Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Full Chapter Research On Functional Grammar of Chinese I Information Structure and Word Ordering Selection Bojiang Zhang PDF
Full Chapter Research On Functional Grammar of Chinese I Information Structure and Word Ordering Selection Bojiang Zhang PDF
https://textbookfull.com/product/practical-grammar-of-modern-
chinese-i-overview-and-notional-words-1st-edition-liu-yuehua/
https://textbookfull.com/product/network-and-communication-
research-on-the-development-of-electronic-information-
engineering-technology-in-china-chinese-academy-of-engineering/
https://textbookfull.com/product/a-confucian-analysis-on-the-
evolution-of-chinese-patent-law-system-nan-zhang/
The Development of Deep Learning Technologies: Research
on the Development of Electronic Information
Engineering Technology in China Center For Electronics
And Information Studies Chinese Academy Of Engineering
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-development-of-deep-
learning-technologies-research-on-the-development-of-electronic-
information-engineering-technology-in-china-center-for-
electronics-and-information-studies-chinese-academy-of-e/
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-structure-of-modern-
standard-french-a-student-grammar-mosegaard-hansen/
https://textbookfull.com/product/topology-optimization-in-
engineering-structure-design-weihong-zhang/
https://textbookfull.com/product/structure-and-properties-of-
cell-membrane-structure-and-properties-of-cell-membranes-volume-
i-first-edition-benga/
https://textbookfull.com/product/investing-in-china-and-chinese-
investment-abroad-xiuping-zhang/
Research on Functional Grammar
of Chinese I
Language Policy
A Systemic Functional Linguistic Approach
Bingjun Yang, Rui Wang
PART I
Information structure 17
PART II
Focus structure 99
PART III
Backgrounding constructions 189
Bibliography 239
Index 254
Figures
Abbreviation Term
ASP aspect marker
ASS associative (de 的)
aux. auxiliary
BA bǎ 把
CL classifier
comp. comparative
conj. conjunction
CRS currently relevant state (le)
DUR durative aspect (zhe着/zài 在)
EXP experiential aspect (-guò 过)
GEN genitive (de 的)
interj. interjection
MP modal particle (used in cases of theme postposition, where SFP
does not occur sentence finally)
NOM nominalizer (de 的)
pass. passive (including gěi 给,bèi 被)
PF pause filler
PFV perfective aspect (-le 了)
poss. possessive (de 的)
REDUP reduplication
SFP sentence-final modal particle
SMP sentence-middle modal particle
TM topic marker
voca. vocative
Introduction
Corpus and approach
a 中国人的婚姻皆由父母做主(subtitle)
Zhōngguórén de hūnyīn jiē yóu fùmǔ zuòzhǔ
Chinese GEN marriage all by parents decide
‘Chinese people’s marriages are all decided by the parents.’
b 中国人哪,婚姻都是由父母做主的(dubbing)
Zhōngguórén na hūnyīn dōushì yóu fùmǔ zuòzhǔ de
Chinese SMP marriage all by parents decide aux.
‘The Chinese, their marriages are all decided by their parents.’
The two sentences are different in syntactic analysis. The subjects on the
first tier are respectively “中国人的婚姻” in (a) and “中国人” in (b). From the
4 Introduction
discourse perspective, however, the topic component is “中国人” in both sen
tences, because the subsequent part of each sentence is to comment on “中国人”.
Earlier discussions of the topic component always focus on those elements
resulting from syntactic segmentation, such as the subject, the adverbial, or an
element that modifies the whole sentence, more often than not refusing to admit
that such modifiers, when functioning as topics, can govern the whole sentence.
From the perspective of discourse function, the following four sentences are near
equivalents to one another:
a 我这舞跳得也够灰心的
wǒ zhè wǔ tiào de yě gòu huīxīn de
I this dance dance aux. too enough frustrated aux.
‘I feel frustrated by dancing.’
b 我的舞跳得也够灰心的
wǒ de wǔ tiào de yě gòu huīxīn de2
I GEN dance
c 我跳舞跳得也够灰心的
wǒ tiàowǔ tiào de yě gòu huīxīn de
I dance (v.)
d 我舞跳得也够灰心的
wǒ wǔ tiào de yě gòu huīxīn de
I dance (n.)
