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The Gifted Passage
1709050_ i-xi_00-Houston_FM_2_CC2017.indd 1 17/10/31 11:46

This page intentionally left blank
The Gifted Passage
Young Men in Classic Maya Art and Text
Stephen Houston
Yale University Press New Haven and London

Copyright © 2018 by Stephen
Houston.
All rights reserved.
This book may not be reproduced,

in whole or in part, including
illustrations, in any form (beyond
that copying permitted by Sections
107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright
Law and except by reviewers for
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Number: 2017938184
isbn 978-0-300-22896-0
eISBN 978-0-300-23017-8
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available from the British Library.
This paper meets the require-ments
of ansi/niso z 39.48-1992
(Permanence of Paper).
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Jacket illustrations: (front) Mirror

back with youths (detail of fig. 27);
(back) Shield Jaguar III and young
noble (fig. 86).

To my brave boy, abh

contents
Preface viii
1 A Splendid Predicament 1
2 Growing Men Among the Maya 29
3 A Gifted Passage 57
4 The Taming Places 93
5 The Good Prince 135
6 Draining the Cup 157
Notes 181
Bibliography 209
Index 238
Illustration Credits 243

preface
This is not a book about the power and inuence of young men. It looks instead at their
domination by others, at how they were shaped and “grown” in elite Maya society during
the rst millennium AD. The vegetal allusion is at once metaphoric and literal. “Growth”
refers to the tender, sprouting nature of young men and their cultivation by older men
and women. In the mythic past, too, all humans came from maize. Gods crafted them from
processed dough, a tasty meal for divine appetites. But here is the surprise, highlighted in
this book: in and around the Yucatan peninsula, concerted and sustained energy went into
texts, pots, buildings, and carvings that expressed the ideals of male youth. A large cultural
investment went into depicting, recording, and housing boys and young men. They were
not marginal gures, moping or brawling to the side, but a gathering point of loving atten-
tion and, at times, anxiety.
Few scholars talk about them. If they do, it is only about the early years of child-
hood or in terms of masculinity and its many forms of oppression. Less inclined to judge,
I wish mostly to understand, and from the vantage of a specialist in ancient images and
texts, some recently decoded. I cannot hold my own background at bay, of course, nor the
clamor of present-day ideas. The rst chapter explores the seemingly limitless literature
on “emergent adults” and adolescence. I am mindful of playing tourist in this complexity.
A man writing about men also prompts some doubts about bias. The wrong word or an
unintended tone tends to quash dialogue, and a suspicion of ulterior motive crowds around
the work. Then there is our ragged and selective evidence. What painters and sculptors
showed is not an unguarded glimpse of their world. They gravitated toward the norms
and expectations they found appealing, whatever our current views on those beliefs.
With the young, much is at stake, past and present. Society must reproduce
itself, and the passage through adolescence needs to be handled and studied with care.
According to a report from the World Bank, there will be, by 2035, some 1.5 billion peo-
ple in the world between 12 and 24 years of age. As of 2006, “the current cohort of young
people in developing countries [was] the largest the world [had] ever seen” (Fares et al.,
Development, 33). More unsettling changes are taking place, too. As I write, teenagers,
once treated as “minors” in the United States—thus avoiding severe punishment for cer-
tain transgressions—are being treated as adults and jailed as adults (Ripley, “Outlawed
17/10/31 11:46
Adolescence”). The country itself is said, with some overstatement, to have “outlawed
adolescence.” All ages present a predicament, of course, a wide array of possibility, hope,
or despair. But being a young male may top them all. It is natural, even pressing, to think
back in the long term on how others dealt with these transitions. Some, like the Classic
Maya, even gloried in the vibrant passage to manhood.
