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SpringerBriefs in Psychology
Behavioral Criminology
Ana I. Fins · Ashley M. Stripling ·
Natalie D. Dautovich · Sahar M. Sabet · Sarah Ghose
Sleep Disruption,
Aggression, and
Violence
SpringerBriefs in Psychology
Series Editor
Vincent B. Van Hasselt, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Behavioral Criminology is a multidisciplinary approach that draws on behavioral
research for the application of behavioral theories and methods to assessment, pre-
vention, and intervention efforts directed toward violent crime and criminal behav-
ior. Disciplines relevant to this field are criminology; criminal justice (law
enforcement and corrections); forensic, correctional, and clinical psychology and
psychiatry: neuropsychology, neurobiology, conflict and dispute resolution; sociol-
ogy, and epidemiology. Areas of study and application include, but are not limited
to: specific crimes and perpetrators (e.g., homicide and sex crimes, crimes against
children, child exploitation, domestic, school, and workplace violence), topics of
current national and international interest and concern (e.g., terrorism and counter
terrorism, cyber crime), and strategies geared toward evaluation, identification, and
interdiction with regard to criminal acts (e.g., hostage negotiation, criminal investi-
gative analysis, threat and risk assessment). The aim of the proposed Briefs is to
provide practitioners and researchers with information, data, and current best prac-
tices on important and timely topics in Behavioral Criminology. Each Brief will
include a review of relevant research in the area, original data, implications of find-
ings, case illustrations (where relevant), and recommendations for directions that
future efforts might take.
Ana I. Fins • Ashley M. Stripling
Natalie D. Dautovich • Sahar M. Sabet
Sarah Ghose
Sleep Disruption,
Aggression, and Violence
Ana I. Fins Ashley M. Stripling
Nova Southeastern University Nova Southeastern University
Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Sarah Ghose
Virginia Commonwealth University
Richmond, VA, USA
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2024
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar
or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
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This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Numerous studies have found that subjectively and objectively defined sleep disrup-
tion is linked to aggression and violence. This finding is consistent in the general
population as well as in numerous special populations, such as nursing home resi-
dents and prisoners. Moreover, the relationship between disrupted sleep and aggres-
sion is observed across the lifespan. Aggressive and violent behavior is a pressing
public health concern with significant economic and societal implications. The
physical and psychological consequences of violence, in addition to the direct and
indirect economic repercussions, make violent behavior a public health priority.
Targeting factors that increase the risk of violence, such as sleep disruption, is
essential to public health.
The purpose of this SpringerBrief is to serve as a resource to clinicians, health-
care and correctional administrators, school officials, researchers, and others whose
work exposes them to the risks associated with aggressive behaviors from those
with whom they work. It provides the reader with an overview of the relationship
that exists between sleep disruption and aggression and describes the plausible
pathways that may explain this relationship. It also addresses the role of poor sleep
quality, reduced sleep quantity, and sleep disorders in the development of aggres-
sion. Readers unfamiliar with ways to assess sleep will be provided with informa-
tion that can help inform the selection of appropriate instruments to screen or assess
for potential sleep disruption or sleep disorders. Moreover, interventions used to
target sleep disruption will be described along with supporting evidence for the
impact these strategies can have on aggressive or violent behavior. This Brief will
also address the important role that organizations can play in considering appropri-
ate sleep interventions, policies, and regulations that may produce a beneficial
impact on sleep disruption.
vii
viii Preface
ix
x Contents
6
Special Considerations: Institutional Aggression and Reciprocal
Influences���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65
6.1 Introduction���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65
6.2 Healthcare Settings ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66
6.2.1 Nursing Homes ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 66
6.2.2 Psychiatric Settings���������������������������������������������������������������� 68
6.2.3 Future Directions in Healthcare Settings�������������������������������� 68
6.3 Correctional and Forensic Settings ���������������������������������������������������� 69
6.4 Schools������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 70
6.5 Conclusion������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 71
References���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 71
7 Conclusions and Future Directions: Recommendations
for Policy, Practice, and Research������������������������������������������������������������ 79
7.1 Tools for Individuals, Researchers, and Providers������������������������������ 79
7.2 Tools for Organizations, Policymakers, and Researchers ������������������ 80
7.3 Conclusion������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 81
References���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81
Index�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83
Abbreviations
xiii
xiv Abbreviations
1.1 Introduction
In the realm of public health and behavioral science, the exploration of the associa-
tion between sleep and aggression has become increasingly pertinent. The signifi-
cance of this link arises from the role of sleep as a universal, daily behavior, which,
surprisingly, is often overlooked as a potential point of intervention for reducing the
risk of aggression and violence. This chapter sets the stage for a comprehensive
overview of the importance of sleep for aggression. First, we identify the individual
costs and consequences of disturbed sleep and aggression, then define sleep and
aggression, and lastly provide an overview of the existing empirical evidence.
Sleep is a universal behavior which comprises a third of our lives. As such a foun-
dational part of our daily lives, healthy sleep has the potential to promote physical
and mental well-being. Conversely, disturbed sleep has far reaching consequences
in both the short and long term. Furthermore, sleep disturbance has profound impli-
cations for public health and society at large. At least 35% of Americans report
getting less than the recommended 7–9 h of sleep per night, and many also suffer
from poor sleep quality, often characterized by frequent awakenings and difficulty
falling asleep (Hirshkowitz et al., 2015). Unfortunately, a significant portion of the
global population also fails to meet recommended sleep durations, and the United
States’ Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has declared insufficient sleep a
public health concern. The consequences of disturbed sleep are severe with 7 of the
15 leading causes of death in the United States tied to disturbed sleep including
In order to understand the empirical links between sleep and aggression, it is helpful
to first define sleep and aggression.
