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Perspectives on Geographical Marginality

Etienne Nel
Stanko Pelc Editors

Responses
to Geographical
Marginality and
Marginalization
From Social Innovation to Regional
Development
Perspectives on Geographical Marginality

Volume 5

Series Editors
Walter Leimgruber, Department of Geosciences, Geography,
University of Fribourg, Fribourg, Switzerland
Etienne Nel, University of Otago, Dunedin, Otago, New Zealand
Stanko Pelc, Department of Geography, Faculty of Humanities,
University of Primorska, Koper-Capodistria, Slovenia
This book series Perspectives on Geographical Marginality comprehensively
overviews research, on areas and communities impacted by processes of
marginalization as a result of globalization, economic, environmental, political
and social change. This series seeks to discuss and determine what is geographical
marginality by inviting leading international experts to publish theoretical and
applied work. It also seeks to rigorously debate the degree to which local areas and
communities are responding to these process of change and with what success.
The series stems from the International Geographical Union’s (IGU)‚
‘Commission on Globalization, Marginalization, and Regional and Local
Response’ (C12.29). As is suggested by its name, the commission researches the
problem of geographical marginality offering a leading forum from which this
series will be led. Marginality cannot be defined without putting it into a certain
perspective: economic, political and social (including cultural). Marginality has to
be clearly distinguished from peripherality. Marginal areas may be a part of
periphery or even the centre, but “cannot really be attributed to them”.
Proposed themes which will be covered include:

• Mountainous regions and globalization

• Regional development and policy/or: Globalization and its impact on local and
regional development
• Theory of marginalization
• Transformation of rural areas from the viewpoint of globalization and
marginalization
• Drivers of marginalization in border and peripheral areas.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/15046

Etienne Nel Stanko Pelc
•

Editors

Responses to Geographical
Marginality
and Marginalization
From Social Innovation to Regional
Development

123
Editors
Etienne Nel Stanko Pelc
Department of Geography Faculty of Education
University of Otago University of Primorska
Dunedin, New Zealand Koper, Slovenia

ISSN 2367-0002 ISSN 2367-0010 (electronic)

Perspectives on Geographical Marginality
ISBN 978-3-030-51341-2 ISBN 978-3-030-51342-9 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51342-9
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission
or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from
the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained
herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard
to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface

We often read, and the United Nations and research institutions draw our attention
to the fact that rich are ever richer and the majority have ever lower shares of the
total wealth. In this time when liberal capitalism seems to be the only option, we
face new challenges in order to overcome the old problems: social deprivation,
poverty and exclusion.
Within this broad context, people following their dreams about attaining a better
life are moving toward the centers of consumption in the hope that there is a fair
share of consumer goods for them in the place they have chosen to be their new
home. Others are just fleeing the places that are too dangerous and life threatening
that are the getaway to wherever seems to be the only reasonable solution. Both
of these population movements are one of the root causes of marginalization.
Geographically, this means that we are facing marginality in many different forms
in the areas of outmigration as well as in the areas of concentration.
Very often marginalized individuals that are trying to get away from their
marginal situation in a remote marginal rural area seek their opportunities in a
metropolis where they then have to live in a ghetto with others that are competing
with them for the same job. They may become even more marginalized than they
were in the place that they have left. And that place because of the drain of the
young, active and usually the best educated population becomes ever more mar-
ginal. Of course sooner or later the economic situation of immigrants may improve
and they often send a share of what they earn, no matter how little that may be, to
their relatives and this help them to improve their living conditions. It may seem
like a win-win situation, but it is usually not, because people on both sides of this
linkage are often living in unfavorable conditions, at the edge of society excluded
from much of what is considered to be normal in modern society.
Marginality therefore does not seem to be vanishing. It is as present in remote
peripheries as it is in urban conurbations in developing countries as well as in those
with the highest GDPs per capita. However, there is constant change in everything
and so to in the marginality that we can observe in so many regions at all scales.
The process of marginalization is advancing in some and retreating in the others.
That may be a consequence of certain changes (social, economic, political, cultural,

v
vi Preface

etc.) that occurred for different reasons and not with the intention to reduce or
enhance marginality.
On the other side, we have actions focused on enhancing the process of
demarginalization that take place in intentionally selected region(s). These may be
carried out by the state authorities, nongovernmental organizations as well-being
local initiatives (individuals and groups with common interests). Frequently, local
and regional development is seen as the best way to overcome the marginality and
the evaluation of unused potentials seems to be the first step. However, no matter
how important the economic development may be, it cannot by itself simultane-
ously eliminate social exclusion. Social innovation with its social dimension and
not just profit oriented aims is therefore a valuable additional tool to make life in
marginal areas better with less exclusion and with improved social structure.
This book brings some insight into the abovementioned topics presented with
different case studies. We are thankful to all the chapter authors and Springer
personnel for fruitful cooperation in preparing this book.

Dunedin, New Zealand Etienne Nel

Koper, Slovenia Stanko Pelc
Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Etienne Nel and Stanko Pelc

Part I Social Innovation as a Tool for Demarginalization

2 Social Innovation and Geographical Marginality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Stanko Pelc and Etienne Nel
3 Community Action Against Marginalization: The Case of a Rural
Social Enterprise in the Village of Saint-Camille, Quebec . . . . . . . . 23
Mélanie Doyon, Juan-Luis Klein, and Pierre-André Tremblay

Part II Regions, Regional Potentials, Regional Development

and Geographical Marginality
4 Rich Country—‘Poor’ Regions: Fighting Regional Disparities
in Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Walter Leimgruber
5 Economically Lagging Regions and Regional
Development—Some Narrative Stories from Podkarpackie,
Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Tomasz Komornicki and Konrad Czapiewski
6 Nature Parks: Valorising Regional Potential—The Gruyère
Pays-d’Enhaut Regional Nature Park (Fribourg/Vaud,
Switzerland) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Walter Leimgruber
7 Responding to Marginalization: A Case Study of Small Towns
in Western Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Teresa Stevenson and Etienne Nel

vii
viii Contents

Part III Policies, Actions and Other Responses to Marginality

8 Desolated Villages as Examples of Spatial, Economic and Social
Marginalization in the Polish-Czech Borderland and Their
Current Transformations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Krystian Heffner and Agnieszka Latocha
9 A Disrupting Merge Perspective on Gender: The Case of Ibiza . . . 143
Hugo Capellà i Miternique
10 The Impact of Motorway Building on the Accessibility
of Marginal Areas in the West Region of Romania . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
Raularian Rusu, Titus Man, and Ciprian Moldovan
Contributors

Hugo Capellà i Miternique Universitat de les Illes Balears, Palma, Spain;

Médiations, Sorbonne Universités, Paris, France
Konrad Czapiewski Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish
Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
Mélanie Doyon Département de géographie, Université du Québec à Montréal,
Montréal, QC, Canada
Krystian Heffner University of Economics in Katowice, Katowice, Poland
Juan-Luis Klein Département de géographie, Université du Québec à Montréal,
Montréal, QC, Canada
Tomasz Komornicki Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish
Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
Agnieszka Latocha Institute of Geography and Regional Development,
University of Wrocław, Wrocław, Poland
Walter Leimgruber University of Fribourg/CH, Fribourg, Switzerland
Titus Man Centre for Regional Geography, “Babeș-Bolyai” University of
Cluj-Napoca, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Ciprian Moldovan Centre for Regional Geography, “Babeș-Bolyai” University of
Cluj-Napoca, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Etienne Nel School of Geography, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
Stanko Pelc Faculty of Education, University of Primorska, Koper, Slovenia
Raularian Rusu Centre for Regional Geography, “Babeș-Bolyai” University of
Cluj-Napoca, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

ix
x Contributors

Teresa Stevenson Independent Researcher, Dunedin, New Zealand

Pierre-André Tremblay Département des sciences humaines, Université du
Québec à Chicoutimi, Chicoutimi, QC, Canada
List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Map of Saint-Camille . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 24

Fig. 3.2 Chronology of La Clé des Champs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 32
Fig. 3.3 The sites of La Clé des Champs and Cultur’Innov
in Saint-Camille . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Fig. 4.1 Per capita net income in Switzerland (CHF), 2015 . . . . . . . . . . 52
Fig. 4.2 Per capita GDI in Swiss cantons, 2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Fig. 4.3 Jobs created in 2016 per new enterprise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Fig. 4.4 Unemployment in Switzerland, 2018 (% of all workplaces) . . . . 55
Fig. 4.5 Flows in the Fiscal Equalization Scheme, simplified . . . . . . . . . 59
Fig. 4.6 Fiscal Equalization Scheme, net payers
and beneficiaries 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 60
Fig. 4.7 Governance model for a coherent policy for rural
and mountain regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 62
Fig. 5.1 Road potential accessibility (RoAI) in Poland 2015 . . . . . . . . .. 69
Fig. 5.2 Difference of demographic dynamics of population changes
in Podkarpackie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 72
Fig. 5.3 Location of Special Economic Zones, science parks
and clusters in Podkarpackie Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 76
Fig. 5.4 Level of funds absorbed by subprovinces in relation
to their GDP in the period 2007–2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 78
Fig. 5.5 Changes of the potential road accessibility in Poland
(2007–2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Fig. 6.1 The economic value of biological diversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Fig. 6.2 Cultural diversity and economic value . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Fig. 6.3 The landscape continuum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Fig. 6.4 Parks in Switzerland, 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
Fig. 6.5 The Gruyère-Pays-d’Enhaut regional nature park . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
Fig. 7.1 The wheat belt and hinterland of Perth, Western Australia . . . . 107
Fig. 8.1 Study area—border region with county (poviat) borders
and local names which are mentioned in the text . . . . . . . . . . .. 127