•••
This book was written with much help. Key insights by David Stuart triggered our entrée
into the world of youths among the Classic Maya, and I must credit him here for his
friendship and collegiality over the years. I knew Dave when he was a mere ch’ok (youth
or sprout) himself. Others, such as Simon Martin and Karl Taube, always provide inspi-
ration and insight. At a busy time, Simon read the manuscript carefully as a reader for
the Yale press. Former students including James Doyle and Sarah Newman, sedulous
readers of earlier drafts, give me reason to continue as a university professor. Nor can I
forget colleagues Charles Golden and Andrew Scherer, who also have been plagued with
a swarm of chapters. The speed of their responses is exceeded only by their acuity. Mary
Miller involved me years ago, to my great benet, in her expansive, technically sophisti-
cated, and energetic project with the Bonampak murals. Mary was also a formal reader
of this manuscript, a wise counselor in shaping the manuscript into more nished form.
The Bonampak work was supported, again through Mary, by the Getty Grants Program,
Yale University, and also Brigham Young University (my former university, which I
remember with great aection), and with overall permission from the Instituto Nacional
de Antropología e Historia of Mexico. Dr. Gene Ware, a genie of an engineer, Lord of
the Vidicon Camera—a label that would embarrass him—helped by sweating out dicult
weeks with me in the mural building at Bonampak. It was a misery, and it was a joy. Later,
Claudia Brittenham showed saintly patience in sorting through images from Bonampak.
With her usual perception, she commented on several chapters to my lasting gain. Scott
Hutson did so too, along with Gary Urton and David Webster. I thank them warmly.
Few people truly deserve a MacArthur Fellowship, that random lottery of good
fortune, but somehow I received one. It made possible much of the initial work on this
ix preface
17/10/31 11:46
project, as did leaves authorized by Brown University, its respective deans, and the
chairs of my own department. In succession, those deans were Rajiv Vohra and Kevin
McLaughlin, my chairs Williams Simmons, Catherine Lutz, and Daniel Smith. Two fel-
lowships made me think and work harder. One was at the Sterling and Francine Clark
Institute, which awarded me a fellowship in 2011–2012. Michael Ann Holly, Keith Moxey,
and the other fellows made that year memorable and, in retrospect, one of the most
productive. Thank you, too, Ashley Lazevnick, now at Princeton: she was my peerless
research assistant at the Clark. My other fellowship, where the bulk of this book came into
being, was at the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts at the National Gallery
of Art, where Elizabeth Cropper is its dean. Associate deans Therese O’Malley and Peter
Lukehart oered gracious hospitality and encouragement. I was fortunate to spend time
among the fellows of that year. They all contributed in many ways, not always known to
them. I must single out Rob Bork (go, Lemmy!), Kate Cowcher, Nikolas Drosos, Kathy
Foster, Chris Heuer, Adam Jasienski, Miri Kim, Lihong Liu, Sarah McHam, Rob Nelson,
David Pullins (and Basile), Mary Roberts, Rachel Saunders, and Susan Siegfried. They
were (and are) formidably smart and much admired by a certain trespassing anthro-
pologist. Parts of this book, especially sections on Bonampak, appeared in somewhat
dierent form within the pages of the Cambridge Archaeological Journal. Its editor, John
Robb, kindly authorized their reworking here. For images, I give heartfelt thanks to Laura
Amrhein, Giannina Bardales Aranibar, Dmitri Beliaev, James Brady, Claudia Brittenham,
Christopher Campbell, Arlen Chase, Oswaldo Chinchilla, Mike Coe, Roger Colten, James
Doyle, Barbara Fash, Maria Gaida, Simone Giorgi, Judith Strupp Green, Nikolai Grube,
Ulla Holmquist, Heather Hurst, Despina Ignatiadou, Takeshi Inomata, David Joralemon,
Bryan Just, Justin Kerr (who was especially generous with his incomparable photos), James
Kohler, Guido Krempel, Simon Martin, Karl Herbert Mayer, Leonardo Meoni, Mary
Miller, Juan Antonio Murro, Katherine Myers, Megan O’Neil, Jorge Pérez de Lara, Alex
Pezzati, Jerey Quilter, Kim Richter, Andrew Scherer, Piper Severance, Robbi Siegal, Paul
Tarver, Alex Tokovinine, Alicia Vallina, Ben Watkins, and, among institutions, the Bodleian
Libraries, Cleveland Museum of Art, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection,
x preface
17/10/31 11:46
Museo de América, Museo Popol Vuh, the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., the
National Museum of Athens, Palace of the Governors, Peabody Museum of Archaeology
and Ethnology at Harvard University, the University of Pennsylvania Museum, and the
Yale University Art Gallery. My editor at Yale University Press, Katherine Boller, was
always supportive and sensible in her counsel. I am grateful for her guidance and that of
my meticulous copy editor, Elma Sanders.