This phenomenon shows two facts: the discourse unit is inconsistent with
the syntactic unit; neither is the discourse structure consistent with the syntactic
structure.
In the face of one or a set of sentences, it seems that we should do functional
analysis at the discourse level first, and then try to see what calls for syntactic
analysis and what does not. “王冕死了父亲 (Wáng Miǎn sǐ le fùqīn, literally
‘Wang Mian died father’, meaning ‘Wang Mian’s father died’)” has become a
classic example sentence in grammar works, but if the six characters are said to
a person who has learned no grammar at all, he or she will ask, “So what?” Then
T1 C1
T2 C2
元朝末年,也曾出了一个嵌崎磊落的人。这人姓王名冕,在诸暨县乡村
里住。七岁上死了父亲,他母亲做些针指,供给他到村学堂里去读书。( 《儒林
外史》第一回)
Yuáncháo mònián, yě céng chū le yī gè qiànqílěiluò de rén. Zhè rén xìng Wáng
míng Miǎn, zài Zhūjìxiàn xiāngcūn lǐ zhù.
qīsuì shàng sǐ le fùqīn,
seven years old at die PFV father
tā mǔqīn zuò xiē zhēnzhǐ, gōngjǐ tā dào cūn xuétáng lǐ qù dúshū.
‘At the end of the Yuan Dynasty, there was an arduous and upright person. His
name was Wang Mian, living at a village of Zhuji County. When he was seven
years old, his father died. His mother did some needlework to support him to
go to the village school.’ (The Scholars 《儒林外史》
( ): Chapter 1)
a 人家呀,说咱们这招牌跌份!
Rénjiā ya, shuō zánmen zhè zhāopái diēfèn!
People SMP say our this sign not considered the thing
人家说呀,咱们这招牌跌份!
Rénjiā shuō ya, zánmen zhè zhāopái diēfèn!
人家说咱们这招牌呀,跌份!
Rénjiā shuō zánmen zhè zhāopái ya, diēfèn!
‘People say that this sign of ours can’t be considered the thing!’
b 我吧,从小就羡慕一种职业. . . . . .
Wǒ ba, cóngxiǎo jiù xiànmù yī zhǒng zhíyè . . . . . .
I SMP since early childhood just admire one CL profession
我从小吧,就羡慕一种职业. . . . . .
Wǒ cóngxiǎo ba, jiù xiànmù yī zhǒng zhíyè . . . . . .
从小吧,我就羡慕一种职业. . . . . .
Cóngxiǎo ba, wǒ jiù xiànmù yī zhǒng zhíyè . . . . . .
从小我吧,就羡慕一种职业. . . . . .
Cóngxiǎo wǒ ba, jiù xiànmù yī zhǒng zhíyè . . . . . .
我从小就啊,羡慕一种职业. . . . . .
Wǒ cóngxiǎo jiù a, xiànmù yī zhǒng zhíyè . . . . . .
‘I have admired one profession since early childhood. . . ’
We approve the introduction of the prototype category theory into cognitive lin
guistics. As its advocates point out, if the various functions of a category are
unequal in status, the one that is dominant in distribution can be taken as the basis
for validation. According to our investigation, however, it is not the dominant
distribution for a modal particle to occur after the subject. Moreover, the element
that precedes the modal particle is not confined to nominals; it can be adverbial,
conjunctive and verbal as well. Therefore, it is not reasonable enough to distin
guish the subject-predicate structure from other structures according to this cri
terion. Conversely, the distribution of modal particles within the sentence is far
from random; they will not occur in information focus. We therefore maintain that
modal particles are in fact the speaker’s means of psychological segmentation
of information structure, which has no bearing on syntactic segmentation. What
modal particles manifest is textual rather than syntactic functions.
Sometimes syntactic analysis cannot reflect textual functions, as in the case
when demonstratives “这/那” (this/that’) immediately precede nominals. Syn
tactic analysis can only assert that they are appositives to the nominals and would
be satisfied with that. Compare the use of “这” in the three sentences below:
Introduction 7
a 这老王,嘴简直跟城门似的。
Zhèi Lǎo Wáng, zuǐ jiǎnzhí gēn chéngmén sìde.
this old Wang mouth simply with city gate like
‘Old Wang, his mouth is very much like the city gate.’
b 这人哪,就是不能太善。
Zhe rén na, jiùshì bùnéng tài shàn.
this people SMP just cannot too nice
‘People can’t be too nice.’
c 我这舞跳得也够灰心的。
Wǒ zhei wǔ tiào de yě gòu huīxīn de
I this dance dance aux. too enough frustrated aux.