Sleep is a universal, daily process that consists of two distinct types of sleep –
non-rapid eye movement sleep (NREM) and rapid eye movement sleep (REM;
Carskadon & Ancoli-Israel, 2011). For most adults, the recommended sleep dura-
tion is 7–9 h per night or 7–8 h for older adults (Hirshkowitz et al., 2015). During
this sleep period, individuals have multiple sleep cycles which are made up of dif-
ferent stages of sleep (see Fig. 1.1). Within one sleep cycle, a person will typically
move from lighter to deeper sleep and then back to lighter sleep. Following the
completion of a sleep cycle, individuals typically enter REM sleep before beginning
another sleep cycle. REM sleep is dispersed throughout the night; however, more
time is spent in REM sleep in the latter half of the night. Conversely, more time is
spent in the deeper stages of sleep in the first half of the night. The different types
of sleep (e.g., NREM, REM, deep sleep, lighter sleep) all have unique benefits for
1.3 Defining Sleep and Aggression 3
NREM 2
NREM 3
NREM 4
Fig. 1.1 Sleep hypnogram depicting NREM sleep (stages 1–4) and REM sleep across an 8-h
sleep period
Fig. 1.2 Continuum of sleep health ranging from healthy to disordered sleep
physical and mental well-being. For example, the stages of deep sleep occurring in
NREM sleep play a role in repairing and restoring the body, while REM sleep is
critical for memory consolidation, emotional processing, and brain development
(Babson & Feldner, 2015).
Moving beyond the architecture of sleep, the quality of sleep is characterized in
a number of different ways. Sleep health can be conceptualized as existing along a
continuum with healthy sleep at one end, sleep disturbance in the middle, and dis-
ordered sleep at the other end (see Fig. 1.2). Sleep health is a relatively new concept
which focuses on the benefits of obtaining good sleep (e.g., sufficient duration,
satisfaction, timing, efficiency, and regularity; Buysse, 2014). Sleep disturbance
consists of difficulty initiating or maintaining sleep, insufficient sleep, excessive
sleep, and unusual sleep states (e.g., partial awakening, sleepwalking) that is not
necessarily chronic in nature. Sleep disorders include a variety of sleep-wake
impairments which meet clinical diagnostic criteria, of which insomnia is the most
common (see Chap. 3 for a full discussion of sleep disorders). Although all aspects
of sleep, from healthy to disordered sleep, are relevant for aggressive behaviors,
sleep disturbance and sleep disorders have been studied the most to date.
Sleep disturbance, characterized by notable alterations in sleep quantity, regular-
ity, or timing, is a useful factor to consider when studying how sleep affects aggres-
sion (Krizan & Herlache, 2016). Although prior studies have primarily explored the
consequences of complete sleep disturbance (e.g., total sleep deprivation), involv-
ing the omission of entire sleep cycles, recent research has highlighted the signifi-
cance of investigating other forms of sleep insufficiency, such as sleep restriction
(i.e., receiving inadequate sleep) and sleep fragmentation (i.e., intermittent
4 1 Introduction and Background: Sleep Disruption as a Pathway to Aggression…
awakenings during the night; Krizan & Herlache, 2016). This distinction is note-
worthy, given that a considerable proportion of the US population either obtains less
than 6 h of sleep per night or experiences substantial sleep-related issues (Bixler,
2009). Although total sleep deprivation generally leads to diminished psychomotor
vigilance, decreased vitality, and impaired executive functioning, instances of par-
tial, fragmented, or interrupted sleep disruption typically do not yield the same lev-
els of extreme fatigue, reduced motivation, or disengagement that might deter
aggressive behavior (Alhola & Polo-Kantola, 2007). Consequently, although total
sleep deprivation can illuminate potential outcomes of severe sleep disruption on
aggression, it can be more useful and relevant to the sleep behaviors of most of the
population to examine sleep disturbance in relation to aggression. For specific com-
ponents of sleep disturbance, a meta-analytic review suggested that subjective
assessments of sleep disturbance are better predictors of aggression compared to
objective measures (Demichelis et al., 2023; see Chap. 4 for a discussion of the
measurement of sleep). It is possible that subjective measures of sleep better capture
the changes in electroencephalography (EEG) patterns that are more relevant for
emotional and behavioral outcomes of sleep. Furthermore, post hoc analyses within
this same meta-analytic review indicated that of these subjective sleep measures,
single items assessing quality were the strongest predictors of aggression, followed
by multi-item sleep questionnaires, then the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (Buysse
et al., 1989), and lastly by single items assessing sleep duration (Demichelis et al.,
2023). Beyond sleep disturbance, sleep disorders also are associated with aggres-
sion (see Chap. 3 for an overview of specific sleep disorders and their links with
aggression).
Aggression is also a broad construct that can be defined differently depending on
the context and purpose. Typically, aggression is defined as any behavior intended
to harm someone else who does not want to be harmed (Baron & Richardson, 1994).
Therefore, aggression is defined as (1) a behavior (something you can experience
versus just a thought or emotion) (2) that is intentional (e.g., not accidental) and (3)
unwanted by the recipient. Aggression differs from violence in that violence refers
to aggression that is designed to cause extreme physical harm, such as injury or
death, whereas the intent of aggression may not be as extreme (Dewall et al., 2012).