xi
xii List of Figures

Fig. 8.2 Example of decline in built-up areas in the depopulated

villages in the Sudety Mountains (Stołowe Mountains) . . . . . .. 132
Fig. 8.3 Polish-Czech borderland (Polish part): Dolnośląskie, Opolskie
and Śląskie voivodeships. Changes in dispersed buildings
in the period 2000–2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 134
Fig. 8.4 Disadvantageous ‘closed–cycle’ rural development model
for peripheral and marginal regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
Fig. 9.1 Map of Ibiza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Fig. 9.2 Nudity from everyday life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
Fig. 9.3 The critical integration to diversity in Ibiza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
Fig. 9.4 Promotion by Balearic Islands authorities of LGTB tourism
in Ibiza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 155
Fig. 9.5 Satire in critical Ibizan integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 158
Fig. 10.1 Location of the West Region, the other development regions
and the existing motorways in Romania in 2014 . . . . . . . . . . .. 167
Fig. 10.2 Landscape units and main towns in the West Region
of Romania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 169
Fig. 10.3 The distance-based connectivity index (RD) after
the completion of the motorway. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 171
Fig. 10.4 The time-based connectivity index after the completion
of the motorway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 173
Fig. 10.5 The motorway impact on the time-based connectivity index
(RT) in the West Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 175
Fig. 10.6 Journey times to and from Bucharest after the completion
of the motorway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 176
Fig. 10.7 The impact of the motorway on journey times to Timișoara
and other main cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 178
Fig. 10.8 The impact of the motorway on attraction areas and journey
times to and from secondary (R2) ranked cities . . . . . . . . . . . .. 179
Fig. 10.9 The impact of the motorway on journey times to and from
Timișoara-Arad agglomeration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 181
List of Tables

Table 3.1 The interviewed actors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Table 3.2 The traditional entrepreneur and the social entrepreneur . . . . . 28
Table 4.1 State revenue in Switzerland, 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Table 4.2 Foreign trade and tourism balance of Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . 61
Table 4.3 Foreign tourists 2013–2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Table 6.1 Parks in Switzerland 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
Table 8.1 Population of villages in the border region of Głubczyce
poviat between 1999 and 2012 in comparison with the
situation in 1939 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 130
Table 8.2 Population changes in the most depopulated and vanished
villages in Kłodzko poviat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 131
Table 9.1 Models to approach diversity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 145
Table 9.2 Gender definition and interrelation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 148
Table 10.1 Ranking of central places considered for the West Region
of Romania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 170
Table 10.2 Distances and times considered for a score of zero in every
component of the formula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 171

xiii
Chapter 1
Introduction

Etienne Nel and Stanko Pelc

1.1 Introduction

As seen within the context of the 2020 pandemic, globalization, no matter how
different authors define it, influences the world as a whole for good or bad. Whether
it be disease, culture or economics, globalization has linked places together, but often
unequally with its not infrequent negative effects being experienced at the local level.
This book is not specifically about globalization, but rather about marginality and
marginalization which are often the result of globalization which has promoted the
interconnectedness of societies and economies around the planet, but seldom on an
equal or mutually beneficially way.
The last 400 years have witnessed unprecedented advances in terms of economic
change and technology which has helped to bind the peoples and nations of world
closer together. Even though the nature, form and benefits of globalization are the
subject of considerable debate in academic and policy terms, it is none the less
apparent that closer global connections have made us more aware of differences
across the world creating both opportunities and constraints and have exposed us to
the reality that globalization’s benefits are selective, with the market variously priv-
ileging and disadvantaging areas and social groups within them (Knox and Agnew
2014). This reality, as Harvey (2015) cogently explains is a result of capitalism’s
‘spatial fixes’ which variously benefit and constrain different regions and localities
in the world, creating what Chisholm (1990) has referred to as ‘regions of reces-
sion’ and ‘regions of resurgence’. It is the former which are a particular concern to

E. Nel
School of Geography, University of Otago, 85 Albany Street, Dunedin 9010, New Zealand
e-mail: etienne.nel@otago.ac.nz
S. Pelc (B)
Faculty of Education, University of Primorska, Cankarjeva 5, SI-6000 Koper, Slovenia
e-mail: stanko.pelc@pef.upr.si

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 1

E. Nel and S. Pelc (eds.), Responses to Geographical Marginality
and Marginalization, Perspectives on Geographical Marginality 5,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51342-9_1
2 E. Nel and S. Pelc

the authors and editors of this edited collection even though we need to emphasize
at this point that the attention in this book is paid only to such regions within the
so-called western or more developed part of the world. National level discussions
on the effects of globalization tend to focus on the positive attributes, running the
risk of ignoring what are often the localized costs experienced in places which, as a
result of globalization leads to loss of competitive advantage and uniqueness which
often exacerbates pre-existing structural weakness. This collection draws attention to
the reality of marginalization drawing on cases generally from physically peripheral
parts the world’s most developed regions within EU, USA, Australia etc. Lying in
a peripheral part of a country e.g. borderlands, semi-arid areas, mountain areas etc.
generally exacerbates the potential for social and economic marginalization, which
in turn can help catalyse local responses.
A key point which we want to make in this collection is that marginalization
is not solely a descriptor to be applied to the Global South; rather it also has direct
relevance to developed nations where the negative effects of globalization and internal
differences and challenges have selectively created marginalized areas which require
either or both locally driven or nationally supported responses.
Whilst selected parts of the planet and social groups within them have derived
benefit from economic changes associated with both global and national/local
change, for many others marginalization—in economic, social, political and environ-
mental terms—has been the stark reality (Leimgruber 1994). The world is witnessing
a growing economic disparity between nations and growing class inequality between
and within societies (Knox and Agnew 2014).
In the light of the preceding, this edited collection seeks to explore how various
places, marginalized from the mainstream have sought or been assisted to respond to
their marginalization, often through the pursuit of creative development alternatives.
While not all places in the world will show the degree of innovation witnessed in
the places described, the collection does offer inspiration into the potential which is
there and the lessons which can be learnt from these experiences.
The experience of marginalized places challenges us to question what their future
holds and what the best responses to their situation might be. The stark reality is
that for many towns and regions which lack the resources and assets to capitalize on
new waves of economic activity and which are hindered by reduced reliance on the
state in an era of hegemonic neoliberalism, ‘self-reliance and self-organization of
these towns’ (de Noronha Vaz et al. 2013, p. 3), and the pursuit of locally driven new
economic activity are often the only logical development options. In this context,
grassroots movements anchored on local partnerships can be critical in efforts to
address economic and social crises (Mayer and Knox 2010). As authors in this
volume will argue, while some places can hope for and receive external support
in other situation initiatives must often focus on local development of alternative
economic spaces and community economic development, drawing on cultural and
environmental assets and promoting well-being and cultural identity as appropriate.
Clearly there is no uniform response as to how small towns and marginalized regions
can respond to the development challenges and opportunities which they face. Rather,
1 Introduction 3

‘each case highlights the importance local actors place on new sensibilities that have
emerged’ (Mayer and Knox 2010, p. 1563).

1.2 New Localism, New Regionalism and Place Based

Development

Responding to marginalization clearly requires direct action, but such action must
acknowledge prevailing economic, political and social realities, both positive and
negative, the opportunities which exist in the context of the ‘new’ global economy
and the important role which local agents can play. Over recent decades the devo-
lution of power, functions and resources from central to local levels has catalyzed
what Evans et al. (2013) regard as ‘new localism’ anchored on principles of local
control, management, representation and the community. In turn this is related to the
argument by Jones and Woods (2013) that we need a ‘new localities’ focus grounded
in processes taking place in local space. This approach argues that local resources,
labour, political culture and local decision-making capacity help to define the role
and place of the ‘local’ in a competitive global economy, in so doing suggesting at
the value of local decision-making and drawing on local resilience and social capital
(Besser 2013). Clarke (2013, 492) argues that localism is intimately involved with
‘struggles to produce locally scaled action, including projects of local autonomy and
self-sufficiency’. Locally-driven foci also have close links with the recent embed-
ding of the concept of place-based development in regional development practice in
the EU following the release of the Barca Report with its focus on social inclusion,
unique place attributes and efficiency (Barca 2009; Barca et al. 2012).
In the case of Europe, the European Commission (2015) Cohesion Policy: 2014–
20, calls for the adoption of a place based approaches anchored on territorial
investments and community led development. Key in place based development are:
• Reviving territorial identity as a basis for place based development
• Integrated policies extending beyond geographical and sectoral boundaries
• Open governance
• Strong leadership
• Learning by doing.
In the context of this book, such creative and innovative approaches to develop-
ment are clearly of value in endeavours to creatively respond to marginalization.
Rodríguez-Pose and Wilkie (2017), argue in favour of place-based development
pointing out the need to capitalize on local strengths, territorially specific economic
development approaches, and economic and social advantages. Within in this regard,
local actions do require high levels of local leadership capacity and frequent part-
nership formation. In this regard local leaders and local entrepreneurs often become
key change agents (Nel and Stevenson 2014). In this respect the role of ‘place lead-
ership’ in regional development is increasingly recognized (Horlings et al. 2018;
4 E. Nel and S. Pelc