‘I feel frustrated by dancing.’
我和德熙兄是1952年分别从清华大学和燕京大学调到北大中文系工作
时才认识的,那时他正忙于准备去保加利亚讲学,虽然住得很近,但
来往不多。(林焘《哭德熙兄》 )
Wǒ hé Déxī xiōng shì 1952 nián fēnbié cóng Qīnghuá Dàxué hé Yànjīng
Dàxué diào dào Běidà Zhōngwén Xì gōngzuò shí cái rènshi de, nàshí tā zhèng
mángyú zhǔnbèi qù Bǎojiālìyà jiǎngxué, suīrán zhù de hěn jìn, dàn láiwǎng
bù duō.
‘I and Brother Dexi6 got to know each other when we transferred respec
tively from Tsinghua University and Yenching University in 1952 to the Chi
nese Department of Peking University. At that time, he was busy preparing
to lecture in Bulgaria. Although we lived close by, we didn’t see each other
often.’ (Lin Tao, Mourning the Loss of Brother Dexi 《哭德熙兄》
( ))
8 Introduction
Readers familiar with the situation know that Mr. Lin was from Yenching Uni
versity and Mr. Zhu (i.e., Dexi in the quoted example) was from Tsinghua Univer
sity; that is, the truth is opposite to what is expressed by “分别”. In this example,
the multiple entities following “分别” do not occur in the same order with the
multiple subjects (“I and Brother Dexi”); instead, they follow the principle of the
main theme taking precedence. In the sentence “那时他正忙于. . . . . .”, “他” still
refers to Zhu, which attests to the same principle.
Another example is bǎ-constructions. Traditional syntactic research attaches
great importance to them, and they are gaining popularity among functionalists
in recent years. Some people think that the instantiation of bǎ-constructions is
restricted by the semantic meaning of contrast; others believe that the occurrence
of bǎ is to indicate that the reference of the preceding object is definite. These find
ings may or may not be comprehensive; what they amount to is the fact that bǎ
constructions are licensed more by discourse factors than by syntactic constraints.
We have also noticed that bǎ-constructions rarely occur at the beginning of a
stretch of discourse; instead, they tend to appear in subsequent clauses. Compare:
a 一只足球蹦过草地,滚到我脚下,我停住球,接着飞起一脚把球踢走。
Yī zhī zúqiú bèng guò cǎodì, gǔn dào wǒ jiǎoxià, wǒ tíng zhù qiú, jiēzhe fēi
qǐ yī jiǎo bǎ qiú tī zǒu.
‘A football jumped over the lawn and rolled to my feet. I stopped it, and then
flew up a foot to kick the ball away.’
b 有一天我把这只足球踢出去,穿海魂衫的弟兄们急急忙忙跑起来
追球。
Yǒu yītiān wǒ bǎ zhè zhī zúqiú tī chūqù, chuān hǎihúnshān de dìxiōngmen
jíjímángmáng pǎo qǐlái zhuī qiú.
‘One day, I kicked the football out. My brothers, who were in striped shirts,
hurriedly ran to catch the ball.’
(The underlined is the bǎ introduced object in each case.)
Of course, the issue is far from this simple. Whether a bǎ-construction can
be used discourse initially is also determined by such factors as the referential
property of the object introduced by bǎ, the tense of the verb, and so on. Nonethe
less, according to our observation, the chances for bǎ-constructions to occur in
discourse initially are very slim, which reflects that bǎ-constructions are good at
taking over what has been addressed in earlier discourse but poor at setting a new
course for later discourse.
These are several representative categories, and should not be taken as exhaus
tive. If we focus on these three categories only, we can see that they behave very
differently in discourse.