As a behavior, aggression can be expressed in different forms (e.g., physically, ver-
bally, emotionally), toward different targets (an intended target or displaced toward
an innocent victim), motivated by different goals (revenge, financial), and with dif-
ferent levels of emotionality (“hot” versus “cold”; Dewall et al., 2012). The General
Aggression Model (Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Dewall et al., 2012) is a helpful
framework for describing how biological, personality, social, cognitive, and
decision-making processes contribute to the development of aggression. According
to the General Aggression Model, aggression is the result of a multistage process
that involves input from person/situational factors which interact with internal states
of the individual (e.g., cognition, arousal, affect), which are then shaped by appraisal
and decision-making processes to determine whether to act aggressively. A feed-
back loop can develop where the outcome of the aggression contributes to person/
1.4 Empirical Links Between Sleep and Aggression 5
situational factors which affect the internal state and so on which potentially results
in escalating aggression (Dewall et al., 2012).
Deficits in sleep quality can arise from a variety of sleep disturbances including dif-
ficulty falling asleep, staying asleep, excessive wake time, or issues with timing,
regularity, and sleep architecture. Sleep quality is significantly associated with
aggression, as summarized in two meta-analytic reviews, with poorer sleep quality
associated with higher aggression (Demichelis et al., 2022; Van Veen et al., 2021).
Meta-analytic reviews provide a helpful collation of existing research and are one of
the strongest levels of support for a link between two constructs. In the review by
Van Veen et al. (2021), 96 observational studies consisting of 58,154 participants
were analyzed with 74 studies included in the quantitative analysis and 22 studies
included in the qualitative analysis. The study population included general and clin-
ical populations across the life span (children through older adults). Sleep quality
was defined as general sleep quality, sleep problems, sleep efficiency, sleep distur-
bances, insomnia symptoms or disorder, sleep disorder, or trouble sleeping.
Aggression outcomes included an aggression composite, externalizing behavior,
aggressive behavior, anger, irritability, hostility, and aggression control. Of all the
eligible studies, 80% showed significant associations between poorer sleep quality
and more aggression. The remaining studies (19.2%) showed either a nonsignificant
association in the same direction or no association. No studies showed an inverse
6 1 Introduction and Background: Sleep Disruption as a Pathway to Aggression…
association with poor sleep quality predicting less aggression. The overall pooled
correlation coefficient across the 74 studies included in the quantitative analysis was
0.28, and the pooled odds ratio estimate based on studies using a dichotomous vari-
able (e.g., yes/no aggressive behavior) was 3.61. These summary statistics suggest
that the association between sleep quality and aggression was of small to medium
strength with individuals with poorer sleep quality having a roughly 3.5 times
greater likelihood of an aggressive outcome.
In their meta-analytic review, Demichelis et al. (2022) arrived at similar conclu-
sions to that of Van Veen et al. (2021) although the methodology differed. The
Demichelis review did not include participants with clinical diagnoses (other than
sleep disorders), included both observational and experimental research studies,
combined all sleep measures (e.g., quality and duration), and prioritized objective
measurement of sleep (e.g., polysomnography and actigraphy) over self-report
when multiple measures existed within a study. Although it is difficult to create
exact comparisons given differences in the population, methodology, and measure-
ment, the authors did find that across 60 studies, sleep had a small to medium asso-
ciation with aggression (r = 0.26 and g = 0.33). These metrics are consistent with
the Van Veen et al.’ (2021) findings and suggest that the association between sleep
and aggression is significant, albeit small to medium strength.
1.5 Conclusion
References
Alhola, P., & Polo-Kantola, P. (2007). Sleep deprivation: Impact on cognitive performance.
Neuropsychiatric Disease and Treatment, 3(5), 553–567.
Anderson, C. A., & Bushman, B. J. (2002). Human aggression. Human Aggression, 53, 28.
Babson, K. A., & Feldner, M. (Eds.). (2015). Sleep and affect: Assessment, theory, and clinical
implications. Elsevier, Academic.
Baron, R. A., & Richardson, D. R. (1994). Human aggression (2nd ed., pp. xx, 419). Plenum Press.
Bixler, E. (2009). Sleep and society: An epidemiological perspective. Sleep Medicine,
10(Supplement 1), S3–S6. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleep.2009.07.005
Buysse, D. J. (2014). Sleep health: Can we define it? Does it matter? Sleep. https://doi.org/10.5665/
sleep.3298
Buysse, D. J., Reynolds, C. F., Monk, T. H., Berman, S. R., & Kupfer, D. J. (1989). The Pittsburgh
Sleep Quality Index: A new instrument for psychiatric practice and research. Psychiatry
Research, 28(2), 193–213.
Carskadon, K. L., & Ancoli-Israel, S. (2011). Normal human sleep: An overview. In Principles and
practice of sleep medicine (5th ed., pp. 16–26). Elsevier Saunders.
Chalfin, A. (2015). The economic cost of crime. In W. Jennings (Ed.), The encyclopedia of crime
and punishment. Wiley.
Demichelis, O. P., Grainger, S. A., McKay, K. T., Bourdaniotis, X. E., Churchill, E. G., & Henry,
J. D. (2022). Sleep, stress and aggression: Meta-analyses investigating associations and
causality. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 139, 104732. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.
neubiorev.2022.104732
Demichelis, O. P., McKay, K. T., Grainger, S. A., & Henry, J. D. (2023). Measurement type moder-
ates the relationship between sleep and aggression: A meta-analytic investigation. Aggression
and Violent Behavior, 72, 101859. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2023.101859
Dewall, N. C., Anderson, C. A., & Bushman, B. J. (2012). Aggression. In Handbook of psychology
(Vol. 5, 2nd ed., pp. 449–466). Wiley.