Beer et al. 2019) with Beer and Clower (2014) arguing that the role of leadership in
determining the success of development responses places is more critical than ever.
While at one level this relates to the leadership role played by local institutions, it
also relates to the role played by individuals or local partnerships which ‘play a key
role in guiding and facilitating transformation by stimulating imagination … and
the development of new agendas’ (Horlings et al. 2018, 250). This has particular
value in economically struggling areas where relying on endogenous strengths and
social capital and making the most of internal and external links, can be critical in
achieving local innovation and development. As Collinge et al. (2010, 367) argue
‘effective leadership is one of the critical factors that explains how and why some
localities are able to adapt and exploit opportunities’.
In addition, to the preceding, to achieve locally driven development, themes of
needing high levels of social capital to support and encourage development are well
recognized (Trigilia 2001) as is the need to appreciate that resilience plays a key role in
responses to rapidly changing conditions (Martin et al. 2015). This re-found interest
in ‘new localism’ overlaps with a reinvigoration of the concept of ‘new regionalism’
which though sharing similarities with new localism and place-based leadership,
tends to operate at a ‘higher level’, connecting territories and multiple places, all
of which might share similar characteristics of marginalization. In its earlier form
before 2000, new regionalism focused on regional development as a counter-point
to national development and it was criticized for its focus on internal processes only,
narrowly looking at local institutions, industries and businesses (Bristow 2018). In
recent years, the concept has attracted new found interest, particularly in Canada
(Markey 2011; Zirul et al. 2015). In its new form it focuses on an understanding
of regions which is fluid and not static, it recognises that places and regions have
extended levels of external links and contacts, often at different scales, and that with
multi-level governance how a region operates needs to be rethought. This is with
particular regard to issues of governance, social capital, socially embedded processes,
smart growth, sustainability, relational assets, integration and learning (Zirul et al.
2015; Vodden et al. 2019). In this regard, ‘New regionalism highlights approaches
for creating more regionally resilient futures supported by informed development
policy that is, among other things flexible, adaptive and context-appropriate’ (Vodden
et al. 2019, 3). This approaches recognize the fluidity of borders and that the region
‘represents a contingent “coming togetherness” or assemblage of proximate and
distant social, economic and political relationships’ (Jonas 2012, p. 263).
Having overviewed the conceptual underpinnings on which this book is grounded,
the next section of this Introduction will detail the content and structure of the book,
which draws on place based and other locality based responses to counter the effects
of marginalization. The various case studies selected illustrate the dynamic and varied
approaches which have either been pursued or which have emerged spontaneously
in response to prevailing challenges. The majority of the following chapters do not
provide detailed definitions of marginality (or of globalization) in their case study
areas. That would lead to widely different approaches and definitions of marginality
influenced by local context and unique cases. Rather, marginality presents itself in
widely differing formats and this book serves to net some of this diversity and to
1 Introduction 5

illustrate the different and usually locally unique responses to marginalization and
to the often negative effects of globalization. Often the cases presented may not
be marginal places and areas but rather peripheral places and regions. These are
always faced with forces pushing them from partnerships with the center (either
reciprocal or dominant-subordinate) to relative isolation from it and consequentially
towards extreme marginality in social, economic, cultural etc. sense. It is therefore of
great importance that these areas and regions search for responses and activate local
potentials no matter how many marginal characteristic may already be observed in
the peripheral area of interest. Avoiding marginality before it becomes a reality is
better and easier than finding the solutions for getting out of it when it is already
there.

1.3 Chapter Overview

The chapters which follow challenge us to rethink what marginalization is and how
best to respond to its existence. The book is divided into three sections. The first
section focusses on the role of social innovation as a tool for de-marginalization. The
second section examines regions, their potential, and the role of regional development
in the context of marginalization. The third section focuses on policies, actions and
responses to marginality. In the first chapter in Section One, Pelc and Nel provide
a conceptual argument about the need to rethink how we approach the development
of places and regions, particularly those which have been marginalized. It argues
that adopting a lense of ‘social innovation’ is a valuable approach to understand
actual and potential responses to marginalization. As the authors argue, based on
Taylor (in Portales 2019) this involves new ways of doing things which focus on the
needs to society, social transformation and new modes of decision-making which
allow places and regions to respond to the challenges of marginalization. Links
to the aforementioned notions of new localism and new regionalism are apparent.
Social innovation, particularly if based on creative ways of working with endogenous
potential can encourage empowerment, and innovative responses to marginalization,
which are illustrated by subsequent chapters in this volume.
The third chapter, by Doyon (et al.) illustrates the themes of social innovation
and new localism with reference to the rural settlement of Saint Camille in Canada
where support for social enterprise and reterritorialization of agriculture facilitated
the transformation of a vegetable co-operative into a viable social enterprise able
to meet local employment needs and satisfy local demands for fresh produce. This
chapter vividly illustrates the capacity of local leadership, new localism and place
based development to effect change.
Marginalization is naturally a relative concept, but none the less describes a situa-
tion in which, relative to the ‘mainstream’ social groups or geographical areas occupy
spaces ‘marginal’ to the mainstream. In the fourth chapter, which starts Section Two,
Leimgruber explores these issues relative to Switzerland, which experiences signifi-
cant disparities despite its high levels of overall aggregate wealth. In response Swiss
6 E. Nel and S. Pelc

regional policy, since 2008, has encouraged a focus on innovation and bottom-up
development and the federal government has promoted a policy of fiscal equaliza-
tion in an effort to reduce social and economic disparities. The chapter illustrates the
value of innovation as a response to marginalization.
In the fifth chapter, Komornicki and Czapiewski explore the manifestation of
marginalization as it affects what they term the ‘lagging region’ of Podkarpackie in
Poland. This study explores both the challenges which the region faces but also
the endogenous potential for positive change which exists. Despite many deep-
seated challenges rooted in historic and contemporary population movements and
the region’s position as a borderland, potential for change does exist from efforts to
enhance local human capital, to provide support for innovation, shown primarily in
skilled manufacturing ventures and other efforts to build on local capacity. Themes
of new regionalism and innovation are clearly evident to the responses observed.
In the sixth chapter Leimgruber examines the case of valorising regional potential
with respect to regional parks in Switzerland. The chapter emphasises the value of
connecting with nature for humans and how areas which normally would be regarded
as marginal physically and economically are now recognised as having value, not
only in terms of nature conservation, but also in terms of preserving culture and
traditions. In line with other chapters in the collection it brings out the key role
which local community can play in the bottom-up development of parks and park
activity as a very real form of place-based development and new regionalism.
In chapter seven by Nel and Stevenson, themes of place-based development
and leadership and often quite surprising levels of local innovation come through
strongly in the case-studies of small town development responses to marginalization
in Western Australia. The cases illustrate that, despite population loss and limited
external support, communities and their leaders are able to embark on what are often
quite remarkable development endeavours to either improve community well-being
or promote new economic endeavours. Responding to their marginalization through
endogenous action is clearly catalysed by the severity of the local situation, coupled
with local vision and place based leadership as conceptualised through the concept
of ‘new localism’.
Chapter eight by Heffner and Latocha, which is the first chapter in Section Three,
examines depopulation in the Polish-Czech borderlands. Despite the long-term and
on-going nature of population loss; second homes, commuting and tourism are
providing selective opportunities for some parts of the region, illustrating the degree
to which innovation can, potentially, provide new avenues to address regional chal-
lenges and marginalization. Capella in Chapter Nine, presents the case of Ibiza in
the Mediterranean as the story of an island which though once marginalized, through
the spontaneous development and support for alternative tourism opportunities was
able to embark of a new development trajectory. While not necessarily a planned
response, it was certainly an innovative one creating what Capella refers to as a
‘disrupting merge’ with respect to gender and offering to the world an alternative
tourism destination.
1 Introduction 7

In the final chapter in the collection, Raul et al., detail the expected effect which
motorway development will have in helping to de-marginalise parts of Romania. The
chapter provides key insight into how improved accessibility can help, selectively, to
improve access to once marginalised places, but, by contrast other places can have
their sense of relative isolation enhanced if they are by-passed by new developments.

1.4 Concluding Thoughts

As this chapter and this book will argue marginalization need not be a situation
locked in time and space. As our case studies show, a range of innovations can make
what is often a very significant difference to the nature and reality of marginalization.
This might take and form of enhanced transport accessibility or offering the global
market a niche tourism opportunity. Alternatively, it might be more about place-
based development and local efforts to improve well-being, such as happened in
Australia. In most, but not all cases, responses to marginalization are anchored in
local leadership, capacity and place-based development, variously drawing on the
networks and links implicit in concepts such as new localism and new regionalism.
In turn, such local responsiveness requires appropriate tools and responses and in
this regard, as Chapter Two will argue, social innovation has a key role to play in
terms of addressing and satisfying human needs.

