Foundational Learning
NorQuest College
Edmonton, AB, Canada

Mobility & Politics

ISBN 978-3-030-44884-4 ISBN 978-3-030-44885-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44885-1

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To my family, past and present. For those who have struggled through
statelessness and continue to find ways to belong and be recognized
 Acknowledgements

This book is based on the research I completed during my doctoral stud-

ies at McMaster University. Over the course of completing this degree, I
had two children and I would not have been able to complete it without
the support supportive family, friends and scholars. I am thankful to my
former supervisor Peter Nyers for his mentorship. I also want to thank
Catherine Frost and Karen Bird, for always providing me with a sense of
clarity in my research, insightful feedback and knowledge from their own
experiences. I also want to thank Manuela Dozzi for her willingness to
provide exceptional administrative and logistical support.
Thank you to my parents, for making the original trip to Canada in
search of citizenship and legal status. They were the ones that made the
leap and are the reason I was not raised a stateless person. This book is
dedicated to them and to my grandparents whom have lived the struggle
of statelessness throughout their entire lives.
Thank you to my sister Sarah for providing me with company and free
childcare during all of my meetings. I am also grateful to the Long family
for hosting us graciously during my fieldwork.
I also want to thank my partner, Ibrahim Long. Thank you for shar-
ing the struggles of writing this book with me and for being the intellec-
tual and spiritual support I needed to get through it.
Finally, this book could not have been completed without the par-
ticipation of those involved in the undocumented immigrant rights
movement in California. I am grateful to those that willingly shared
their experiences and knowledge with me. I am also grateful to all of

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

the undocumented immigrants that have shared their stories publicly

throughout various outlets.
I also gratefully acknowledge the financial support I received from
the Government of Ontario, the School of Graduate Studies and the
Department of Political Science at McMaster University.
 Praise Sanctuary Regions
for
and the Struggle for Belonging

“This highly original book on sanctuary politics in California departs

from the typical focus on sanctuary cities. Sleiman-Long insightfully
points to the emergence of new and more expansive sanctuary regions,
which she argues enable rights claims by undocumented migrants and
also pose powerfully new challenges to political belonging. A must read
for scholars and activists alike.”
—Peter Nyers, Professor, Political Science,
McMaster University, Canada

ix
 Contents

1 Introduction 1
Migrants and Immigrants—A Note on Naming 5
Methodology 6
Overview 11
References 14

2 Acting Like a Citizen: Citizenship as a Performative Act 17

Citizenship and Access to Rights 20
Social Movements and Acts of Citizenship 22
Citizenship and Belonging 29
References 34

3 A History of Sanctuary Practices and the Politics

of Sanctuary in California 37
The DREAM Act, DACA and DAPA 43
Undocumented Immigrants in California 50
Sanctuaries and the Spaces that Facilitate Rights Claims
and Performative Citizenship 57
References 59

4 City Regions and Sanctuary Regions 63

The Emergence Sanctuary Regions 64
Assemblages and the Development of Sanctuary Regions 68

xi
xii CONTENTS

Coalitions and Networks that Shape the Region 69

Strengthening Sanctuaries Under Conservative
and ­Anti-immigrant Movements 72
References 77

5 Urban Politics and Local Resistance 79

Borders and Territory in IR 80
Sanctuary Regions Are Resistance to Border Control 84
Cities and International Relations 87
References 91

6 ‘We the People’: On the Making of a Political

Community of Undocumented Immigrants 95
Speech Acts as Acts of Citizenship 99
Belonging Without Recognition 102
What and Who Is an American? 104
Pursuing the American Dream 105
Life as an Undocumented Immigrant 106
Bibliography 108

7 Documenting Undocumented Immigrants:

Negotiating Authority and Belonging Within
the City, the State and with Federal Officials 111
Documentation: Is It Necessary and What Is the Point? 113
Documentation as Population Control 114
DACA and Its Impact 116
Documentation in Sanctuary Regions 118
Self-Documentation Through Public Narratives 120
References 123

8 Conclusion 125
Public Stories as Forms of Resistance Within Sanctuary
Regions 129
The Future of Sanctuaries 131
References 132

Index 135
 Abbreviations

DACA Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals

DAPA Deferred Action for Parents of Americans
DHS Department of Homeland Security
DMV Department of Motor Vehicles
DOJ Department of Justice
ICE Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency
IIRIRA Illegal Immigrant Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996
IR The Field of International Relations
IRCA Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986
LA Los Angeles
NPR National Public Radio
NSM New Sanctuary Movement
NYC New York City
SIREN Services and Immigrant Rights and Education Network
SMT Social Movement Theory
UN United Nations
UNCHR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
US United States of America
WHTI Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative

xiii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract This introductory chapter provides an overview of the

­contents in this book. It also provides an introduction to the concept
of sanctuary and sanctuary regions. This chapter also provides a look at
the methodology used for the research in this book in addition to the
contents.