Sentences with indefinite objects (Category A) are strong in introducing sequent
discourse, but no good at taking over previous discourse. Generally speaking, such
sentences are always followed by other clauses, and it would be very unlikely for
such sentences to close up the discourse. See (1) and (2):
(1) 潘佑军的朋友在稻香湖开了一个马场,潘佑军几次提出去那儿玩一
趟,找找绅士的感觉。
Pān Yòujūn de péngyǒu zài Dàoxiānghú kāi le yī gè mǎchǎng,
open PFV one CL horse farm
Pān Yòujūn jǐcì tíchū qù nà-er wán yītàng, zhǎozhǎo shēnshì de gǎnjué.
‘Pan Youjun’s friend opened a horse farm in Daoxiang Lake. Pan Youjun
has proposed several times to make a tour there, looking for the feeling of a
gentleman.’
(2) 我先进去的那间摆着一张大床,摞着几只樟木箱,床头还有一幅梳着
50年代发式的年轻男女的合影,显然这是男女主人的卧室。
Wǒ xiān jìnqù de nàjiān bǎi zhe yī zhāng dà chuáng,
put aux. one CL big bed
luò zhe jǐ zhī zhāngmù xiāng,
stack aux. several CL camphor wood box
chuángtóu hái yǒu yī fú shū zhe wǔshí niándài fàshì de niánqīng nánnǚ de
héyǐng, xiǎnrán zhè shì nánnǚ zhǔrén de wòshì.
10 Introduction
‘In the room I first entered, there were a big bed and a few camphor wood
boxes stacked on end. At the head of the bed there was a photo of a young
man and woman, wearing their hair in styles of the 1950s. Obviously, it was
the masters’ bedroom.’
(3) 我看到卫宁穿着拖鞋从家门内出来,急忙叫住他。
Wǒ kàndào Wèi Níng chuān zhe tuōxié cóng jiāmén nèi
I see/saw Wei Ning wear aux. slippers from gate inside
chūlái, jímáng jiàozhù tā.
come out hurriedly call him
‘I saw Wei Ning come out of the gate wearing slippers, and hurriedly called
to him.’
(4) 我在院门口等米兰时,朋友们毫不怀疑我是用通常的方式控制住了这
个“圈子” 。
Wǒ zài yuànménkǒu děng Mǐ Lán shí,
I at gate wait Mi Lan when
péngyǒu men háobúhuáiyí wǒ shì yòng
friends doubt not in the least I be use
tōngcháng de fāngshì kòngzhìzhù le zhègè “quānzi”.
usual aux. means take control PFV this chick
‘When I was waiting for Mi Lan at the courtyard gate, my friends had no
doubt whatsoever that I had controlled the chick in the usual way.’
Meanwhile, definite objects may also look ahead to the forthcoming discourse,
as in (5):
(5) 杜梅不答应,我只好带她去,车来了一瞧,潘佑军也带了老婆。
Dù Méi bù dāying, wǒ zhǐhǎo dài tā qù,
Du Mei not agree I have to take her go
chē lái le yīqiáo, Pān Yòujūn yě dài le lǎopó.
car arrive PFV look Pan Youjun too take PFV wife
‘Du Mei didn’t agree, so I had to take her with me. When the car arrived, Pan
Youjun also took his wife along.’
This is because the object tends to be more informative. Less informative enti
ties are generally placed in the subject position or after bǎ. In (5), “她”(‘she’)
relates to previous discourse by referring back to Du Mei while at the same time
looking forward to the forthcoming discourse by contrasting with Pan Youjun’s
wife. This is a basic function of definite objects.
Category C is different from the former two in that the indefinite element does
not refer to any discourse entity, which renders the state of affairs expressed by
Introduction 11
the sentence quite vague. Typical non-referential objects are for statement making
rather than narration.
(6) 我是售票员。
Wǒ shì shòupiàoyuán.
I be bus conductor
‘I am a bus conductor.’
(7) 她唱女中音。
Tā chàng nǚzhōngyīn.
she sing mezzo-soprano.
‘She sings mezzo-soprano.’
(8) 马走日字,象走田字。
Mǎ zǒu rìzì, xiàng zǒu tiánzì.
Horse walk character 日 Premier walk character 田
‘The Horse (in Chinese chess) moves with the route as indicated by the Chinese
character 日, and the Premier follows the route as indicated by 田.’