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 Part I
Social Innovation as a Tool
for Demarginalization
Chapter 2
Social Innovation and Geographical
Marginality

Stanko Pelc and Etienne Nel

2.1 Introduction

Geographical marginality as a topic in contemporary geography can be considered

as the scientific research about marginality within the framework of geography as
a scientific discipline. That means that the spatial dimensions of a phenomena are
the starting point of our scientific investigations. However, geographical space is
a very complex system in which numerous interrelated processes and phenomena
occur. Therefore, when geographers investigate marginality the spatial starting point
is to find out where marginality is present and how the factors of location influ-
ence its emergence and potential extinction. Of course, it is almost impossible to do
that without considering other important factors of marginalization. Marginality is
basically a social phenomenon, but the term marginal also has an important use in
economy. Economic factors are also very important in the process of the marginal-
ization of certain individuals and social groups not to mention the marginalization
of certain spatial units (areas, regions). When Leimgruber (1994) first tried to define
geographical marginality, he exposed four possible approaches to it. At least three
of them could also be its dimensions:
• geometrical,
• economic,
• social.

S. Pelc (B)
Faculty of Education, University of Primorska, Cankarjeva 5, SI-6000 Koper, Slovenia
e-mail: stanko.pelc@pef.upr.si
E. Nel
School of Geography, University of Otago, 85 Albany Street, Dunedin 9010, New Zealand
e-mail: etienne.nel@otago.ac.nz

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 11

E. Nel and S. Pelc (eds.), Responses to Geographical Marginality
and Marginalization, Perspectives on Geographical Marginality 5,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51342-9_2
12 S. Pelc and E. Nel

(the fourth approach is ecologic). Geometrical or spatial dimension of marginality

is about the locational characteristics of marginality. It often emerges for places at
the edge of a larger spatial unit—i.e. at the margin, where the ‘normality’ of that
unit becomes vague. Crossing into a situation of marginality means that we cannot
expect to encounter certain phenomena or processes that are more or less frequent on
the other side of the line that represents the margin. The parallel in economic terms
would mean that certain economic activities in normal conditions bring some profit,
but these conditions can also be such that the activity does not bring in enough income
to cover the costs, meaning that it is on the other side of the margin of profitability. In
physical space this can be agricultural land that cannot provide enough agricultural
output to cover the costs of production and it therefore can no longer be viably used for
agriculture. However, it can be used for subsistence farming, barely providing for the
basic needs of the farmer without providing surpluses for marketing. Such situation
may be found at the margin of human settlement in high mountains, high latitudes
or semi-desert areas—in all cases at the margin of settled areas. These subsistent
farmers are obviously geometrically and economically located at the edge—in a
marginal position and are as such also pushed to the edge of society—and hence are
marginalized spatially, economically and socially.
However, the location at the edge of a larger area or spatial unit such as country,
does not necessary mean that people living at this edge will experience marginality.
Some areas along national borders that are, by definition, on the edge of the country
may even profit from their location on the border in cases where the border is ‘open’
and it generates contact between the two sides and business opportunities for the
local population. On the other side, location in the centre of a country—in its capital
for example, does not guarantee that there will be no social and economic marginality
among the population living there. The socio-economic status of low paid immigrant
workers clearly shows this. Such marginalized groups may live in central parts of the
country but they are often pushed into ghettos to the edge of society and face poverty,
unemployment and all kind of social inequities. Similar can be observed in the case
of ethnic minority groups. Their location may well not be at the edge of the country,
but their location and the characteristics of places that they occupy also express their
position at the edge of society and at the bottom of the ladder of economic prosperity.
In the search for the actions that could ignite the process of demarginalization
economic measures of different kinds are most often the focus of regional developers
and different policy-makers. Social measures that should also play an important role
are often missing especially because there is less and less governmental will and
resources to support them. Social innovations that are coming from the people and
are meant to be for people are therefore something that we should pay attention
to, as they might be a useful tool in demarginalization processes. This challenges
us to study what are the characteristics of social innovations that can make them a
successful tool for overcoming different causes of marginalization.
In this chapter we first present some definitions of social innovation, then we
continue with an examination of examples from the literature that present the
role of social innovation in combating marginalization and enhancing the regional
development in marginal regions.
2 Social Innovation and Geographical Marginality 13

2.2 Social Innovation

Innovation is the foundation stone of human development and a strong influencing

factor of societal changes. Nevertheless, it has primarily been investigated almost
exclusively from economic perspective. Innovation generates certain economic
effects such as the growth of production and profit, meeting the needs of customers,
improving the effectiveness of products etc. All that affect the life of people and
bring about changes the structure of society. However, as long as the innovation is
introduced with strictly economic goals to be fulfilled we cannot consider it as social
innovation even though it may have deep social consequences.
Portales (2019, p. 4) quoting different authors describes the development of the
concept of social innovation since 1970s. He starts with Taylor and the “new way of
doing things with the specific interest of attending to the needs of society, such as
poverty or crime”, continuing with “the concept of social innovation” that includes
“social transformation as one of the expected results, by the creation of new social
structures, new social relations, and new modes of decision making” to finally come
to the Young Foundation definition of social innovations (The Young Foundation
2012, p. 18 in Portales 2019):
Social innovations are new solutions (products, services, models, markets, processes, etc.)
that, simultaneously, satisfy a social need (more effectively than existing solutions), create
new or better capabilities and relationships, and make better use of assets and resources. In
other words, social innovations are good for society and improve society’s capacity to act.

Portales (2019, p. 5) detected four key elements of the concept of social innovation:
• “satisfaction of a need,
• innovation of the solution,
• change of social structures and relationships, and
• the increase of society’s capacity to act”.
To satisfy unsatisfied needs or not adequately satisfied needs is the basic reason
for innovation that will deliver the solution to provide for the adequate satisfaction
of those needs. Of course the solution in order to be an innovative has to differ from
traditional way of satisfying the needs—therefore something new has to be created
or at least new features or components have to be included into the way of satis-
fying the needs. As a consequence, a change in social structure and social relations
appears. This is one of the aims of social innovation—to generate a transformation
in society and to activate new actors. From the perspective of marginality it is of
special significance that the aim must be to also engage the actors that are excluded
from society: “social innovation must promote the empowerment of different types
of actors, especially those excluded from society” (ibid. p. 5).
Social innovations can also be defined as (Westley et al. 2006 in McGowan and
Westley 2015, p. 52):
… new products, processes, procedures, policies and designs that seek profoundly to change
authority and resource flows and eventually tip entire systems towards greater resilience and
sustainability.
14 S. Pelc and E. Nel

This definition uses a systems approach and also focusses on sustainability as

an important issue in terms of modern social and economic changes. Mcgowan
and Westley (2015) also consider social innovation as a relatively new construct
in research, even though it has as such long been experienced by mankind. Agnés
Hubert also states in the foreword to a book “Challenge Social Innovation” (Franz
et al. 2012) that there is a new passion for social innovation that we are facing
especially since the 2008 economic crisis. However, more important than to know
when social innovation really appeared and how important it has been in certain
periods in the past is “what social innovation means and can achieve and how it can
help address, now and in the future, the challenges we are facing”. From our point
of view this might be the starting point for the connection between geographical
marginality and social innovation. Széll (2012) clearly observes the necessity of
marginalized societies and regions to rely on their own strengths and potential in
order to have a chance to survive (ibid., p. 191):
Those societies and regions, which have been marginalized and exploited by modern capi-
talism, do not have any other chance of survival than to base their future on the development
of their own forces. Only a self-centred development gives this chance. A certain deglob-
alisation – as it has started with the World Social Forum (2012) and attack – is therefore
necessary, but neither in a naïve nor ideological manner, as in the 1960s and 1970s. The
slogan of this movement – with many local, regional, national and continental initiatives – is
socially very innovative and inspires innovation: Another world is possible!

The possibility of another world is not to be doubted, but it is not necessarily a

better world with less poverty and with better living conditions for all. The world is
constantly changing. The social structure and societies worldwide are in a constant
state of change. However, what we want to achieve with social innovations are
changes that improve lives of those that are underprivileged and marginalised espe-
cially where this is the case for the majority of population of the region (country) and
numerous social groups. We can observe marginality from many different perspec-
tives, but we must never forget that scale also matters. Social innovation may have
its roots in small local communities, but if it is to be effective it can spread globally
especially now in the era of globalisation and where there is the highest possible
general interconnectedness.

2.3 Social Innovation and Demarginalization

Marginal regions with marginalized populations (i.e. with large shares of marginal-
ized individuals, social groups) or just areas with concentration of marginalized
individuals (ghettos) within developed central urban agglomerations are in desperate
need for a change in the social status of their population living on societal edge being
deprivileged, having no political influence and often not enough resources for a
decent living. The social policy of the state does often not provide enough financial
support to successfully deal with the problem, so somebody else has to step in and
start undertaking different initiatives to make the necessary changes. This might be
2 Social Innovation and Geographical Marginality 15

nongovernmental organizations or people themselves. And this is where social inno-

vation steps on the scene. However, the question is: “Can social innovation be a tool
for demarginalization?”. The answer can be a simple and short: “Yes”, unfortunately
normally followed with compulsory “but …”!. Namely, it is much more difficult to
find out how can that be achieved, what kind of social innovations are adequate for
that purpose and what are the factors influencing the outcomes of the social inno-
vation that is supposed to pave the way out of marginalization. Furthermore, social
innovation certainly cannot be the sole tool in combating marginalization. From a
wide range of texts dealing with social innovations (this is obviously a very fash-
ionable topic recently) we present the text about how social innovation can tackle
marginalization (von Jacobi et al. 2017) and another one about rural marginalization
and social innovation (Bock 2016). Within the studied literature we found these two
as the closest to the field of geographical marginality.