Keywords Undocumented · Sanctuary · Methodology

In this book, I investigate the ruptures created and experienced by

undocumented immigrants in the United States (US) and their attempts
at overcoming some of the barriers created by these ruptures. By rup-
tures, I refer to the disruptions in both normal day-to-day lives of
migrants and in the political structures that have led certain immigrants
to leave their home country as well as the structures that make it diffi-
cult to seek permanent legal status in the United States. I focus on this
concept of ruptures and disruption because irregular migrants (includ-
ing refugees, stateless people and undocumented immigrants) push the
boundaries of what is considered normal and redefine the realm of pol-
itics by their presence and the movements that they create in demand
of justice, recognition and belonging. They also push the boundaries of
scholarship as their status leads us to rethink conceptions of agency, citi-
zenship and power. Irregular migrants push the boundaries of belonging

© The Author(s) 2020 1

Z. Sleiman-Long, Sanctuary Regions
and the Struggle for Belonging, Mobility & Politics,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44885-1_1
2 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

and redefine terms of inclusion into a political community—a right that

has been traditionally the purview of the state.
Understanding the way in which the undocumented immigrant rights
movement challenges state authority on borders and migration as well as
notions of state-based citizenship is well demonstrated with an analysis
of the sanctuary movements in the United States. This sanctuary move-
ment can be defined as a movement that seeks to create inclusive and safe
spaces for undocumented immigrants to live freely as participant mem-
bers of the community. Traditionally, the sanctuary movement began by
encouraging sacred spaces, particularly churches, to offer protections to
undocumented immigrants and others facing deportation. This trend has
expanded into a more secular form that seeks to promote sanctuary pol-
icies in local governments, institutions and organizations. In this book,
I argue that sanctuary movements in the United States and the creation
of sanctuary regions poses significant challenges for conventional under-
standing on state borders, sovereignty and state-based citizenship.
When I refer to sanctuary regions, I not only refer to cities and states
that have passed sanctuary ordinances. I use the term more broadly to
refer to regions that include various municipalities, districts, states and
areas that extend beyond federal state boundaries and provide sanctuary
and access to rights and services to undocumented immigrants. In many
cases, activists and organizers shape policies that affect more than one city
while others may shape policies that affect only certain sites within these
cities. For this, I use the concept of sanctuary regions to identify spaces
that might have cities with sanctuary ordinances, but it also includes
colleges, universities, school boards, hospitals and neighbourhoods that
have openly welcomed undocumented immigrants into their communi-
ties. These regions encompass multiple institutions that provide sanctuary
to undocumented immigrants by creating open spaces that do not dis-
criminate based on legal residency status. Sanctuary regions are also local
forces that form domestic activist initiatives that challenge state authority
on immigration, citizenship and borders. In essence, there are multiple
kinds of governance bodies that can establish (but also resist) sanctuary
policy and become interconnected and coordinated in a decentralized
fashion that can be difficult for state authority to disrupt or undo.
My concept of sanctuary regions builds upon the notions of sanctuary
cities. Sanctuary cities refer to city governments and municipalities that
have passed a sanctuary ordinance—turning the city into a relative ‘safety
zone’ and a ‘zone of rights’ for undocumented immigrants. Typically,
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

law enforcement, health care providers and city staff are involved in the
sanctuary movement—they do not report undocumented immigrants to
federal officials. There are also cities that offer ‘access without fear pol-
icies’. These policies are more focused on particular issues and do not
turn the city as a whole into a sanctuary. These types of policies grant
access to undocumented immigrants to specific services (library, tran-
sit etc.), with the guarantee that they will not be asked about their sta-
tus; and that federal officials will not be contacted, should their status
be revealed in these particularly instances. Here, it is also important to
distinguish the way in which these sanctuaries provide a relative ‘safety
zone’ for undocumented immigrants and the way in which they facilitate
human rights claims and acquisition.
The notion of sanctuary regions is also developed from an under-
standing of regionalism in the field of International Relations (IR),
which is defined by early scholars of regionalism as ‘the growth of soci-
etal integration within a region and to the, often undirected, processes
of social and economic interaction’ (Hurrell, 1996, p. 39). These sanc-
tuary regions provide an avenue in which refugees, stateless people and
undocumented residents can and do make claims to rights outside of
the avenue of the state. Sanctuary regions are regions that normatively
accept undocumented immigrants by granting them access to basic
services related to education, health, local voting rights and a voice.
Many of these go beyond the acquisition of basic services and incorpo-
rate undocumented immigrants as part of the political community with
access to the rights and privileges of other members of the community.
I will elaborate further in the following chapters on how this concept
can be applied to regions within states, since the concept of regional-
ism within International Relations is aptly reserved for states and interna-
tional order. However, in order to understand the impact and power of
these regions, it is also important to develop a clear understanding of the
history of sanctuary practices and of undocumented immigrants in the
United States.
My focus in this book is twofold: to understand the challenges that
undocumented immigrants face within the United States with regard to
recognition, how those challenges are overcome within sanctuary regions
and how those same challenges redefine our traditional conceptions of
sate-based citizenship, territoriality, and state sovereignty. The large pop-
ulation of undocumented immigrants in the United States (US) exists as
a product of a political system that continues to deny legal residency or
4 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