Hafner, M., Stepanek, M., Taylor, J., Troxel, W., & Stolk, C. (2017). Why sleep matters: The eco-
nomic costs of insufficient sleep. RAND Corporation. https://doi.org/10.7249/RB9962
Hirshkowitz, M., Whiton, K., Albert, S. M., Alessi, C., Bruni, O., DonCarlos, L., Hazen, N.,
Herman, J., Katz, E. S., Kheirandish-Gozal, L., Neubauer, D. N., O’Donnell, A. E., Ohayon,
M., Peever, J., Rawding, R., Sachdeva, R. C., Setters, B., Vitiello, M. V., Ware, J. C., &
Hillard, P. J. A. (2015). National Sleep Foundation’s sleep time duration recommendations:
Methodology and results summary. Sleep Health: Journal of the National Sleep Foundation,
1(1), 40–43. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleh.2014.12.010
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Kochanek, K. D., Murphy, S. L., Xu, J., & Arias, E. (2014). Mortality in the United States, 2013.
NCHS Data Brief, 178, 1–8.
Krizan, Z., & Herlache, A. D. (2016). Sleep disruption and aggression: Implications for violence
and its prevention. Psychology of Violence, 6(4), 542–552. https://doi.org/10.1037/vio0000018
Lugo, K., & Przybylski, M. (2019). Estimating the financial costs of crime victimization, final
report. National Criminal Justice Reference Service.
Van Veen, M. M., Lancel, M., Beijer, E., Remmelzwaal, S., & Rutters, F. (2021). The association of
sleep quality and aggression: A systematic review and meta-analysis of observational studies.
Sleep Medicine Reviews, 59, 101500. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.smrv.2021.101500
Van Veen, M. M., Lancel, M., Şener, O., Verkes, R. J., Bouman, E. J., & Rutters, F. (2022).
Observational and experimental studies on sleep duration and aggression: A systematic
review and meta-analysis. Sleep Medicine Reviews, 64, 101661. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.
smrv.2022.101661
World Health Organization. (2019). HOMICIDE – WHO Global Health Estimates (2019
update). World Health Organization – Violence Info. https://apps.who.int/violence-
info/homicide/#:~:text=In%202019%20an%20estimated%20475,males%20aged%20
15%E2%80%9329%20years
Chapter 2
Risk, Protective, and Mechanistic Factors
Associated with Sleep-Related Aggression
and Violence
2.1 Introduction
The relationship between disrupted sleep and aggression has garnered significant
attention in both experimental and observational research. Recent studies have
solidified the connection between sleep disturbances and aggressive behavior. To
provide a comprehensive understanding of this association, this chapter delves into
the conceptual models that explain the multiple pathways through which sleep dis-
ruption can increase the likelihood of engaging in aggression. Drawing from the
framework offered by Krizan and Herlache (2016), we examine how various forms
of sleep disruption can lead to aggression through affective, cognitive, and lowered
inhibition pathways. Additionally, we examine the bidirectional nature of this asso-
ciation, investigating how aggression itself can disrupt sleep. Lastly, we highlight
the general risk and protective factors that shape an individual’s susceptibility to
aggression when experiencing poor sleep.
Affective Pathway
Negative affect
Increased pain/somatic
Sleep Disruption discomfort
Difficulty initiating sleep
Difficulty maintaining sleep Cognitive Pathway Aggression
Poor sleep quality Changing social perceptions Intentional behavior that is
Insufficient sleep Narrow focus unwanted
Disordered sleep
Impaired Inhibition Pathway
Dysfunction in prefrontal
cortex
Decreased self-control
Fig. 2.1 Conceptual model of pathways from disrupted sleep to aggression. (Adapted from Krizan
& Herlache, 2016)
Negative affect (e.g., anger, irritation, hostility, or agitation) is one key route
from a precipitating factor to aggressive behavior according to the General
Aggression Model (Anderson & Bushman, 2002). We all have experienced feel-
ing “hotheaded” in response to a perceived slight such as being cut off while
driving and, as a result, considered or acted on aggressive impulses such as honk-
ing the horn or shaking a fist. Negative affect is a particularly relevant pathway
for linking sleep disruption and aggression given the critical importance of
healthy sleep for a positive mood. Insufficient sleep or disrupted sleep increases
negative affect more broadly (e.g., depression, anxiety, fatigue, irritation;
Fairholme & Manber, 2015) and feelings of anger and hostility specifically
(Krizan & Herlache, 2016). For example, a study comparing sleep restriction
(6.5 h in bed) to sleep extension (10 h in bed) in adolescents found that adoles-
cents’ and their parents’ subjective ratings of the adolescents’ anger and anxiety
were significantly higher following sleep restriction compared to sleep extension
(Baum et al., 2014). Importantly, the sleep restriction of 6.5 h was comparable to
sleep durations adolescents often naturally obtain. Consequently, sleep disrup-
tion may directly increase feelings of aggression.
Sleep disruption may also indirectly increase negative affect by increasing
bodily discomfort and pain which can then cause feelings of anger and aggres-
sion. Poor sleep has known associations with pain: We are more sensitive to pain
and less able to access coping resources when experiencing pain without suffi-
cient sleep (Finan et al., 2013). The experience of pain, in turn, increases nega-
tive affect, including feelings of anger and aggression (Berkowitz, 1993).
Consequently, in addition to a direct link between sleep disruption and aggres-
sion, poorer somatic well-being and increased pain perception following poor
sleep could also increase the likelihood for aggressive behavior (Krizan &
Herlache, 2016).