A few notes to the reader: Mayan glyphs are rendered according to a system used by
most specialists, including the boldface for word signs and syllabic glyphs. For some, this
convention lunges out from the page, but it conforms to standard practice and sets signs’
values apart from what readers made of them when transliterating actual words. I also
avoid the more standard b’ in favor of b; in my opinion, the apostrophe conveys no useful
information—it simply clutters text. Drawings not otherwise attributed in the captions are
by the author.
•••
A book about young men brings to mind one in particular, my son Anders Bliss. Beset by
challenges, he always moves ahead, step by step. He lives with a courage I cannot begin to
understand. I send him my abiding love and this book from a proud and grateful father.
xi preface
17/10/31 11:46
1 A Splendid Predicament
Picture this: a boat glides along a river. It carries a child who, in the next frame, trans-
forms into a youth (g. 1). Gesturing toward an ethereal castle of hope, the young man will
never reach that goal—soon, the river rushes on to darker places.1 In the worst of it, fully
grown, the traveler wrings his hands. Rapids toss the boat, storms gather, the tiller breaks.
All control is gone. Somehow, though, the trip ends well. Old and bowed, the passenger
sits in heavenly light. He can expect unending life to come, with one further comfort. He
has never really been alone. An angel steered the infant’s boat, stepping ashore during the
boy’s teenage years. In harsh adulthood, the guide oated away, although still visible above.
At trip’s end, he drew close again, almost touchable. The lessons are clear. The very young
and old attract the divine; in between, as hearty, boisterous males, they repel it. Yet the
teenager seems the real anomaly. Imaginative and yearning, surrounded by promise, he is,
more than his other selves, adrift in self-deception. Life will soon grind away at his hopes
and fantasies. Angels are needed to complete the journey.
This is one man’s voyage. It also stands for every man’s journey, played out on
four canvases, the Voyage of Life, painted in 1842 by the American painter Thomas Cole.
Purchased by the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., the paintings exemplify
one man’s notions of young men and their passage in antebellum America. The heavy-
handed moralizing betrays their time.2 Over-the-top gestures, perhaps lifted from
stage acting, appear against backdrops of natural drama. Each frame epitomizes an
internal state. Each highlights an episode of growth, vibrancy, or decline. Dawn lights
the infant, a cloudless sky stretches over the youth. Storms mark the trauma of adult-
hood, and beams from heaven, glimpsed through the murk, reassure the old man. There is
another trait, too. In one sense, the voyage is an uninterrupted ow. Yet, in these images,
Cole has staged a four-part progression through life—stop-action movement rather
than a cinematic stream. There could have been more stages, according to authors that
Cole knew. In As You Like It, Shakespeare sliced a man’s life into seven periods. A “mewl-
ing and puking” infant gave way, in a nal, sorry performance, six stages later, to “second
childishness and mere oblivion, sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything.”3
Continuous life is hard to show. Western imagery, from the fteenth century on,
dealt with this challenge by blocking out ten-year spans, up to an optimistic projection
17/10/31 11:55
figure 1
Thomas Cole, The Voyage of Life:
Youth, 1842. Oil on canvas, 527/8 ×
763/4 in. (134.3 × 194.9 cm). National
Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.,
Ailsa Mellon Bruce Fund, 1971.16.2.
17/10/31 11:55
figure 2 of 80 to 100 years of age (g. 2). Women, a logical binary to men, had their own stages
James S. Baillie, The Life and Age and charts. Decimal tidiness allowed the blocks to be ticked o on the ngers, the
of Man: Stages of Man’s Life from
rst decade, say, on one pinky, all the way to the tenth on the other. The wide appeal
the Cradle to the Grave,” c. 1848.