recognition to a group of immigrants that have been living in the United

States for a number of years. Many of them have been denied refugee
status or any other pathway to legal residency status. The existence of
over 11 million undocumented immigrants (Zong & Batalova, 2017)
­living in the country creates classes among residents that strives to gain
recognition and legal residency status.
Undocumented immigrants in the United States have made strides
since the 1980s by acquiring fundamental human rights that are histor-
ically only accorded to citizens from within the state. The movement
originated primarily through grassroots organizing and expanded to
a national scale. In some areas, undocumented immigrants gained the
right to vote in local politics, access public health care, education and
transportation services. While undocumented immigrants in the US con-
tinue to live under the threat of deportation throughout the country,
there is something to be said about the ways in which communities gain
access to public services and recognition as contributing members of a
society in cities, states and their broader local communities.
How can the gap of inequality between undocumented residents and
citizens be reduced? How have undocumented immigrants been able
to acquire political grounds for making human rights claims? How can
citizen rights be achieved by non-citizens? What strategies enable these
individuals to gain recognition by the community, and by actors invested
with various kinds of authority? How do non-citizens acquire human
rights? How do experiences of undocumented immigrants across the US
challenge state-centric understandings of citizenship? These are all ques-
tions that drive this research and are addressed in this book.
Some scholars argue for a more cosmopolitan worldview, one that
makes borders less stringent where individuals belong to a greater global
entity—a form of cosmopolitan citizenship (Benhabib, 2004; Carens,
1987; Pogge, 1992). Others argue that the United Nations (UN) and
particularly the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) are organizations that, for certain individuals, can potentially
replace the state by virtue of their ability to guarantee human rights to
populations that do not belong to a nation-state. These organizations
can also serve to create norms that ensure that states comply with inter-
national human rights policies (Barnett, 2001; Finnemore & Barnett,
2004; Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998). Yet, in both of these cases, states
remain as some of the most powerful actors in global politics. Actors
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

that, despite the presence of global institutions, continue to ‘house’

non-citizens and irregular migrants. Individuals continue to live within
these states as stateless, undocumented, refugees, or as migrants with
very precarious status. Furthermore, within the literature in the field of
international relations, this means that scholarship is void of discussions
on how those local politics challenge state institutions and their ability to
grant or withhold human rights to their residents. It also omits any dis-
cussion on the ‘power of the people’ and of these actors’ agency within
the wider global realm.

Migrants and Immigrants—A Note on Naming

Within the literature on migration, there are several terms used to define
migrants with precarious status or lack of any form of legal documenta-
tion given by federal state authorities. These include simply the use of
migrants, irregular migrants, immigrants and refugees. The use of the
term migrants can be problematic as it is placed within contexts and
‘configurations of racialization, gender, class and nationality’ (Kunz,
2016, p. 89) and is often exclusively used to refer to individuals from
the global South (Fechter & Walsh, 2010). The concept of migrants, for
example, is rarely used to refer to individuals from Western states, travel-
ling for the purposes of work or leisure. Instead, they are often referred
to as ‘expats’, which brings socio-economic and racial assumption about
the traveller.
Other terms such as ‘illegals’ are also highly problematic as individ-
ual cannot inherently be ‘illegal’, merely by their existence. Rather, their
acts can become illegal based on the laws created within various politi-
cal institutions. This term has often been used by anti-immigrant propo-
nents as it brings about notions of illegality with the existence of certain
individuals within certain spaces. The term itself is also disempowering
and derogatory, again assuming that individuals have committed a crime,
whereas claiming human rights should not be considered a crime.
Other terms such as immigrants, or non-status immigrants can also
be used to refer to group of individuals in this book as it potentially rep-
resents their situation accurately. However, the immigrant rights move-
ment within the US specifically defines individuals living in the country
without legal residency status as undocumented immigrants. Within the
movement, there has also been pressure to request that the public and
6 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

various media outlets use the term undocumented immigrants as the

term to refer to this particular population (Vargas, 2015).1
Throughout the book, I use the concept of ‘undocumented immi-
grants’ in order to honour that request and to refer to individuals as
they refer to themselves. It is also important to recognize that the term
‘undocumented immigrants’ is a self-defining label and is significant in
recognizing the agency of undocumented immigrants within the United
States. There has generally been an attempt by those immigrants to
­self-name—and thus to partially control the discourse around their own
representation. Throughout this book, I use the term undocumented
immigrants to refer to individuals living within the United States without
any form of legal permanent residency status. This is also used to identify
individuals living within the United States that hold precarious status.
This term is used to indicate the diverse forms of subjectivity that undoc-
umented immigrants experience—ranging from those who hold tem-
porary legal status through DACA for example and others without any
recognition. Some of them have only lived in the country for a few years,
while others have been there for several decades. The term is also used to
refer to individuals with temporary status, including DACA recipients.
In either case, their legal situations, in the country, remains the same and
they are continually at risk of deportation.