2.3.1 Can Social Innovation Tackle Marginalization

According to our knowledge there is no published research dealing specifically with

social innovation in the context of geographical marginality. However, there is an
interesting research article presenting how social innovation can tackle marginalisa-
tion (von Jacobi et al. 2017). This research investigation used a capability approach
and examined marginality mainly from a social perspective in the context of a
social grid. Instead of observing just one dimension of social structure the research
concentrated on the interrelation of three social structures:
• relational patterns and socio-structural linkages,
• policies, rules and laws manifested in institutions,
• cultural, interpretive and cognitive structures,
that “point to the institutional, cultural and social embeddedness of individual
action and macro-structural dynamics” (ibid., p. 6). Individual members of society fall
into disadvantageous (marginalized) positions or vice versa because of the dynamics
structured by these social forces. Certain personal, social or environmental traits may
be an actual or potential factor of disadvantage for an individual. In order to find out
if it really is the institutions, cognitive frames, and actor-networks that constitute the
potential disadvantage need to be studied. In a way that means that the capability
approach “(re-)inserts the role of individual agency and collective action into analyses
of social innovation and marginalization” (ibid., p, 6). The problem that cited authors
believe needs to be considered is human diversity and the plurality of life goals that
need to be pursued by public policy as an outcome. This may be demanding or it
may lead to pursuit of only selected goals and the exclusion of others. That may
affect certain marginalized individuals that may therefore not have the ability to alter
social agents that structure their disadvantage. Therefore public policies dealing with
social innovation with the intention of reducing marginalization need to take that into
account.
16 S. Pelc and E. Nel

Von Jacobi et al. (2017) also analysed the EU strategies in the field of social innova-
tion aiming at reducing marginalization. They detected that the European Commis-
sion constantly emphasizes that social innovation is a key strategy for achieving
an inclusive and a sustainable social market economy. By analysing the European
Commission’s definition of social innovation the cited authors state that it “has the
capacity to more effectively tackle marginalization in three important respects” (ibid.,
p. 8):
• the advanced social innovation definition recognises socio-structural processes
and interactions causing or tackling marginalization, which makes identification
and addressing of some of the causal mechanisms of marginalization possible,
• the dynamic conception of marginalization where “social innovation is both a
means to meeting social needs and an end (i.e. it is an approach to addressing
societal challenges)”, this therefore makes it “an iterative exercise” rather than
examining a static condition—individual agency and collective action therefore
become significant in understanding “how capabilities are secured and functioning
are achieved”,
• active participation of vulnerable groups in particular and their empowerment are
considered “as an essential means and end of social innovation”—which may be
very important in transformation of the socio-structural dynamics that are causing
marginalization.
At this point we need to constate that in different EU documents marginalization
is frequently substituted with similar terms such as “‘disadvantage’, ‘inequality’,
‘social exclusion’, ‘worklessness’ and ‘poverty’”. For the cited authors this shows that
“marginalization, in its various manifestations is a complex and multi-dimensional
phenomenon” (ibid., p. 8). Social innovation on the other side is well defined and
integrated into EU’s policies. The European Social Fund for example conditions
the funding of member states projects by identifying the fields of social innovation
corresponding to their specific needs either undertaken during the development of
operational programmes or at a later stage. Tackling marginalization, however, is
“principally understood as an activity focused on the employment (reemployment)
and activation of marginalised groups” (European Commission 2013 in von Jacobi
et al. 2017, p. 11).
In practice therefore EU actions are limited in terms of social innovation as the EU
treats social innovation as a tool for fighting marginalization through work integra-
tion which is, according to von Jacobi et al. (2017, p. 16), rather problematic. Work
integration by itself cannot be “the most effective strategy for tackling marginaliza-
tion”. Labour market integration is not equal to social inclusion and this neglects
the socio-structural dynamics, societal challenges and social needs necessary give
political and cultural aspects a secondary status which then reduces the capacity of
citizens to reshape the economy in terms of their political and cultural ideals (Ferrero
and Zepeda 2014 in von Jacobi et al. 2017).
Another random document with
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la cathédrale, la grande rue qui conduisait jusqu'au centre de la cité,
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naturelle, la procession peut être admise et n'est plus l'objet
d'aucune discussion[432].
[427] «Eundi via ad baptisterium a domo regia præparatur, velisque atque cortinis
depictis ex utraque parte prætenditur et desuper adumbratur. Plateæ sternuntur et
ecclesiæ componuntur... Sicque, præcedentibus sacrosanctis evangeliis et
crucibus, cum ymnis et canticis spiritalibus atque letaniis, sanctorumque
nominibus acclamatis, sanctus pontifex, manum tenens regis, a domo regia pergit
ad baptisterium, subsequente regina et populo.» Ch. iv, 62, AA. SS. Boll., octobre,
t. i, p. 146. Flodoard n'a fait que copier ce passage, Hist., l. i, ch. xiii.
[428] Notice sur le Baptême de Clovis, par M. le chanoine Cerf (1891), p. 6 et suiv.
[429] H. Schrörs, Hinkmar Erzbischof von Reims, p. 448.
[430] Pour ce qui concerne le récit de la cérémonie; quant au lieu de la résidence
de Clovis et à l'oratoire de Saint-Pierre, il paraît, comme nous l'avons dit, s'inspirer
de traditions locales.
[431] Hist. Francorum, l. ii, ch. xxxi.
[432] Le P. Jubaru, l. cit., p. 316-317.
Nous avons attribué plus haut à l'église de la porte Basée, et non à
la chapelle du palais, le legs fait dans le grand testament de saint
Remi «ecclesiæ Sancti Petri infra urbem.» C'est à elle aussi que
nous assignons le legs de trois sous d'or fait au septième siècle par
l'évêque Sonnace «ad basilicam Sancti Petri in civitate[433],» et le
don de l'évêque Landon à l'église «Sancti Petri ad cortem[434].»
Cette cortis est bien incontestablement la curtis dominica nommée
dans le grand testament.
[433] Flodoard, Hist., l. ii, ch. v, Mon. Germ., t. xiii, p. 454.
[434] Ibid., l. ii, ch. vi, Mon. Germ., t. xiii, p. 455.—L'évêque Sonnace, mourut le 20
octobre 631, et Landon le 14 mars 649.
Il faut aussi sans doute identifier avec cette église l'«ecclesia Sancti
Petri quæ est infra muros urbis Remensis» de la Vie de sainte
Clotilde[435]. Peut-être cependant, à la date assez tardive où écrivait
l'auteur de cette vie, s'était-il déjà produit avec l'église Saint-Pierre-
le-Vieil une confusion que nous verrons prendre corps à une époque
plus avancée du moyen âge.
[435] Mon. Germ., Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, t. ii; Rec. des hist. de la
France, t. iii, p. 401.
La multiplicité des églises et des chapelles consacrées à saint
Pierre, qui existaient jadis à Reims, en rend souvent la distinction
très difficile. Ainsi, quand l'auteur de la Vita sancti Gildardi,
composée vers le dixième siècle et récemment mise en lumière par
les Bollandistes[436], parle de la «basilica Sancti Petri quæ nunc
dicitur ad palatium», nous ne saurions dire au juste quel édifice il a
en vue. En raison de la date de ce texte, nous inclinons à croire qu'il
s'agit ici de la chapelle du palais de l'archevêché.
[436] Analecta Boll., t. viii, p. 397.
A la fin de la période carolingienne, il s'est produit une opinion qui
voulait associer au récit du baptême de Clovis le souvenir d'une
ancienne église dédiée à saint Pierre. Elle n'a aucune valeur
traditionnelle et est née d'une méprise qui s'est manifestée
postérieurement à Hincmar. Ni Grégoire de Tours ni Hincmar ne
laissent supposer que Clovis ait été baptisé dans une basilique de
Saint-Pierre. Hincmar nous représente seulement, ainsi que nous
l'avons vu, Clovis, à la veille de son baptême, conférant avec saint
Remi dans l'«oratorium Sancti Petri», contigu à ses appartements.
Ce passage a été la source de toute l'erreur. On a retenu
vaguement, un peu plus tard, ce nom de saint Pierre; on en a
exagéré la portée, et l'on en a fait à tort l'application au lieu du
baptême de Clovis. Et l'auteur de la Vie de sainte Clotilde, par
exemple, est venu nous dire que la pieuse reine avait une grande
prédilection pour l'église de Saint-Pierre, parce que son époux y
avait reçu la grâce du baptême: «Hanc itaque ecclesiam cunctis
diebus quibus advixit, multum dilexit et excoluit, pro eo quod vel
suus rex Ludovicus in ea sancti baptismatis gratiam accepit[437].» Il
se fait ici évidemment l'écho, non d'une tradition sérieuse, mais
d'une conjecture erronée. Au reste, cette Vie de sainte Clotilde n'est
qu'une compilation sans caractère original, rédigée vers le dixième
siècle[438]. Un autre ouvrage, qui est à peu près du même temps et
n'a pas plus d'autorité au point de vue historique, la Vie de saint
Gildard, semble placer aussi la cérémonie du baptême dans la
«basilica Sancti Petri[439].» On aurait tort d'attribuer quelque
importance à ces deux textes; ils ne prouvent rien, sinon qu'il s'était
produit sur ce point, au dixième siècle, une croyance absolument
fausse.
[437] Ibid.
[438] B. Krusch, Script. rerum merov., t. II, p. 341.
[439] «... In civitatem Remorum venientes, in basilica Sancti Petri, quæ nunc
dicitur ad palatium, missas celebraverunt, et ea quæ Dei sunt agentes, beatus
Remedius regem baptizavit, et de sacro fonte illum beatus Medardus suscepit.»
Analecta Boll., t. VIII, p. 397.
L'idée du baptême de Clovis dans l'église de Saint-Pierre une fois
admise, il s'est formé,—et cela dès le moyen âge,—un courant
d'opinion en faveur de l'église paroissiale de Saint-Pierre-le-Vieil. Un
chanoine de Reims, du dix-septième siècle, Pierre Cocquault, dans
un vaste recueil historique dont le manuscrit est aujourd'hui
conservé à la bibliothèque de cette ville, nous révèle à ce sujet un
détail assez curieux. En l'année 1486, les paroissiens de Saint-
Pierre-le-Vieil faisaient courir le bruit que Clovis avait été baptisé
dans leur église. «Le 22 novembre, ajoute notre chroniqueur, leur fut
imposé silence comme estant chose non véritable, car Clovis fut
baptisé à l'église de Reims.» Et il fait observer, en s'appuyant sur le
vocable de saint Pierre, conservé de son temps à la chapelle basse
de l'archevêché, que l'oratorium Sancti Petri, indiqué par Hincmar,
était dans le palais de l'évêque et à proximité de l'église
cathédrale[440].
[440] «Les parrochians de l'église de Saint Pierre le Vielle de Reims faissoient
courir un bruict contre toutes apparences de vérité, que la Sainte Ampoule avoit
esté aultrefois en ceste paroisse, et que Clovis, premier roy de France chrestien, y
avoit esté baptissé et coronné roy de France. Le 22 novembre leur fut imposé
silence comme estant chose non véritable, car Clovis fut baptissé à l'église de
Reims, et en ce lieu la Sainte Ampoule y fut apportée à saint Remy.» Chronique
de Pierre Cocquault, t. IV, fol. 75 vº.
Ainsi tout ce que l'on a dit de Saint-Pierre-le-Vieil, à propos du
baptême de Clovis, est inexact, et l'on doit, en la question, mettre
cette église complètement à l'écart. Nous ignorons, du reste,
entièrement son origine et le temps de sa fondation. L'épithète de
Vieil (Sancti Petri Veteris) lui a été appliquée de bonne heure: on la
trouve dès le douzième siècle[441]; mais la vieillesse d'un monument
est une chose relative, et l'on se tromperait peut-être en assignant à
notre église une date trop reculée. En tout cas, nous ne voyons dans
Flodoard aucune mention qui puisse lui être rattachée avec
certitude. Les plus anciens documents qui la concernent ne nous
permettent pas de remonter au delà du douzième siècle. En 1172,
on y établit une confrérie, dite de Saint-Pierre-aux-Clercs, dont les
titres originaux furent brûlés en 1330, dans un grand incendie qui
consuma plusieurs maisons de la ville[442]. Par suite de cet
événement, la série des pièces comprenant l'ancien chartrier de
l'église Saint-Pierre ne s'ouvre plus qu'au quatorzième siècle, et
encore les pièces de cette dernière date sont-elles rares, car ce
fonds, tel qu'il existe maintenant aux archives de Reims, offre bien
des lacunes. Les matériaux dont nous disposons sont donc
insuffisants pour reconstituer toute l'histoire de cette paroisse, et
surtout pour éclaircir le mystère de son origine.
[441] Ordinaire de l'église de Reims du douzième siècle, Ul. Chevalier,
Bibliothèque liturgique, t. VII, p. 298-299; cf. une charte du 4 février 1259, citée
dans Varin, Archives administratives de Reims, t. I, p. 788.
[442] Archives de Reims, fonds de la paroisse Saint-Pierre, Inventaire des titres et
papiers de la confrérie du Saint-Nom-de-Jésus et de Saint-Pierre-aux-Clercs,
1724, p. 9 à 11.