Hand-colored lithograph, 91/2 ×
and cadence of the segments probably derived from folk rhymes. According to one ditty,
131/2 in. (24 × 34.3 cm). Library of “80 years—the world’s fool . . . 100 years—God have mercy.” Humorous, easy-to-visualize
Congress, Prints and Photographs subdivisions worked elsewhere, too, and with reason: in the past, few people were likely
Division, Washington, D.C. to have known their exact age. Blocked-out segments provided a shorthand for essential
features and laid out the ideal duties of one generation to another. The young displaced
the old by taking on a family farm or occupation. Yet that benet carried a burden. The
old had labored hard and endured much to leave that legacy. For this, they deserved all the
care and respect that heirs could provide.4
In a sense, stages of life make expectation visible. They show not what males are
but what they ought to be, for good or bad. By convention and folk understanding, qual-
ities fasten on to each stage of life. Idiosyncrasy is unimportant. What matter are the
general attributes of each stage. Nor is physical decline the only prospect. Christian doc-
trine, to give one example, arms a larger hope, that spiritual development should map
on to bodily age, going “from grace to grace, from good to better, from perfection to
3 a splendid predicament
17/10/31 11:55
figure 3
Maya chocolate or maize porridge
bowl, side view and rollout, c. AD
650. Polychrome ceramic, 61/2 × 6 in.
(16.5 × 15.2 cm). Princeton
University Art Museum, #2016-97,
BAMW photography.
17/10/31 11:55
greater perfection.” The very old are not the decrepit wrecks described by Shakespeare.
They could also grow in wisdom, renement, and authority. These correlations between
time of life and intrinsic traits play out in inventive ways. A Danish source from 1594
equates youth to summer—an obvious analogy.5 But it also links them, in less evident ways,
to hot and dry, re, the second week after the new moon, yellow bile (reecting obsessions
of the time with body uids), choleric temperament, the east, and, nally, Eurus, god of
the eastern wind. Earlier still, writing in the early eleventh century AD, the English monk
Byrhtferth integrated seasonal staging with a more continuous model, that of a spoked
wheel of time. God himself, the center of all things, formed its axis. Cole’s Voyage of Life
might have begun and ended, or actors left Shakespeare’s stage. Yet to medieval minds the
wheel of time declared a broader truth. Lives cycled through in endless repetition, a point
most people would understand, anywhere, anytime. A young girl pregured an old woman,
an old man implied the boy within or the teenager he had once been. The static human
was an impossibility, a contradiction in terms.
Far away, a second painter oered another view of young men (g. 3). His world
framed the subject of this book. He worked in the central part of the Yucatan Peninsula,
about 1250 years before Cole started his painting cycle of the Voyage. This man—there is no
evidence that women painted pots with legible writing—participated in Classic Maya civ-
ilization, which ourished from about AD 300 to 850. Literate in glyphic writing, he spoke
at least one Mayan language, possibly more. Most likely, he belonged to a noble family. He
was not a Christian like Cole (the forced conversions by Spain would come much later).
On this surface, not canvas but clay, the painter presented his own take on young men.
The setting was not Cole’s riverine journey, with its will-o’-the-wisp longing and
Edenic scenery. It was a palace, plaza, or courtyard. The participants were elites, the upper
crust of society.
There are many other dierences. On the pot, the action is now rough-and-tumble,
with drunkenness and riotous boxing, no holds barred. An older male, bearded in a Maya
convention for age, extends one hand. The other touches the thigh of a quarreling youth.
“Hold on,” the men seem to say. “Don’t overdo it!” The accompanying texts are generic.
They label types of men, not actual people. The young and middle-aged could be at any
Maya site. Looking at this, Shakespeare might have hued, as in The Winter’s Tale: “I
would there were no age between ten and three and twenty, or that youth would sleep out
the rest. For there is nothing in the between but getting wenches with child, wronging
the ancientry, stealing, ghting.”6 Yet, on the bowl, the Maya conceded a time and place for
wild romps.
The decorous spirit of Cole’s vision swerves to another view of youthful energy.