Methodology
The research for this book was compiled over a two-year period between
April 2015 and February 2017 and consisted of a mixed methods
approach. This included field work, where I was able to conduct a total
of 15 semi-structured interviews and take part in participant observations
within activist networks in California. My focus was on interviewing peo-
ple who were directly involved in the sanctuary and the immigrant rights
movement in the area. This included politicians, policy makers and com-
munity organizers.

1 There has been a significant amount of discussion within various media outlets debating

the terms that should be used to describe undocumented immigrants. Organizers and lead-
ers among undocumented immigrants have attempted to intentionally lobby various organ-
izations to use the term ‘undocumented’ instead of ‘illegal’. For more details see Stribley
(2017) and Vargas (2012).
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

Focusing my interviews with activists and policy makers within

California was a strategic choice, as I was able to collect personal
narratives from undocumented immigrants through various media
­
outlets. There is also an additional ethical reason for not primarily
interviewing undocumented immigrants. The undocumented commu-
­
nity in California has experienced ‘research fatigue’, as numerous other
researchers and scholars have sought to understand the history and
movement in major cities across the state. Secondly, the information
I would have gathered through interviews with undocumented immi-
grants has become readily available through the ‘coming out movement’.
In this case, I was primarily interested in how the movement shaped
their sense of belonging to California, but also to the United States as a
whole. I was able to collect these stories and incorporate them into my
research. Third, as an outsider, I have to consider my position of privi-
lege and the implications I have on entering into a community and ask-
ing people to divulge their life trajectory—something that is generally
fairly risky to their status and livelihood in the United States. Without
something more significant to offer to the community, I have concerns
over entering their space, collecting very personal and private stories, and
then utilizing the research in my work.
Despite the public nature of many of the stories I collected, con-
ducting field work was important because it provided an ability to set
the framework for this research by understanding the political dynam-
ics within sanctuary regions in California. This method also allows for
the establishment of ‘personal interaction with research [participants] in
their own setting’ (Wood, 2007, p. 123). Beginning with field work was
also important to gathering data and information that is not accessible
anywhere else (through books, online documents, etc.). According to
Wood (2007) and Howard (2004), the main purpose of field research
is to acquire data. However, this can also include a pursuit of informa-
tion that would not normally be classified under ‘data’ such as one that
is searching to understand meaning and concepts within a research pro-
ject. This is particularly the case with regard to understanding sanctu-
ary spaces and their role in the immigrant rights movement. Much of
the literature discusses sanctuary cities from a policy perspective (i.e. only
relevant with regard to cities with sanctuary ordinances). However, dur-
ing my field work, I acquired a better sense of various organizations and
institutions that were functioning as sanctuaries and providing a valuable
8 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

space for the movement. These elements are often left out of literature
on the sanctuary movement.
I began my field work in California, mostly within regions across
Sacramento and San Francisco between June and August 2015. Prior
to going on field work, I reached out to various organizations that
serve undocumented immigrants in San Francisco, Los Angeles and
Sacramento. I was able to schedule several meetings before my arrival.
My first was with a contact that worked with undocumented immigrants
through an umbrella organization. I was then introduced, through my
initial contact, to a number of organizers that then connected me to
other members of the undocumented community.
During the time I spent in the area, I was also able to sit in on three
strategic and stakeholder meetings for activist organizations. I also
­collected participant observations at planning meetings that addressed
strategies for lobbying local governments for community health
access. I was also able to join an activist organization on a trip to an
Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency (ICE) detention centre
in Sacramento, where we visited and spoke with ICE detainees.
Much of my research was conducted in California as it has one of
the largest population of undocumented immigrants in the United
States (Passel & Cohn, 2011). San Francisco is also one of the oldest
cities in the United States with a sanctuary ordinance. Sacramento was
also chosen as it is the capital of California, where there are numerous
statewide policies being developed. Sacramento, in and of itself, is inter-
esting because public opinions with regard to undocumented immi-
grants are divided in the city. The city itself does not have a sanctuary
ordinance, but there is a strong presence of undocumented immigrants
in the area. The city council has also passed a number of laws that I con-
sider to be part of a larger set of ‘sanctuary laws’ that include giving
access to healthcare for undocumented immigrants, education, etc. Yet,
at the same time, certain regions within the greater Sacramento County
tend to be populated by higher proportions of Republican voters. The
county Sheriff of Sacramento has also been known to collaborate with
the Immigration and Customs Enforcements (ICE).2