Notes
1 The Chinese original was first published in 1996. [Translator’s note.]
2 For simplicity no gloss is done for the part that is repeated in b, c and d.
3 For the concept of tone group see Fan Jiyan (1985).
4 See Yuan Yulin (1995).
5 This rule is summarized in Liao Qiuzhong (1992a) as “the principle of correspondence”.
6 Translated literally to maintain the original order of occurrence.
7 Retroflex “儿” is transcribed in pinyin as “-er” throughout the two volumes.
Part I
Information structure
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
what comes o’ steamer trainin’. I’d sooner trust Sue to sail her nor him.
[Waves his arm and shouts.] Come about!
Nat—[Bitterly.] He seems to be heading straight for the open sea. He’s
taking quite a sail, it seems to me.
Bartlett—[As if he couldn’t believe his eyes.] He’s passed the p’int—
and now—headin’ her out to sea—so’east by east. By God, that be the
course I charted for her! [Sue bursts out sobbing. He wheels on her, his
mouth fallen open, his face full of a stupid despair.] They be somethin’
wrong here. What be it, Sue? What be it, Nat? [His voice has begun to
quiver with passion.] That schooner—she’s sailin’ without me—— [He
suddenly springs at Nat and grabs him by the throat—with hoarse fury,
shaking him.] What be it, ye whelp? It’s your doin’—because I wouldn’t let
ye go. Answer me!
Sue—[Rushing to them with a scream.] Pa! [She tugs frantically at his
hands. Bartlett lets them fall to his side, stepping back from Nat who
sinks weakly to the ground, gasping for breath. Bartlett stands looking at
him wildly.]
Sue—Nat didn’t know, Pa. It’s all my fault. I had to do it. There was no
other way——
Bartlett—[Raging.] What d’ye mean, girl? What is it ye’ve done? Tell
me, I say! Tell me or I’ll——
Sue—[Unflinchingly.] You had to be stopped from going someway. You
wouldn’t listen to reason. So I asked Danny if he wouldn’t make the trip in
your place. He’s just got his captain’s papers—and oh, Pa, you can trust
him, you know that! That man Horne said he knows about everything you
wanted done, and he promised to tell Danny, and Danny’ll come back——
Bartlett—[Chokingly.] So—that be it—— [Shaking his clenched fist at
the sky as if visualizing the fate he feels in all of this.] Curse ye! Curse ye!
[He subsides weakly, his strength spent, his hand falls limply at his side.]
Mrs. Bartlett—[Appears in the doorway. Her face is pale with
anguish. She gives a cry of joy when she sees her son.] Nat! [Then with a
start of horror at her eyes fall on her husband.] Isaiah! [He doesn’t seem to
hear.] Then—you ain’t sailed yet?
Sue—[Going to her—gently.] No, Ma, he isn’t going to sail. He’s going
to stay home with you. But the schooner’s gone. See. [She points and her
mother’s eyes turn seaward.]
Bartlett—[Aloud to himself—in a tone of groping superstitious awe
and bewildered fear.] They be somethin’ queer—somethin’ wrong—they be
a curse in this somewhere——
Mrs. Bartlett—[Turning accusing eyes on him—with a sort of
fanatical triumph.] I’m glad to hear you confess that, Isaiah. Yes, there be a
curse—God’s curse on the wicked sinfulness o’ men—and I thank God
He’s saved you from the evil of that voyage, and I’ll pray Him to visit His
punishment and His curse on them three men on that craft you forced me to
give my name—— [She has raised her hand as if calling down retribution
on the schooner she can dimly see.]
Sue—[Terrified.] Ma!
Bartlett—[Starting toward his wife with an insane yell of fury.] Stop it,
I tell ye! [He towers over her with upraised fist as if to crush her.]
Sue—Pa!
Nat—[Starting to his feet from where he has been sitting on the ground
—hoarsely.] Pa! For God’s sake!
Mrs. Bartlett—[Gives a weak, frightened gasp.] Would you murder
me too, Isaiah? [She closes her eyes and collapses in Sue’s arms.]
Sue—[Tremblingly.] Nat! Help me! Quick! We must carry her to bed.
[They take their mother in their arms, carrying her inside the house.]
Bartlett—[While they are doing this, rushes in his mad frenzy to the
platform over the edge of the cliff. He puts his hands to his mouth,
megaphone-fashion, and yells with despairing rage.] Ahoy! Ahoy! Sarah
Allen! Put back! Put back! [as