Here, on the bowl, are young men who brawl—bloody, inebriated, and oblivious to lim-
its. Older men are there to supervise or intervene. But they do not stop all this ght-
ing, bleeding, and retching. In Cole’s voyage there are no women or other companions,
only angels of uncertain gender. The Maya bowl hints at a comparable “homosocial”
17/10/31 11:55
or same-gendered setting, with behavior that can be deplored yet, to a curious extent,
celebrated or seen as fun.7 In each case, there is some prudery. Another project of Cole’s,
the Course of Empire, a series of paintings in the New York Historical Society, highlights
his nineteenth-century view of primitive existence, barbarous decline, and sexual assault.
Notably, not one of his gures displays an exposed breast or groin. Nudity, as he would
have understood it—the meaning of naked esh diers by time and place—disappears
from view. So too on the Maya pot. Even in struggle, the loincloth stays in place, the geni-
talia well under wraps. No squeamishness applies, however, to the gore and vomit.
I have little doubt the pot would surprise Cole. His own paintings would probably
bae the Maya artist. But comparing the two helps in asking important questions. What
was the life course of men? How might it be segmented, characterized, and interpreted, or
its transitions observed, if at all? What, at the broadest level, did it mean to be a man, and
a young male in particular? Depending on time and place, the answers vary. A physical
fact constrains the questions, too. We all have human frames inherited from forebears.
Yet, of late, asking such questions can be unsettling, perhaps a little gauche. After all,
they focus on people who have long dominated the world. That unjust edge casts a cer-
tain pall. Perhaps for that reason most studies of gender—the understanding of how roles
and sexual identities intersect—focus on the people marginalized by mature men. They
include women, and also children or persons of alternative gender (for some reason, the
elderly elicit less attention). This moral appeal cannot be denied. Raw deals need xing,
and those consigned to oblivion deserve more than they received in life. But there is an
undeniable problem with such selective attention. In the past, much cultural energy went
into men. Enduring works, some of genius, arose from concern about males or hopes for
their future. And not just adults: lurking in the background were pimply, gawky, rowdy,
and overloud teenagers. Scholarship may have shifted to other kinds of people, but the
brute force of male dominance, what to make of it, and how it was crafted and sustained
remain unavoidable features of the past.
Hence this book. It studies how elite men were “grown” and nurtured as youths
among the Classic Maya, a set of peoples who left behind a large and revealing trove
of texts and images. Some texts are recently deciphered, fresh for interpretation. When
studied with images, they oer deep, often surprising views about how male gender
was understood among elites. The book develops a larger claim as well, that princely
and noble youths were central to the elite culture of the time. Somewhat neglected by
other scholars, those younger males loom large. Or they should. Later chapters explain
how and why the acts of picturing, describing, and housing them enlisted the most
skilled painters, sculptors, and builders the Classic Maya could muster. The investment
was lavish, notice of youths strong. Young males inspired exceptional interest, and for a
simple reason. Among the Maya, they energized and reinforced courtly societies. With
older male kin, they formed the chief mechanism of governance and the core of expres-
sive culture. Without them, there would be no future for a dynasty or a kingdom. Training
17/10/31 11:55
and shaping young men assured elites that matters important to royal families would
be reproduced, that a kingdom would not dissolve, that kingship would not just endure
but triumph.
NURTURED NATURE
Interpreting the Maya passage to manhood entails several steps. The rst is to understand
that the passage has two kinds of input. One consists of the meanings and social prac-
tices attached to these changes in boys and youths. The other comes from the physical
body itself. Weighing the relative impacts of belief, society, and biology can be daunting,
however. Obviously, the time from infancy to adulthood involves growth. There are new
strengths and potentials, determined in part by a hypothalamic “awakening.” Sex steroids
suuse the body; height increases dramatically, weight burgeons, and the jaws become
prominent. Body hair erupts, cardio capacity rises. There is more nighttime activity than
before. At 21, the youth grows as tall as he ever will. Across the primate order, and for
humans as well, shifts occur in behavior. There is greater risk taking, sexual activity, inter-
est in the opposite sex, and a commitment to learning social and subsistence skills. Males
begin to ally with members of the same sex. Unlike other primates, however, humans
spend far more time in a juvenile state. This gives them greater longevity and reproductive
advantages, but it also means that older, wiser people play a necessary role in directing
and pushing youths toward future responsibilities and seemly mates.8 Yet individuals also
dier biologically. There is no invariant pattern. The onset of adult physiques diverges
by genetic heritage or level of nutrition, a fact known since the time of Galen, the ancient
Greek physician.