2 The County Sheriff has criticized sanctuary cities across California, stated that he col-

laborates with ICE as much as possible and invited the Director of ICE, Thomas Homan in
2017 for a town hall meeting. In response to this meeting, the mayor of Sacramento along
with a number of council members organized a rally in protest of the event. See Comstock
(2015) and Di Garzia (2017).
 1 INTRODUCTION 9

In order to fill in the gaps and understand how the lives of undoc-
umented immigrants have been directly impacted by the sanctuary
movement, I conducted narrative inquiry of public stories told by
undocumented immigrants across the United States. Narrative inquiry is
also important because it provides an opportunity to understand the lives
of undocumented immigrants in the way that they have chosen to por-
tray themselves, but also how they define their own sense of belonging
to their communities. These stories provide a level of context and detail
that is unique to understanding the experiences and sense of belonging
for undocumented immigrants. Through these stories, I seek to under-
stand the ways in which undocumented immigrants have used their
life stories in order to shape their demands for recognition and human
rights. I am most interested in their understanding of belonging to the
United States or to local communities; how they define being American,
and how they navigate those elements with being undocumented.
I recognize that using narratives and stories in a book that is mainly
focused on addressing issues within international relations and citizen-
ship studies might seem as unusual. However, I draw upon the work of
scholars that have heralded the ‘narrative turn’ in IR (Brigg and Bleiker,
2010; Doty, 2004; Inayatullah, 2010). While, this literature emphasizes
the need to scholars and academics to write in narrative form, my goal in
this book is rather to recognize the voices and narratives of those indi-
viduals who are specifically influenced by the immigration policies in the
United States and that shape the sanctuary movement. In both cases, it
is important to recognize the individual lived experiences of myself, but
more importantly of those that are included in this study.
My intention in collecting these stories was not to develop a general
understanding of undocumented immigrants’ experiences in the United
States—this would require a much larger sample. Rather, the stories
were documented and analyzed because they are the most public nar-
ratives that describe the lives of some immigrants in the United States.
As such, these narratives are shaping the immigrant rights movement
and the perceptions of undocumented immigrants in the country. I use
these narratives to understand how undocumented immigrants repre-
sent and project themselves onto the national stage in demand for equal
access to rights and legal residency. The majority of these are first-person
narratives.
One of the main aims of this book is to emphasize that individ-
uals and communities have the power to shape and shift policies at an
10 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

international and global level. In this regard, my book is not just about
how cities and regions challenge state policies, but how individuals can
shape those cities and challenge those policies. The immigrant rights
movement within the United States is a movement that has been built
from the ‘bottom up’ and that it is the social activism and struggles of
individuals within the movement that has shaped its success. This is why
these narratives are important within the field, because they provide us
with insights into how individuals shaping the movement view their own
political community and the policies they are seeking to change. ‘It is
impossible to understand human conduct while ignoring its intentions,
and it is impossible to understand human intentions while ignoring the
settings in which they make sense’ (Czarniawska, 2004, p. 15). The nar-
ratives in this case provide insights into motivations behind the rights
claims made by undocumented immigrants, while my field work pro-
vided me with context in which to understand those stories.
The stories I collected were compiled over a three-year period
between August 2015 and August 2019. I selected stories that contained
enough details about the individual’s life and journey in the United
States. Specifically, I looked for details containing their journey to the
United States, whether they had DACA status (and how it affected their
life) and any information about how they feel about their own contri-
butions to the country and their community as well as their sense of
belonging. There are certainly more than 115 available to the public,
but I only include stories that contain enough details presented by immi-
grants themselves. I began by reviewing stories that were the most public
and published by major media outlets, including The Huffington Post, the
New York Times and National Public Radio (NPR) as well as documen-
taries that were produced by undocumented immigrants. I then moved
on to analyze stories that were presented through the Define America
organization that presents various stories and narratives from both immi-
grants and non-immigrants. Stories are also included from iNation
Media, an organization that ‘creates personal and powerful stories about
the immigrant experience in the United States’ (iNation Media, n.d.).
These organizations do not limit the stories published to undocumented
immigrants, but only those narrated in the first person are included. I
also include stories presented in anthologies and books written by
reporters. Several of the stories have also come from the semi-structured
interviews that I conducted while doing my field work in Sacramento
and San Francisco.
 1 INTRODUCTION 11

I recognize that the sample I collected is based on convenience and

availability of the publications. These narratives are also biassed as they
are intended for a specific audience and represented within media out-
lets that are typically sympathetic to the struggle of undocumented
immigrants and do not represent a ‘neutral’ perspective to the stories.
However, my goal in this case is not to develop an unbiased understand-
ing into the lives and experiences of undocumented immigrants, but
rather to understand how these performative acts of citizenship are con-
structed and expressed.
I also recognize that, while my research and main arguments are
focused on developing a theory or regional efforts within the United
States, these narratives are taken from places and regions across the
country—and not just from California. However, the stories are drawn
upon because they shape a representation of the ways in which undoc-
umented immigrants make claims for rights and ‘enact’ their citizen-
ship. This is an important element to the development of the sanctuary
region that I discuss at length in this book. Without these acts, many of
the movements could not have taken shape, despite the fact that these
regions have not been established across the majority of the country.