Nous savons qu'on a parlé aussi d'une prétendue fondation, faite par
saint Remi en l'église Saint-Pierre-le-Vieil; mais c'est une simple
conjecture, sans aucun fondement, ainsi que Marlot l'a fort bien vu
en son histoire de Reims: «On tient, dit-il, que cette église servit
autrefois d'un monastère où saint Remy logea quarante vefves, dont
il est parlé en la vie de saint Thierry, et qu'elle devint paroisse,
lorsque ces vefves furent transférées à Sainte-Agnès; mais... Floard
ne dit rien de tout cela[443].» Flodoard, effectivement, garde sur ce
point un silence complet, et la Vie de saint Thierry ne dit rien non
plus qui autorise cette supposition. Nous sommes encore en
présence d'une de ces fausses légendes dont on a encombré les
histoires locales, et qu'il appartient à la critique d'éliminer.
[443] Histoire de la ville, cité et université de Reims, t. I, p. 689.
Pour en revenir à Clovis, il est certain qu'aucune église de Saint-
Pierre n'a été témoin de son baptême, et que les traditions
invoquées en faveur de cette opinion n'ont rien d'historique. Ainsi
s'écroulent par la base toutes les raisons accumulées pour
démontrer que la cérémonie a eu lieu dans un baptistère situé près
de l'ancienne cathédrale, dédiée aux Apôtres, et devenue plus tard
l'église Saint-Symphorien[444]. Cette opinion s'appuie surtout sur les
passages précédemment cités des Vies de saint Gildard et de sainte
Clotilde; c'est là un étai bien fragile, sur lequel on ne peut se reposer
en sécurité. On pourrait observer au surplus que le vocable des
Apôtres n'est pas tout à fait identique au vocable de saint Pierre;
mais à quoi bon, puisqu'il ne doit plus être question ici de saint
Pierre lui-même?
[444] Voy. la notice de M. le chanoine Cerf sur le Baptême de Clovis, p. 16 et suiv.
Clovis n'a pas été baptisé davantage dans l'église de Saint-Martin de
Reims, ainsi que l'a supposé Adrien de Valois[445], pour expliquer
une allusion de la lettre de saint Nizier, dont nous avons parlé plus
haut, et d'après laquelle Clovis, décidé à embrasser la foi
chrétienne, se serait rendu «ad limina domini Martini[446]». Cette
expression ne peut assurément désigner autre chose que la
basilique de Saint-Martin de Tours, qui reçut, en effet, une visite
solennelle du roi des Francs[447].
[445] AA. SS. Boll., octobre, t. I, p. 82. Cf. Krusch, Zwei Heiligenleben des Jonas
von Susa, p. 443.
[446] Voy. ci-dessus.
[447] En l'année 508, au retour de sa campagne contre les Visigoths, Grégoire de
Tours, Hist. Francorum, l. II, chap. xxxvii et xxxviii.
Ainsi ces diverses solutions doivent être écartées, et Clovis, suivant
toute vraisemblance, a reçu le baptême dans un baptistère attenant
à la cathédrale qui existait de son temps, à celle que saint Nicaise
avait bâtie en l'honneur de la sainte Vierge[448]. Il n'y avait alors sans
doute à Reims, comme dans les autres villes épiscopales, qu'un seul
baptistère, où l'évêque administrait le sacrement à des époques
déterminées[449]. C'est bien là le templum baptisterii, désigné par
Grégoire de Tours dans son récit de la conversion de Clovis[450].
Toutes les présomptions sont en faveur de cette assertion; pour la
combattre, il faudrait avoir des preuves, or on n'en découvre nulle
part.
[448] Il ne serait pas impossible, à la rigueur, que l'on ait conservé alors un
baptistère dépendant de la cathédrale antérieure, celle qui était dédiée aux
Apôtres; mais il était plus naturel qu'en construisant une nouvelle cathédrale, au
commencement du cinquième siècle, on lui eût annexé un nouveau baptistère.
[449] Martigny, Dict. des antiquités chrétiennes, p. 74.
[450] Hist. Francorum, t. II, chap. xxxi.
Du reste, cette opinion avait déjà cours au neuvième siècle, Louis le
Pieux, dans un diplôme donné à l'archevêque Ebbon, entre les
années 817 et 825[451], pour lui permettre d'employer les pierres des
murs de Reims à la reconstruction de la cathédrale, rappelle que
Clovis, son prédécesseur, a été dans cette église régénéré par le
baptême[452]. Nous n'insistons pas, bien entendu, sur un
témoignage aussi tardif, et nous ne lui attribuons aucune force
probante; nous nous bornons à reconnaître que, malgré les
divergences qui allaient bientôt se manifester, la vérité historique
avait dès lors reçu une sorte de consécration officielle.
[451] Telle est la date assignée par Sickel, Acta Karolin., II, p. 150 et 330.
[452] «... Metropolis urbis sancta mater nostra ecclesia, in honore sanctæ
semperque virginis ac [Dei] genitricis Mariæ consecrata,... in qua, auctore Deo et
cooperante sancto Remigio, gens nostra Francorum, cum æquivoco nostro rege
ejusdem gentis, sacri fontis baptismate ablui... promeruit.» Flodoard, Hist., l. II,
chap. xix, Mon. Germ., t. XIII, p. 469.
Il nous reste à rechercher en quel endroit au juste s'élevait le
baptistère. Deux textes peuvent nous fournir quelques indices à ce
sujet. On lit dans une continuation de la chronique de Flodoard que
l'archevêque Adalbéron fit détruire, en l'année 976, un ouvrage muni
d'arcades, qui était voisin des portes de l'église de Notre-Dame de
Reims, et près duquel se trouvait un autel dédié au Saint Sauveur, et
des fonts d'un admirable travail: «Destruxit Adalbero arcuatum opus
quod erat secus valvas ecclesiæ Sanctæ Mariæ Remensis, supra
quod altare Sancti Salvatoris habebatur, et fontes miro opere erant
positi.» Ce passage semble bien s'appliquer à un baptistère primitif,
construction isolée, située en dehors et à proximité de l'entrée de
l'église, et telle a été l'interprétation adoptée par Marlot[453]. Mais
Richer, en rapportant le même fait dans sa chronique, se sert de
termes assez obscurs, qui viennent compliquer un peu la question. Il
nous parle d'arcades élevées qui s'avançaient depuis l'entrée
jusqu'au quart environ de la basilique entière, et que l'archevêque fit
démolir pour donner à celle-ci plus d'ampleur: «Fornices qui ab
ecclesiæ introitu per quartam pene totius basilicæ partem eminenti
structura distendebantur, penitus diruit. Unde et ampliori receptaculo
et digniore scemate tota ecclesia decorata est[454].» On pourrait
croire, en lisant ces lignes, qu'il s'agit d'une construction intérieure
qui encombrait l'église, d'une tribune peut-être, ainsi que le pensait
Jules Quicherat[455]. A vrai dire, on ne se représente guère ce que
pouvait être une semblable disposition, et l'explication est en somme
peu satisfaisante. Le P. Jubaru, dans l'article déjà cité[456], émet à ce
sujet d'autres vues qui nous semblent fort justes, et qui concilient
très bien les données fournies par nos deux chroniqueurs. Nous
croyons qu'il a eu le mérite de découvrir la vraie solution du
problème.
[453] Metr. Remens. hist., t. I, p. 160.
[454] L. III, ch. xxii.
[455] Mélanges d'archéologie, moyen âge, p. 133.