Then there is the general dilemma of young men in society, in part a consequence
of biology. Are they, as Shakespeare thought, a nuisance or even a bit scary? Some art-
ists and poets believe so, as in Oskar Kokoschka’s “The Dreaming Boys” (“Die träumen-
den Knaben,” written in 1907–8): “I am the encircling werewolf when the evening bell
dies o. I stalk into your garden, into your pastures, break into your peaceful corral, my
unbridled body, my body exalted with pigment and blood. . . . I devour you, men, women,
drowsily hearkening children. The berserk loving werewolf within you.”9 According to
wide belief, the energy of young men rejects any bounds. Kokoschka sees them as the
wildness within us all. This is not just a poetic fancy. Many studies of adolescent males
cite an appalling number of skateboard injuries or self-mutilation from reworks. Some
say worse. Teenagers behave with a “violent edge”; they enjoy killing animals large
and small, delight in coarse erotica, look with abandon for “copulation opportunities,”
“fantasize about . . . sexual deviances,” and seek “obsession rather than balance.”10
On the whole, male youths appear reckless and impulsive. Statistically, in mod-
ern society, they stand a higher chance of being arrested than females. They are more
likely to take up dangerous sports like climbing or caving. They end up in emergency
17/10/31 11:55
rooms or, meddling with dangerous reptiles, fall victim to snakebite, as observed especially
in South Africa. When attracting the attention of young females, according to another,
obviously dated reference, they behave badly, pulling braids and “softly punching or hit-
ting girls.” They are, to another authority, enslaved to libido yet, in an abiding injustice,
the people “most restricted in access to sex.”11 These urges and potentials are claimed to
be explosive, intrinsic, and deeply rooted. Some scholars blame nature. The archaeol-
ogist Dale Guthrie perceives an ancient, “heritable component” bound, in examples of
extreme risk, to “the chromosomal block known as D4DR” (other researchers dispute
this conclusion). A less physically determined view, now faulting nurture, comes from
Michael Kimmel, a sociologist of masculinity in the United States. He perceives a problem
and gives it a name: “Guyland.” This is less a place than a loutish state-of-mind. It describes
young men, especially of the early twenty-rst century, who lack the supervision for-
merly given by adults. The man-boys of Guyland, loving girls yet loathing women, seethe,
according to Kimmel, with homophobia and sexism. They slouch, swagger, and aect
indierence. They act aggressively, stuck in an over-long stage of life lasting from puberty
to age 30. Lower ages for puberty and longer periods of adolescence, a by-product of
enhanced nutrition and medicine, aggravate the bad behavior.12
I experienced only a little of this. When rst in the jungle, years ago, I tried to
avoid snakes. The open jaws of a fer-de-lance, coiled a few feet away, did not induce any
great sense of fun. Nor do I recall strutting about or preying on women. Presumably, in
making a man—in growing him to adulthood—there is room for free will and the inuence
of culture. All societies impose a set of meanings, actions, encouragements, and restric-
tions on their members. Which of us obeys each and every physical impulse? Do we even
know where those urges come from? The idea that genetic programming determines
how we act, to the minute detail, is far-fetched. Entirely too much can be made of physi-
cality and the dictates of genes. Indignant at such views, which deny the supple responses
of humans, some scholars categorize them as “essentialist.” Greek philosophy bred this
particular label. As used by academics, it signals a belief that the observed world is less
important than the abstract attributes or “essences” behind it. In the social sciences, “essen-
tialist” has acquired another meaning: the notion, rejected by many, that there are “hypo-
thetically innate psychobiological structures, or cultural universals” in human nature.13
In essentialist views, young men possess certain traits. Otherwise, they would not
be young men. These features are the kernels of their being, their package of presets.