Overview
One of the elements that this research highlights is the way in which
undocumented immigrants exercise their agency in claiming rights in
contexts where their recognition is continually denied by the federal gov-
ernment. In order to represent the profundity of this, I have structured
this book to follow the development of the immigrant rights movement
and the lives of many undocumented residents across the United States.
There are two main parts to this book: the first deals with ruptures and
the challenges they pose for migrant rights, but also for our understand-
ing of state power with regard to border and territorial control. This sec-
tion presents some of the context regarding undocumented immigrants
in the United States as well as much of the theory that has informed this
work. The second part addresses the subsequent attempts at eliminating
or reducing those ruptures and some of the challenges that arise from
those attempted closures. This section essentially addresses the success-
ful efforts of the immigrant rights movement and the condition which
has allowed certain successes to take place. It also addresses some of the
12 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

limitations and effects of these movements. These chapters present my

empirical data.
The majority of undocumented immigrants in the US arrived in the
1990s at a time when there was an increase of unauthorized migration
from Mexico and parts of South and Central America (Passel & Cohn,
2011). This initial rupture creates a struggle in understandings of
belonging, ‘home’, and essentially how to build a better life in a new
place and community. Yet, there is deep rooted politics that are involved
in the creation of a new home, politics affected by racism, prejudice,
­special interests and territorial control.
The second major rupture, which this book is primarily concerned
with addressing, involves the struggles for citizen rights led by undocu-
mented immigrants through presence in the United States and the con-
ditions which have allowed the creation of these sanctuary regions. The
failure of the US government’s willingness to grant these individuals any
form of legal permanent status has created a population of over 11 mil-
lion people (Passel & Cohn, 2011) without any legal residency status.
This situation leaves these individuals without any formal forms of recog-
nition or rights within the country in which they call home. It also leaves
them outside of the framework of the political community in which they
live. Without citizenship or recognition of their existence by the state,
their voices are left unheard. Thus, for the past thirty to forty years, the
immigrant rights movement has been trying to grapple with understand-
ing how to close the gap, and to achieve a voice, recognition and politi-
cal power within a system that they do not have any official claim to.
To contextualize this complex history, a review of existing theory is
helpful. To that end, Chapter 2 elaborates on the theoretical foundations
that inform my research. Drawing upon the recent critical literature, I
outline and elaborate on the conception of citizenship, rights claims and
transnational politics that will be employed in this study.
Chapter 3 provides an overview of the history of sanctuary practices
in the California along with an emphasis on the development of sanc-
tuary policies across the state. The chapter also provides an overview of
some of the most significant legal and political achievement acquired by
the undocumented immigrant rights movement, through the California
DREAM, and DACA.
Chapter 4 provides a deeper analysis into the development of sanc-
tuary regions and the elements that have facilitated the ability for
 1 INTRODUCTION 13

undocumented immigrants to make human rights claims. In this c­ hapter,

I also include an analysis of what this research means for traditional
understanding of state power and border. Here, I focus particularly
on the challenge my research poses for our understanding of the state,
its monopoly on border and human rights. I develop my concept of
‘regions’ and city regions as well as their role in challenging state author-
ity on immigration and border control. This section also provides a more
comprehensive overview of the ways in which the Trump administration
has challenged sanctuary policies. The majority of the research presented
in this book was completed prior to the election of Donald Trump in
2016. Yet, much of what has happened following his elections reiterates
the arguments presented in this book. This chapter provides a general
overview of how those events shape, and in turn, are shaped by the sanc-
tuary regions and how the movement has evolved since. The chapter
also includes a section on how the Trump administration has potentially
shifted some of the narratives around undocumented immigrants—for
better or worse in some cases.
Chapter 5 provides an overview of the ways in which the politics of
borders and immigration enforcement affect the dynamic between local
and municipal government and the federal government which has, argu-
ably, a stronger hold over immigration enforcement and border control.
Chapters 6 and 7 elaborate on some of the key elements that I have
found to be important for acts of citizenship and discuss the ways in
which these acts are performed through speech acts and documenta-
tion. These elements include strong community support, a developing
sense of belonging to community and region in addition to increased
documentation of undocumented immigrants as well as documenta-
tion through various institutions within sanctuary regions. All of these
elements are considered ‘achievements’ for the immigrant rights move-
ment, but they are also elements that empower the movement and indi-
viduals to make further demands for recognition and belonging vis-a-vis
the political community. Also, despite the fact that there are elements
considered to be ‘accomplishments’, these developments within the
immigrant rights movement have also created ruptures within the com-
munity itself that pose additional challenges. These are ruptures created
by the development of those policies by the federal government, but
their development also speaks to the complexities of acquiring rights for
everyone.
14 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