2.2 Conceptual Models Linking Sleep and Aggression 11
A second route by which sleep disruption can lead to aggression is via changes in
how we perceive the behavior of others (Krizan & Herlache, 2016). Specifically,
when sleep is disrupted, individuals are more likely to perceive the intentions of
others as hostile, which can provoke aggressive behavior. The rationale for these
skewed perceptions is that obtaining insufficient or disturbed sleep can lower the
threshold for emotional reactivity and impair the emotional appraisal process such
that events that may have been discounted as minor become more provocative
(Fairholme & Manber, 2015; Minkel et al., 2012). Accordingly, with sleep depriva-
tion (especially disturbed REM sleep), individuals are more likely to rate neutral
images as negative and have a stronger reaction to threatening images (Tempesta
et al., 2010). This heightened reactivity is mirrored in neural activation with amyg-
dala reactivity being stronger when individuals who are sleep deprived are pre-
sented with a threatening stimuli compared to healthy sleepers (Yoo et al., 2007). A
population-based observational study illustrated the application of the cognitive
pathway to interpersonal hostility (Dautovich et al., 2021). In a sample across the
adult life span, poorer global sleep quality was linked to lower affective solidarity
toward family, spouse, or partners, which, in turn, was tied to a greater likelihood of
expressing anger outwardly (Dautovich et al., 2021). In other words, individuals
who reported poorer sleep quality felt less solidarity with significant others in their
lives (e.g., “How much do you appreciate your spouse/partner”) and, in turn,
reported greater anger expression.
Another cognitive factor increasing the likelihood of aggressive behavior follow-
ing disturbed sleep is a decreased ability to attend to and process contextual infor-
mation in a given situation with poor sleep (Krizan & Herlache, 2016). For example,
someone interrupts you while you are speaking during a meeting. With insufficient
sleep, you are less likely to notice contextual information (e.g., they have been inter-
rupting everyone not just you, this is the third meeting this person has had this
morning, or they look sick or unwell). Due to a lack of contextual information, you
are more likely to be provoked and want to respond aggressively. Additionally,
when we cannot attend to or process all information in a situation, we are less likely
to be flexible with our decision-making and beliefs about the situation (Lim &
Dinges, 2010). Accordingly, individuals who are sleep deprived are less likely to
reappraise how they blame others when presented with new information (Kahn-
Greene et al., 2006).
on these urges is often self-control. Sleep disruption causes problems with response
control and response inhibition (Drummond et al., 2006). Specifically, the prefron-
tal cortex shows decreased metabolic activity following sleep disruption (Thomas
et al., 2000). The prefrontal cortex is critical for executive functioning actions
including reduced behavior inhibition and aggression control (Giancola, 1995). In
the famous neuropsychological case study of Phineas Gage, Phineas was struck by
an iron bar on a construction site through his frontal and middle brain lobes destroy-
ing his prefrontal cortex (Schleim, 2022). Following this accident, Phineas was
described as a changed man. Instead of being friendly, well-balanced, and smart, he
was seen as irritable and unable to delay satisfaction (Schleim, 2022). Relatedly,
individuals such as criminals or those diagnosed with antisocial personality disorder
who have been involved in aggressive acts also show abnormalities in the prefrontal
cortex (Raine, 1996).
Sleep loss or disruption can mimic these changes in executive functioning origi-
nating from the prefrontal cortex. Individuals who are sleep deprived have difficulty
imitating or maintaining goal-directed behavior (Dahl, 1996; Kamphuis & Lancel,
2015) suggesting reduced self-control. Sleep deprivation is also associated with
reduced inhibition of responses to emotionally aversive stimuli. Yoo et al. (2007)
found that individuals who were sleep deprived showed weaker connectivity
between the amygdala and the medial prefrontal cortex and stronger connectively
from the amygdala to the autonomic-activating centers in the brainstem. These
results suggest that stronger emotional reactivity following poor sleep may be due
to a failure of the top-down, prefrontal control necessary to inhibit aggressive
impulses in frustrating situations (Kamphuis & Lancel, 2015).
Although the proposed conceptual model (Krizan & Herlache, 2016) primarily
focuses on how sleep disruption could cause aggression, aggression is undoubtedly
itself a disrupter for sleep. Aggression is proposed to disrupt sleep via two path-
ways: (1) increasing arousal and activation which is a barrier to healthy sleep and
(2) decreasing social well-being and increasing vigilance (Krizan & Herlache,
2016). First, aggressive behavior, such as yelling, hitting, or shoving, causes physi-
ological arousal such increased heart rate, faster breathing, and increased blood
pressure. These physiological responses result from an activation of the
hypothalamic- pituitary-adrenal axis system as part of the “flight-fight-freeze”
response to stress. Accordingly, adult males with higher self-reported trait anger
showed greater cardiovascular reactivity when asleep compared to males with low
trait anger (Madigan et al., 1997). Behaving aggressively can also cause cognitive
arousal including heightened rumination and anxiety (Caprara et al., 1992). In total,
elevations of both physiological and cognitive arousal in response to aggression are
a barrier to good sleep (Krystal & Edinger, 2008).
2.4 General Risk and Protective Factors 13
Although everyone feels angry and irritable at times, and everyone experiences dis-
turbed sleep at least occasionally, there are interindividual factors that can increase
the likelihood of acting aggressively when experiencing poor sleep (Kamphius
et al., 2012). In particular, neuropsychological factors, serotonergic and HPA axis
functioning, and the impact of clinical populations and age differences could affect
the sleep-aggression association.