[456] P. 301 à 310.
La cathédrale bâtie par saint Nicaise, celle qu'a vue Clovis, avait des
dimensions restreintes dont on peut se faire aujourd'hui encore une
idée assez exacte. On a conjecturé non sans raison que l'autel, situé
dans l'abside, devait être à la place qu'occupe maintenant le maître-
autel de la cathédrale actuelle[457]. La tradition a gardé aussi un
souvenir précis de l'endroit où s'ouvrait la porte de la basilique.
C'était là, sur le seuil même, que saint Nicaise avait été massacré
par les Vandales, et le lieu de son martyre était resté l'objet d'une
vénération non interrompue à travers les âges. Ce lieu correspond à
la sixième travée de notre cathédrale à partir du portail; au treizième
siècle, il était indiqué par un petit monument commémoratif; une
dalle de marbre le désigne de nos jours à la piété des fidèles. Le P.
Jubaru pense que la basilique primitive, suivant l'usage du temps,
était précédée d'un atrium, parvis carré entouré de portiques; au
milieu de ce parvis ou sur l'un des côtés s'élevait l'édicule du
baptistère[458]. D'après lui, l'église reconstruite par Ebbon et
achevée par Hincmar au neuvième siècle, aurait été prolongée vers
le chœur, mais la façade n'aurait pas changé de place, et l'atrium
ancien, ainsi que le baptistère, aurait été respecté. Leur destruction
a été l'œuvre d'Adalbéron; l'arcuatum opus, l'ouvrage garni
d'arcades qu'il démolit, doit s'entendre des galeries cintrées du
portique qui régnait autour du parvis. Avec ce portique, il supprima le
baptistère qui renfermait l'autel du Saint Sauveur et les fonts, sans
doute richement décorés de marbres et de mosaïques, dont on
admirait le beau travail. La préposition supra, employée ici par le
continuateur de Flodoard, n'a pas évidemment son sens habituel; on
ne comprend pas comment l'autel et les fonts auraient pu être
superposés à l'arcuatum opus. Supra, dans le latin du moyen âge,
indique souvent la juxtaposition, le voisinage immédiat; c'est ainsi
qu'on doit l'interpréter dans notre texte; il exprime la contiguïté du
baptistère aux arcades de l'atrium[459].
[457] Tourneur, Description historique et archéologique de N.-D. de Reims (1889),
p. 94.
[458] P. 304 et 308. C'est la disposition qu'a conservée jusqu'à nos jours l'antique
basilique de Parenzo en Istrie.
[459] P. 308.
Ces arcades, Adalbéron les sacrifia pour augmenter de ce côté la
nef de la cathédrale et la rendre plus imposante,—«ampliori
receptaculo decorata.» Elles commençaient alors près de l'entrée de
l'église, et se développaient sur le quart environ de la longueur totale
de la basilique, c'est-à-dire en y comprenant le parvis. Telles
devaient être, en effet, à peu près les dimensions de cet atrium.
Ainsi s'explique le texte de Richer qui devient plus intelligible, si on
en fait l'application, non pas uniquement au vaisseau intérieur de
l'église, mais en même temps à la place close qui la précédait au
dehors.
De l'hypothèse que nous venons d'exposer à la suite du P. Jubaru, il
résulte que l'emplacement de l'ancien atrium de l'église
contemporaine de Clovis peut être représenté dans la cathédrale
actuelle par une surface carrée qui s'étendrait au milieu de la nef, à
partir de la dalle qui rappelle le martyre de saint Nicaise. C'est dans
cet espace restreint, mais en un point indéterminé, que s'élevait le
baptistère de Clovis. On connaît donc, à quelques mètres près, ce
lieu mémorable, auquel s'attachent de si grands souvenirs. Peut-on
espérer encore davantage et compter sur une découverte imprévue
ou sur d'heureuses fouilles qui nous montreraient les substructions
du vénérable édifice? Le sol de la cathédrale a été si remanié que
nous n'osons prédire cette joie aux archéologues de l'avenir.
L. Demaison.
TABLE DES NOMS PROPRES
 CITÉS DANS LE SECOND VOLUME
A
Abbon, abbé de Fleury-sur-Loire, 242.
Abra, fille de saint Hilaire de Poitiers, 75.
Abraham, patriarche, 163.
Abraham (saint), abbé à Clermont-Ferrand, 46.
Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims, 311, 312, 313.
Adelfius (saint), évêque de Poitiers, 161.
Adour (l'), fleuve, 82.
Ægidius (le comte), général romain, 29, 30, 31.
Aétius, général romain, 2, 5, 29.
Afrique, 52, 53, 221, v. aussi Vandales.
Agaune, v. Saint-Maurice-en-Valais.
Agde, 54, 83, 84, 102, 135, 138.
Agen, 83.
Ahun, v. Idunum.
Aimoin, chroniqueur, 216 n., 241, 242, 243, 283.
Aire, 83, 139.
Aisne (l'), rivière, 290, 291.
Aix-en-Provence, 42.
Ajax, émissaire arien, 41.
Alamans (les), 3, 6, 122, 198, 201, 235, 268, 272, 273, 278, 280,
281, 291.
Alaric II, roi des Visigoths, 19, 21, 25, 48, 50, 54, 61, 62, 64, 66, 71,
72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 87 n., 99, 105, 113, 181, 192, 208, 258, 273,
279.
Albi, 53.
Albigeois (l'), 85.
Alboflède, sœur de Clovis, 202, 272.
Alboïn, roi des Lombards, 277.
Alcimus Ecdicius Avitus, v. Avitus (saint), évêque de Vienne.
Alcuin, 290, n.
Allemagne, 2, 120.
Alpaïde, fille de Louis le Pieux, 303.
Alpes (les), 36, 87, 98, 108, 109.
Alpes Cottiennes (les), 112.
Amalaric, roi des Visigoths, 77, 86, 113 (où on a imprimé par erreur
Amalaric II), 208.
Amales (la famille des), 109, 116.
Amand (saint), 181, n., 183, n.
Amboise, 58, 70.
Amiens, 140, 242.
Ammien Marcellin, 74.
Ampsivariens (les), 121.
Anastase II, pape, 275.
Anastase, empereur romain, 59, 61, 93, 94, 107, n.
Andély, 206.
Angers, 235, 236.
Angoulême, 82, 86, n., 88, 90, 95, 238.
Annales Burgondes, 236.
Annales d'Angers, 235.
Antée, 227.
Anthémius, empereur romain, 31.
Antonin le Pieux, empereur romain, 27.
Apollinaire, comte de Clermont-Ferrand, 78, 238.
Apt, 110.
Aptonius (saint), évêque d'Angoulême, 89.
Apulie (l'), 106.
Aquitaine (l'), 25, 30, 40, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 56, 58, 60, 69, 74, 82,
95, 97, 98, 116, 117, 128, 132, 136, 162, 166, 178, 179, 180, 182,
183, 191, 194, 205, 227, 235, 238, 255, 272.
Aquitaine (la première), 136.
Aquitaine (la deuxième), 28.
Aquitaine (les deux), 100, 132.
Aquitains (les), 47, 53, 96, 97.
Arcachon, 83, n.
Arcadius, patricien d'Auvergne, 209, 210, 211, n.
Aredius, conseiller du roi Gondebaud, 17, 19, 248.
Arius, hérésiarque, 41.
Arles, 6, 27, 29, 35, 36, 51, 54, 99, 100, 101, 102, 108, 109, 110,
111, 113, 114, 133, 135, 136, 137.
Arlésiens (les), 104, 112.
Arnoul (saint), de Tours, 156, 244.
Arras, 140, 176.
Arvandus, ancien préfet du prétoire, 6.
Arvernes (les), 35, 238, v. aussi Clermontois.
Ataulf, roi des Visigoths, 37.
Athanase (saint), évêque d'Alexandrie, 176.
Atlantique (l'), 84, 85.
Attigny, 291, n.
Attila, roi des Huns, 3, 29, 63.
Auch, 39, 43, 45, 83, 139, 164, 169, 180.
Aurélien, conseiller légendaire de Clovis, 156.
Ausone, 26, 27.
Austrasie (l'), 205.
Auvergne (l'), 6, 32, 34, 35, 39, 44, 46, 70, 85, 88, 205, 208.