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 CHAPTER 2

Acting Like a Citizen: Citizenship

as a Performative Act

Abstract This chapter provides a challenge to basic assumptions around

state-based citizenship and a critical reflection upon the ways in which
citizenship can be enacted and claimed. Conceptions of citizenship that
are not state based are theorized by highlighting the ways in which indi-
viduals enact citizenship by making claims towards local entities and
acquire a sense of belonging—despite denial from the federal govern-
ments. This chapter focuses on alternative forms of citizenship by out-
lining the ways that the undocumented immigrants make claims for
belonging and rights by enacting their citizenship.

Keywords Acts of citizenship · Rights · Belonging

State-based citizenship has traditionally been understood to be a rela-

tionship between individuals and state governments. This is commonly
interpreted through legal recognition—the state recognizes people as
members and grants them the benefits of membership. In turn, individ-
uals are expected to perform the duties of citizenship, such as voting,
obeying the law and contributing to civil society, among other things.
In an era where state governments hold a significant level of author-
ity within International Relations, this form of citizenship serves as
a primary point of reference for belonging and rights acquisition. It is
through citizenship that members have access to a political community

© The Author(s) 2020 17

Z. Sleiman-Long, Sanctuary Regions
and the Struggle for Belonging, Mobility & Politics,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44885-1_2
18 Z. SLEIMAN-LONG

and rights, as Arendt (2001) put it, it provides people with the ‘right
to have rights’. Yet, there has been an increasing understanding into
the ways in which citizenship ‘escapes’ state authority (Darling, 2017).
These different expressions and understandings of citizenship provide us
with a framework to think about the ways in which it can be claimed
and ‘given’ at various levels of the political spectrum. What happens
when individuals, without legal citizenship, begin to act like citizens and
demand recognition from political entities? In this chapter, I challenge
some basic assumption around state-based citizenship and reflect upon
the ways in which citizenship can be enacted and claimed.
I want to challenge conceptions around state-based citizenship and
highlight the ways in which individuals enact citizenship by making
claims towards local entities and acquire a sense of belonging—despite
denial from the federal governments. There are several ways in which
undocumented immigrants make these claims. For one, the undocu-
mented immigrant rights movement has been shaped by portraying
undocumented immigrants as ‘ideal citizens’ that contribute to their
community. From this, they have shifted many of their rights claims to
local communities as well as state and municipal governments. In this
chapter, I also develop my theoretical framework and provide a theoreti-
cal background to understanding how non-citizens claim citizenship and
access the rights and privileges that come with this membership and pro-
vide a history of the sanctuary movement in California.
Because I do not primarily deal with citizenship as a legal status, I
provide context into the different ways in which scholars have distin-
guished different forms of citizenship including legal, psychological and
performative (Carens, 1996; Joppke, 2007). These can further broken
into other categories:

Citizenship as status, denotes formal state membership and the rules

of access to it; citizenship as rights, which is about the formal capacities
and immunities connected with such status; and, in addition, citizenship
as identity, which refers to the behavioral aspects of individuals acting and
conceiving of themselves as members of a collectivity, classically the nation,
or the normative conceptions of such behavior imputed by the state.
(Joppke, 2007, p. 38)