2.4.1 Neuropsychological Factors
Although the pathways and effects are less clear, there are potential roles for altered
serotonergic and hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis functioning in how
impaired sleep promotes aggression (Kamphius et al., 2012). Serotonin is suggested
as a vulnerability factor for impulsivity or aggression where the effects of lower sero-
tonin may be expressed depending on different factors (Booij et al., 2010). Disturbed
sleep is associated with changes in serotonergic activity (Monti, 2011), although
there are limited studies in humans. Existing research suggests a link between lower
levels of a metabolite of serotonin, sleep loss, and suicide – particularly among indi-
viduals who use violent methods in their suicide attempts (Singareddy & Balon,
2001). The link between HPA axis functioning and sleep and aggression is also of
interest to researchers that yet remains unclear.
Dysfunction in HPA axis functioning is also thought to potentially underlie both
poor sleep and aggression (Kamphuis & Lancel, 2015). For example, hyperarousal
of the HPA axis system is tied to reactive or defensive aggression in response to
stressful situation versus proactive instrumental aggression (Lopez-Duran et al.,
2009). Healthy sleep, conversely, inhibits HPA axis activity. Currently, research
supports the role of HPA axis activation as a sleep disrupter, but it is less clear how
poor sleep contributes to aggression via HPA axis activation (Kamphius et al., 2012).
2.4.3 Clinical Populations
In two meta-analyses of studies examining sleep quality and sleep duration, indi-
viduals with psychological diagnoses or medical comorbidities showed stronger
correlations between poorer sleep quality and aggression compared to more general
populations, although these differences were not significantly different (Van Veen
et al., 2021, 2022).
2.4.4 Age Differences
Overall, the majority of research has shown that poorer sleep is linked to aggression
across all ages from childhood to older adulthood (Demichelis et al., 2022; Van Veen
et al., 2021, 2022). Most research also shows no differences in the size of these
effects between age groups. Nonetheless, one meta-analysis found that the correla-
tions between sleep duration and aggression were lower (albeit nonsignificantly
lower) for older adults compared to children, adolescents, and adults (Van Veen et al.,
2022). Similarly, the correlation between sleep quality and aggression was higher for
studies in a meta-analysis combining children and adolescents compared to adults
References 15
alone; however, this difference was also not statistically significant (Van Veen et al.,
2021). Interestingly, although sleep quality can often decline with age (Vitiello,
2012), these effects on aggression may be buffered by increased emotional regulation
with age (Carstensen et al., 2003). There are other developmental changes which
could potentially moderate the associations between sleep and aggression.
Adolescents experience a shifting chronotype until their early 20s whereby by their
biological clock shifts to a later time schedule (Roenneberg et al., 2004). This later
time preference is usually out of sync with school and other social clocks. As a result,
adolescents and young adults can experience social “jet lag” where they accommo-
date academic schedules during the week (to the detriment of the body clock) and
then sleep in late on the weekend. This social jet lag between week days and week-
ends was a predictor of greater anger and hostility as well as more physical and ver-
bal aggression in young adults (Randler & Vollmer, 2013). Two studies note the
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Sleep problems at 3–4 years of age predicted greater conduct problems at age 7
(Gregory et al., 2004). In a Dutch longitudinal study, children between the ages of 4
and 16 who were rated by their parents as sleeping less than others were 1.5 times as
likely to rate themselves as more aggressive as young adults (Gregory et al., 2008).
Consequently, sleep disturbance in childhood appears to be a predictor of aggression
later in life.
2.5 Conclusion
This chapter has provided an overview of the multifaceted pathways through which
sleep disruption can increase the likelihood of engaging in aggressive behavior.
Drawing from the conceptual framework proposed by Krizan and Herlache (2016),
we have examined how sleep disruption can lead to aggression through affective,
cognitive, and lowered inhibition pathways. Additionally, we have discussed the
bidirectional nature of this association, demonstrating how aggression itself can
disrupt sleep. Furthermore, we have highlighted various general risk and protective
factors that influence an individual’s susceptibility to aggression when experiencing
poor sleep. Understanding these connections can pave the way for developing inter-
ventions and strategies to mitigate the impact of disrupted sleep on aggression and
ultimately improve the well-being and mental health of individuals.
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6.00012-8
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adult Hymenopterous Insect it would appear that the first abdominal
ganglion is always joined with the last thoracic.
Packard informs us[415] that in Bombus the larva, after it is full fed,
passes into the pupa state (Fig. 331, A, B) by a series of
transformations accompanied by moultings of the skin. Packard's
statements have been confirmed by others, but details have not
been fully given, so that the number of the moults, their intervals and
other particulars, are still unknown. We have remarked that the pupal
instar is very like the perfect instar, except that it is colourless and
soft, and that each of the members is wrapped in a very delicate
skin; the colour appears gradually. This metamorphosis exhibits
important differences from that of the Lepidoptera. Packard calls the
Insect, during the stages of transformation from the full-fed larva to
the pupa, the semi-pupa; the later stages of the pupa, when the
colouring has appeared, he terms the subimago. Altogether he
considers there is a series of at least ten moultings of the skin. His
ideas were apparently derived from examination of a series of
specimens after death rather than from observation of the
development in living individuals. The parasitic forms of
Hymenoptera have apparently extraordinary metamorphoses of very
varied kinds.
Our object at present is to bring to the eye of the reader the great
diversity of outer form that is believed, rightly or wrongly, to result
from the mode of treatment of the young. And we will also take this
opportunity of more fully illustrating the remark we made on p. 85 as
to the profound distinctions that exist between ants and white ants,
or Termites, notwithstanding the remarkable analogies that we shall
find to exist in many of their social arrangements.