Auxerre, 22, 24, 159, 206, 248, 249.
Auzance (l'), rivière, 72, 73.
Avignon, 7, 16, 17, 18, 25, 110, 113, 115, 236, 288.
Avitus (saint), évêque de Clermont-Ferrand, 234.
Avitus de Micy (saint), abbé, 211.
Avitus, empereur romain, 29, 32, 210.
Avitus (saint), évêque de Vienne en Dauphiné, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 19,
22, 48, 51, 67, 69, 135, 203, 273, 278, 280, 282.
Aymeri de Peyrac, abbé de Moissac, 181, 183, n., 203.
B
Baralle, abbaye, 176, 178, 179.
Barcelone, 87, n., 115, 208.
Basée (la porte), à Reims, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306.
Balther, hagiographe, 254.
Basile, évêque d'Aix-en-Provence, 42.
Basine, mère de Clovis, 200.
Bataves (l'Ile des), 121.
Bathilde, reine des Francs, 201, 206, 207.
Bayonne, 82.
Bazas, 83, 139.
Beaucaire, 99, 103, 104, 105.
Beauvais, 140.
Beda le Vénérable, chroniqueur anglo-saxon, 263.
Bégon, gendre de Louis le Pieux, 303, 304.
Bélisaire, général romain, 81, n.
Belgique (la première), 140.
Belgique (la seconde), 140, 173, 224.
Bénarn, 83, 84, 139, cf. Lescar.
Berry (le), 31.
Bertold, moine de Micy, 261.
Besançon, 7.
Bethléem (Sainte-Marie de), abbaye en Gâtinais, 186, 187.
Bièvre (la), rivière, 196.
Blodesindus, abbé de Blois, 246.
Blois, v. saint Dié.
Boèce, philosophe romain, 199.
Boivre (la), rivière, 74.
Bonaparte (la rue), à Paris, 192.
Bonneuil, 192.
Bordeaux, 27, 28, 36, 37, 45, 51, 52, 74, 82, 85, 88, 98, 116, 128,
136, 137, 141, 152.
Bordelais (le), 83, 95.
Boulogne-sur-Mer, 140.
Bourges, 88, 259, 260.
Bourgogne (la), 15, 186, 205, 207.
Bretons (les), 31.
Brice, évêque de Nantes, 170.
Brioude, 46.
Brotonne (la forêt de), 212.
Bructères (les), 121.
Brunehaut, reine des Francs, 209.
Buch, 139.
Bucianum, 174.
Buchonie (la), forêt, 123, 124, 125, 128.
Burgondes (les), 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 21, 22, 24, 25, 31, 32,
36, 41, 52, 56, 59, 60, 62, 69, 70, 80, 87, 98, 100, 101, 102, 105,
107, 109, 110, 111, 114, 115, 142, 221, 248.
Burgondie, 2, 5, 7, 12, 16, 22, 25, 42, 69, 85, 88, 207, 236.
Byzance, 5, 8, 58, 60, 61, 63, 106, 107, 109, 199.
Byzantins (les), 59, 107.
C
Camargue (Ile de la), 100.
Cambrai, 140, 176, 177, 178, 235.
Campine (la), 227.
Camulogène, roi des Parisii, 192.
Carcassonne, 81 n., 84 n., 99, 114.
Carthage, 52, 81 n.
Cassiodore, ministre de Théodoric-le-Grand, 272.
Caudebec, 212.
Cavaillon, 110.
Celsus, Gallo-Romain du vie siècle, 159.
Célestin, irlandais, 265, 266.
Céneret (le camp de), 73, 75, 76.
Cervon, abbaye, 248.
Césaire (saint), évêque d'Arles, 51, 52, 101, 102, 103, 104, 111, 114,
133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 244, 245.
Césarie (sainte), sœur de saint Césaire d'Arles, 102, 244.
Césars (les), 116.
Cévennes (les), 88.
Châlons-sur-Marne, 140.
Chalon-sur-Saône, 52.
Chararic, roi franc, 118.
Charbonnière (la forêt), 156, 271.
Charlemagne, 83, 130, 170, n., 179, 198, 203, 245, 271.
Charles le Chauve, roi de France, 246.
Charles le Simple, roi de France, 170, n.
Charles Martel, duc des Francs, 301.
Charroux, abbaye, 303, n.
Chartres, 246, 259, 283.
Château-Landon, 266, 267.
Châtellerault, 72.
Chattes (les), 121.
Chavigny, 172.
Chelles, abbaye, 192.
Childebert Ier, roi des Francs, 157, n., 192, 205, 208, 209, 210, 212.
Childéric Ier, 129, 157, 202, 221, 235, 242, 250.
Chilpéric, roi des Burgondes, 5, 13, 14.
Chlodéric, roi des Ripuaires, 69, 77, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128.
Choisy, 196.
Chroniques de Saint-Denis (les), 242.
Cité (la) de Paris, 209.
Clain (le), rivière, 72, 73, 74.
Claudius, prêtre gallo-romain, 159, 160.
Clermont-Ferrand, 6, 9, 31, 33, 35, 74, 86, 138, n., 234.
Clermontois (les), 238.
Clichy, 192.
Clodion, roi des Francs, 157, 226, 242.
Clodoald ou Cloud, prince mérovingien, 207, 211.
Clodomir, roi des Francs, 205, 207, 209, 210, 211.
Clotaire Ier, roi des Francs, 157, n., 170, n., 205, 209, 210, 212, 213,
256, 284.
Clotilde (sainte), reine des Francs, 13, 14, 25, 129, 164, 167, 180,
186, 194, 196, 201, 202, 205, 206, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 237,
238, 245, 257, 277, 279, 281, 291, 294, n., 306, 307, 308, 310.
Clotilde, fille de Clovis, 208.
Clotsinde, femme du roi Alboïn, 277, 278, 280.
Clovis, 1, 2, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 43, 49,
50, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73,
75, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 105,
115, 116, 118, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131,
132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, n., 139, 151, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157,
159, 160, 162, 164, 166, 167, 170, 171, 173, 175, 176, 178, 179,
180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 194,
195, 196, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 212, 213,
214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 224, 226, 229, 230, 233,
234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247,
249, 255, 256, 257, 258, 260, 261, 262, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269,
270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283,
284, 287, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 297, 299, 305, 306, 307,
308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 314.
Clovis II, 170 n., 181 n., 242.
Cocy, 173.
Coffin (saint), 186.
Cologne, 43, 69, 77, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 130,
140, 235.
Comminges, v. Saint-Bertrand de Comminges.
Conques (abbaye Sainte-Foi de), 179.
Constance Chlore, empereur romain, 192.
Constantin le Grand, empereur romain, 74, 100, 138, n., 143.
Constantinople, 59, 67, 106.
Continuatio Prosperi Havniensis, 282.
Corniche (la), 108.
Côte-d'or (la), 187.
Cottiennes (les Alpes), v. Alpes.
Couserans, 83, 139.
Cousin (le), rivière, 22, n., 248.
Crocus, évêque de Nîmes, 45.
Cure (la), rivière, 22, 24, 58, 248.
Cyprien, évêque de Toulon, 244.
Cyprien, évêque de Bordeaux, 136, 137, 141, 152.
D
Dani, v. Normands.
Dauphiné (le), 147.
Dax, 83, 139.
De Gestis regum Francorum, v. Aimoin.
Déols, 31.
Diane, déesse, 194.
Dié (saint), solitaire de Blois, 246.
Dijon, 7, 15, 16.
Dioclétien, empereur romain, 52, 247.
Dispargum, 227.
Dodilon, évêque de Cambrai, 177.
Dorat (le), abbaye, 183.
Durance (la), rivière, 36, 98, 108, 110, 112, 115.
E
Eauze, 45, 83, 139.
Ebbon, archevêque de Reims, 295, 311, 313.
Ecdicius, fils de l'empereur Avitus, 32, 33, 34, 35, 40, 78 n.
Ecdicius, v. Avitus (saint), de Vienne.
Edwin, roi de Northumbrie, 200.
Église franque (l'), 153, 223.
Eleuthère (saint), évêque de Tournai, 164, 246, 247.
Emma ou Emmia, prétendue fille de Clovis, 205 n.
Eonius, évêque d'Arles, 111.
Epaone, 135, 138 n.
Epineuil, 192.
Epiphane (saint), évêque de Pavie, 133.
Epitome, v. Frédégaire.