In this book, I am more concerned with participatory citizenship, citizen-

ship as identity and the spaces in between citizenship and non-citizenship
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B 13
Nov
12120 Cullen T I 31 I
22
Nov
12141 Conway C C Art 2A
23
Dec
12255 Crompton F G 71 F
10
115 Dec
12295 Cone S
E 16
138 Dec
12301 Culp P K
B 17
112 Jan
12368 Connor S 65
H 1
Jan
12424 Clark J 89 D
9
118 Jan
12487 Collins G
E 19
Feb
12599 Cassell D 20 E
6
Feb
12672 Clark F D 7C
20
Mar
12818 Copeland B Cav 14 D
29
June
1961 Culbertson Jno “ 13 B 64
14
Mar
152 Davidson H 57 I
25
119 May
866 Dorr Phineas
K 3
May
1020 Doran McK 63 D
11
May
1161 Duntler Henry, Cor 51 K
16
1338 Dooner M 2K May
24
May
1463 Davis Richard Cav 3L
29
June
1541 Deamott J K 45 C
1
June
1545 Davis Isaac Cav 8H
1
101 June
2630 Dun R B
B 29
139 June
2657 Donovan J
K 29
July
2716 Deily Wm 53 H
1
July
2938 Davis M Cav 22 B
6
15 July
3338 Degret N “
M 15
100 July
3363 Davidson Chas
M 15
July
3741 Dallin Jas Cav 8H
21
103 July
3795 Davis J
A 22
103 July
3873 Davis M H
E 24
July
3985 Dougherty J 7E
26
149 July
4087 Deron Robt
B 29
July
4202 Drenkle J A 79 K
29
184 July
5232 Dechmam Jno
G 29
4481 Dodrick Louis 50 I Aug
 1
Aug
4491 Denton M Cav 9B
1
Aug
4497 Day Wm 97 A
1
101 Aug
4625 Davis J
E 3
Aug
4711 Dort C R Cav 4H
4
101 Aug
4786 Dondle Robt
A 5
Aug
4792 Davy H, Cor 68 K
5
101 Aug
4806 Davenbrook J J
G 5
101 Aug
4885 Delaney J
A 6
14 Aug
4897 Dunbar Jno Cav
M 6
148 Aug
4910 Dean J
F 6
110 Aug
5023 Dawlin
D 8
Aug
5256 Ditztell L 73 I
10
Aug
5431 Davidson Geo 57 C
12
101 Aug
5468 Dougherty
I 13
Aug
5664 Decker J 45 B
14
Aug
5740 Day And H Cav 2H
15
Aug
5746 Doran P 99 I
15
6017 Deal F 63 A Aug
17
Aug
6045 Degroot H, S’t Cav 13 A
18
15 Aug
6176 Defree Jas
G 19
Aug
6226 Dodd J 18 F
20
153 Aug
6316 Davis Wm
A 20
148 Aug
6568 Dawney Geo
B 23
Aug
9679 Donavan D 90 B
24
Aug
6678 Dunn Johnes 69 F 64
25
Aug
6797 Dailey M 7 I
25
184 Aug
6879 Dunn Jno
A 26
Aug
7053 Dakenfelt J 55 D
28
Aug
7077 Deets R 3A
28
Aug
7282 Day S, Cor 13 A
30
110 Aug
7360 Dively J
C 31
Sept
7488 Dilks C 1K
1
50 Sept
7651 Dewell Samuel
G 3
184 Sept
7828 Dougherty J
D 4
8211 Dixon J 105 Sept
 B 8
Sept
8334 Doherty J, S’t 73 F
10
Sept
8569 Duff J, S’t Cav 4B
12
Sept
8579 Dougherty F 90 C
12
Sept
8718 Durharse B Cav 11 G
14
Sept
8828 Donnelly J 97 H
15
Sept
8887 Dean R Cav 2M
15
90 Sept
9109 Davidson C
G 18
Sept
9146 Driscoll N C 26 I
18
Sept
9191 Duffie J 52 F
18
Sept
9289 Delaney E 7G
19
Sept
10004 Davidson G, Cor 12 K
29
Oct
10193 Dougherty M Cav 3D
2
Oct
10436 Durkale Jno “ 1F
6
139 Oct
10917 Dalzell J G
I 14
Oct
11295 Derry Frederick 20 C
22
Oct
11350 Dichell Espy 55 D
23
Oct
11394 Dewitt M Cav 1E
24
11628 Davidson S 184 Oct
A 28
Oct
11988 Dickens Chas Art 2A
13
145 Oct
12136 Dalrysuffle J E
K 23
120 Jan
12399 Donley P 65
G 5
Feb
12575 Deeds J Cav 13 H
2
145 Oct
11181 Dixon B 64
K 19
May
972 Ellers Henry Cav 13 H
9
May
1081 Eisley Jno “ 18 K
14
May
1436 Engle Peter “ 14 K
28
June
2105 Elliott Jno “ 13 F
17
July
2794 Elliott J 69 D
2
July
3038 Erwin C 78 D
8
145 July
3052 Epsey Jas, S’t
H 9
103 July
3295 Elliott J P
D 14
July
3823 Ebright Benj Cav 9A
23
July
4278 Eaton Nat Rifle 1E
30
145 Aug
4761 Ellenberger P
D 5
5687 Ennies Andrew 145 Aug
 K 15
103 Aug
6424 Ewetts Jas
G 22
53 Aug
6607 Ellis F
G 23
Aug
6872 Eckles E 77 E
26
184 Aug
6889 Ensley C
A 26
Aug
7300 Ellis H H Cav 18 I
30
Sept
7657 Egan Jno 55 C
3
Sept
8066 Exline Jacob 55 K
7
143 Sept
8543 Eichnor C
F 12
Sept
8964 Earlman J 7K
16
Sept
10009 Elfrey B S 7K
29
Oct
10694 Elliott Jno H 83 D
11
Oct
10731 Erdibach C, Cor Cav 5B
11
187 Oct
10799 Ervingfelts Jacob
D 12
Nov
11834 Edgar W H, S’t 7G
5
Nov
11838 Erebedier J, S’t 5B
5
145 Nov
12001 Etters D
D 14
Feb
12673 Ebhart J, Cor 87 E 65
18