The analogies we allude to, coupled with the fact that there is a
certain general resemblance in outer form between the workers of
Termites and ants, and even between the extraordinary castes called
soldiers in the two groups, have given rise to the idea that there is a
zoological relationship between the social forms of Neuroptera and
Hymenoptera. The two are, however, zoologically amongst the most
different of Insects. The external skeleton in Termites is remarkable
for its imperfect development, the sclerites being small and isolated,
while the segmental differentiation of the body is low (Fig. 225, etc.),
so that there is no difficulty in counting the segments. In ants the
reverse is the case as regards both these facts, the various
segments being most unequal, so that their homologies have only
been detected after prolonged studies, while the chitinisation and
articulation of the various parts is so complete that the ant may be
described as cased in armour, fitting together so exactly that it is
difficult anywhere to introduce the point of a needle into its chinks.
The wings of the two kinds of Insects are also extremely different.
The differences between the modes of growth and development of
the two sets of Insects are as profound as the distinctions in their
anatomy. Termitidae belong to the division of Insects in which the
wings are developed outside the body; Hymenoptera to the division
in which they are developed inside the body. In Termites the growth
of the individual is slow, and the final form is reached gradually. In
the ants the growth is carried on with great rapidity, and during it the
Insect is a helpless maggot absolutely dependent on the attentions
of its seniors, while the difference in form and structure between the
ant-larva and the ant are enormous. Both anatomy and ontogeny are
profoundly different in ants and Termites. To these distinctions must
be added, as of much importance, the fact that in Hymenoptera only
the female sex is modified for the division of labour, while in Termites
both sexes undergo this change. Hence it is impossible to suppose
that the remarkable analogies that exist between the societies of
ants and those of Termites are due to any common origin. It is
probably to some similar physiological susceptibilities in the
ancestors, at an extremely remote epoch, of both groups that we
must look for an explanation of the interesting resemblances in the
social lives of ants and Termites.
The history of C. integer has been given by Riley. This Insect attacks
the young shoots of willows in North America. Riley states[425] that
by a wonderful instinct the female, after she has consigned her egg
to the twig, girdles the latter, preventing it from growing any further,
and from crushing the egg by so doing. The larva after hatching eats
downwards, sometimes destroying a length of two feet of the twig;
when full grown it fills the bottom of the burrow with frass, and then
previous to making its cocoon eats a passage through the side of the
shoot about a quarter of an inch above the spot where the cocoon
will be placed, thus making it easy for the perfect Insect to effect its
escape; it leaves the bark, however, untouched, and is thus
protected in its retreat. A delicate transparent cocoon is then spun in
which the larva passes the winter, changing to a pupa in the
following March, and emerging as a perfect Insect about six weeks
thereafter.
Somewhat less than 100 species of this family are at present known;
the great majority are found in the Mediterranean region, but there
are several in North America. As a single species is known from
Mexico and another from Japan, it is probable that the family may
prove to have a wider geographical extension than at present
appears to be the case.
This family consists of the genus Oryssus, and includes only about
twenty species, but is nevertheless very widely distributed over the
world. They are very rare Insects, and little is known as to their
habits; one species, O. abietinus, was formerly found in England.
Should any one be so fortunate as to meet with it, he can scarcely
fail to recognise it on noticing the peculiar situation of the base of the
antennae. In this respect the Chrysididae somewhat resemble
Oryssus, but in that group of Hymenoptera the hind body or
abdomen is remarkably mobile, so that the Insects can coil
themselves up by bending at this joint; whereas in Oryssus the hind
body is very closely amalgamated with the thorax—more so, in fact,
than in any other Hymenopterous Insect—and has no power of
independent movement.
The Insects of this family are usually of large size and of bright
conspicuous colours; these, however, frequently differ greatly in the
sexes of the same species, and may be very variable even in one
sex. The antennae are filiform and usually elongate; the head is
usually contiguous with the thorax, but in one division, Xyphidriides,
it is exserted and separated from the thorax by a well-marked neck.
The pronotum is attached to the mesonotum, and possesses very
little, if any, freedom of movement; it varies in its size, being
sometimes conspicuous from above; in the Xyphidriides it is smaller,
and in the middle is entirely vertical in its direction. The mesonotum
is moderate in size, and its divisions are delimited by broad vague
depressions. The prosternum appears to be entirely membranous,
but the prosternal plates (pleura) are large, and meet together
accurately in the middle, so as to protect the greater part of the
under-surface of the neck. The abdomen is cylindrical or somewhat
flattened above; it has seven dorsal plates in addition to the spine-
bearing terminal segment. The trochanters are double, the outer
division being, however, short; the anterior tibia has only one spur;
the anal lobe of the posterior wings is large. The "borer" or ovipositor
of the female is a remarkable organ; it is held projecting directly
backwards from the extremity of the body, and has the appearance
of being a powerful sting. The apparatus is much longer than it
appears, for it proceeds not from the apex of the body, but from the
under-surface far forwards, so that the part exposed is only about
one-half of the total length; it consists of a pair of elongate sheaths,
which are easily separable though they wrap together, and enclose a
slender tube. This tube is rigid and quite straight; though appearing
solid, it is really composed of two very perfectly adjusted laminae
and a third arched piece or roof. The two lower laminae are called
the spiculae; they are serrated or grooved in a peculiar manner near
the tip, and although so closely adjusted to the borer or upper piece
of the tube as to appear to form one solid whole with it, they are said
to be capable of separate motion. In addition to these parts, the
termination of the abdomen bears above a shorter piece that
projects in a parallel plane, and forms a sort of thick spine above the
ventral pieces we have described; this process is very strong, and
has in the middle of its under-face in Sirex gigas a membranous
cavity, replaced in S. juvencus, according to Westwood, by a pair of
minute pilose styles. The Insect, by means of this powerful
apparatus, is enabled to deposit her eggs in the solid wood of trees,
in which the larva sometimes penetrates to the depth of eight inches.
Sirex gigas is one of the most remarkable of our British Insects, but
is little known except to entomologists, being usually rare. On the
continent of Europe it is, however, an abundant Insect, especially in
the neighbourhood of forests of fir-trees, and is a cause of
considerable terror. As the Insect is not capable of inflicting much
injury to the person, it is probable that the peculiar ovipositor is
believed to be a sting. The eggs are laid—it is said to the number of
100—in the solid wood of fir-trees, but not in perfectly healthy wood;
the reason for this, it is thought, being that in a healthy tree the great
affluence of sap caused by the burrows and presence of the Insect
would be injurious to the latter. The Sirex will, however, attack a
perfectly healthy tree immediately after it has been felled. The larva,
small at first, enlarges its burrows as itself grows larger, and thus the
wood of a tree may be rendered completely useless for trade
purposes, although there may be very little outward indication of
unsoundness. The larva (Fig. 342, C, larva of Tremex) is a pallid,
maggot-like creature, with six projections representing thoracic legs;
there are no other legs behind these, but some slight protuberances
take their place; the terminal segment is enlarged, and bears a hard
spine. There is a difference of opinion as to the duration of the life of
the larva, Kollar saying that in seven weeks after the deposition of
the egg the maggot is full fed, while others consider that it takes two
years to attain this condition; the latter statement is more probably
correct, it being the rule that the life of wood-feeding larvae is more
than usually prolonged. After becoming full fed, the Insect may still
pass a prolonged period in the wood before emerging as a perfect
Insect. As a result of this it not infrequently happens that the Insect
emerges from wood that has been carried to a distance, and used
for buildings or for furniture. A case is recorded in which large
numbers of a species of Sirex emerged in a house in this country
some years after it was built, to the great terror of the inhabitants.
The wood in this case was supposed to have been brought from
Canada.
Fabre has studied[426] the habits of the larva of Sirex augur, and
finds that it forms tortuous galleries in the direction of the longitudinal
axis of the tree or limb, and undergoes its metamorphosis in the
interior, leaving to the perfect Insect the task of finding its way out;
this the creature does, not by retracing its path along the gallery
formed by the larva, but by driving a fresh one at right angles to the
previous course, thus selecting the shortest way to freedom. By what
perception or sense it selects the road to the exterior is quite
unknown. Fabre is not able to suggest any sort of perception that
might enable the larva to pursue the right course, and considers it
must be accomplished by means of some sensibility we do not
possess. Fabre's observation is the opposite of what has been
recorded in the case of S. gigas, where the larva is said to prepare
the way for the exit of the perfect Insect.
Individuals of Sirex are often found in dried and solid wood, encased
by metal. When the Insect finds itself so confined, it gnaws its way
through the metal, if this be lead, and escapes. The perseverance
displayed by the Insect in these circumstances seems to indicate a
knowledge of the direction in which liberty is to be found.
About 100 species of Siricidae are known. They form two sub-
families:—
The larvae of the Tenthredinidae exhibit great variety, and are indeed
in this respect more interesting than the perfect Insects. The usual
rule is that the larvae much resembles those of Lepidopterous
Insects, and feed exposed on plants in the same way as
Lepidopterous larvae do. But the exceptions are numerous;
sometimes the larva is covered with slime, and thus protected from
various enemies. In other cases it is very depressed, a broad
creature, of irregular outline, living closely attached to the leaf,
somewhat after the fashion of a huge scale-Insect. Some larvae
mine between the layers of a leaf, others roll up leaves; a few live in
the stems of plants, and one or two inside fruits. Even this does not
complete the list of their habits, for a few species of Nematus live in
galls caused by the deposition of the egg. A species of Lyda forms
for itself a case out of bits of leaves, and carries this habitation about
with it after the fashion of the Phryganeidae. The number of legs in
these larvae is unusually great, varying from eighteen to twenty-two
—that is, three pairs of thoracic legs and eight of abdominal or pro-
legs. This character offers a ready means of distinguishing, in the
majority of cases, these larvae from those of the Lepidoptera in
which the number of legs varies, but is only from ten to sixteen;
moreover, the pro-legs in sawflies are destitute of the circles of
hooklets that exist in Lepidoptera. This mode of identifying the
immature stages of the Tenthredinidae is not, however, always
satisfactory, as there are some of these larvae that have no pro-legs
at all, but only the three thoracic pairs. Another point of distinction
exists, inasmuch as the larvae of the sawflies have only one ocellus
on each side of the head, whereas in the Lepidopterous caterpillars
the rule is that there are several of these little eyes on each side. In
addition to this, we should mention that the Lepidopterous larva
never has any pro-legs on the fifth body-segment, whereas in the
sawflies when pro-legs are present there is always a pair on the
segment in question.
These larvae are of various colours, but the patterns and markings
they exhibit are not quite like those of the Lepidoptera, though it
would be difficult to make any correct general statement as to the
nature of the differences. The variety of their postures is very
remarkable; and in respect of these also Tenthredinidae differ
considerably from Lepidoptera. Some of them hold the posterior part
of the body erect, clasping the leaf by their anterior legs; others keep
the posterior part of the body curled up (Fig. 343, A), and some
combine these methods by curving the posterior part of the body and
holding it away from the food. These attitudes, like the general form,