Think of all that snake handling and braid pulling. Youths take risks. They are aggressive,
over-sexed, and death-dealing when it comes to animals. They cannot help it. Some of
their violence targets humans, a useful attribute for leaders of gangs and armies. Young
men ght and die when adults tell them to do so. Marching up Cemetery Ridge, to a
grievous end at Gettysburg, they are the ones who receive orders. They seldom give them.
At adult prodding, they wear the bomb vests of jihadists or wield guns for the Lord’s
Resistance Army in Africa. Fearful perhaps, they also yearn to ght. They do love a brawl.
17/10/31 11:55
What is wrong here? For starters, if only from my own experience, youths often
lack such attributes, or they display them in ts and starts. Men of all ages live and act in
many ways, showing “diversities of male sexualities across cultures, classes, ages, ethnic-
ities.” A vast literature proves this. Youths also have what might be called relational iden-
tities. They do not create their sense of themselves from other youths alone. Male gender,
a set of ideas about how people should think, behave, and look, modulates in response to
other genders. Identity does not issue solely from this or that sort of body; it arises from
contrasts and comparisons with men and women, boys and girls, and the assorted iden-
tities in between. By the same token, a man’s age exists in relation to other times of life.
Contrasts generate these categories, comparisons lay their foundation. There is strong
evidence for this view of how we look at ourselves and how we behave. In colonial Peru,
as one example, gendering took place when people performed tasks and duties. Men dug,
acted aggressively, and destroyed. Disposed to order, women did not so much subtract
as add, by planting, gathering, and creating. One ideal category shaped the other. In Peru,
gender even extended to the broader world. Unyielding rock could be seen as masculine,
the soft, pliable earth as female, although the creator of both possessed an almost ambigu-
ous sexuality.14
Then there are social roles and norms, subjects of long-standing interest to schol-
ars, though not all of their work is persuasive when applied to gender. One inuential
gure, Judith Butler, sees these practices as a kind of rhetorical exercise. Her sources are
mostly from philosophy, psychoanalysis, and comparative literature, not the enormous
literature on roles and norms in the social sciences. (This oversight baes me.) If exam-
ined more closely, Butler’s vision seems to be conditioned by university life and the tools
of scholarship. To her, people “cite” each other like academics inserting footnotes. They
mold their own performance of being a male or female or points in between according to
what they have seen before or, to press the analogy, the pages they have read and remem-
bered. Sometimes that precedent is thought to be positive and suitable for emulation.
Repetition xes it to a person’s identity. The performance can also take a dierent path—
people may choose another gender or deviate from general expectation about which
citations to follow.15 Consciously or not, they botch their lines, misread or subvert cues,
or create an entirely new persona. The social teleprompter, an inward guide to what is
appropriate or not, breaks down, or the actor ignores it. He, she, or some alternative gen-
der veers from one role to the next and back again.
That humans can be reduced to literary or academic custom appears, at best, an
incomplete metaphor. But we can agree that a young man is malleable. He exists in
a dynamic rather than a predetermined state. Repetitive performances, Butler’s cita-
tions, instate and solidify that identity. Others of varying age and gender enforce it
through comments, encouragement, or coercion. The French philosopher Michel Foucault
studied the inequity that allows this browbeating to take place. Subtle or overt bullying
by the people in charge helps bend others to central control. Sometimes that power will
17/10/31 11:55
break them. Decrying essentialism or the idea of innate programming is more than clar-
ifying. It may better humanity and liberate the self. A prominent theorist of masculin-
ity, Raewyn Connell, insists that this is the basic goal for us all. “Understanding,” she
and colleagues declare, “is mainly worth having if we can do something with it.”16 The
desired future, one that escapes oppressive precedent, is Connell’s own castle of hope,
much like the gment in Cole’s canvases. It has broken free from tyrannical expectation. It
has resisted power, abhorred privilege, and rejected compliance with patriarchy.
Yet there remains one point that ts less well with earnest desires for change
and improvement. That is the nature being nurtured, the male body as shaped by untold
millennia of evolution. I would propose again that there are two general sources of input
into young men. There are meanings, practices, and relations of power, but there are
also esh-and-blood bodies. Behavior is not simply a question of mind or the search
for self-determination, whatever the good intentions of Connell’s plan for human bet-
terment.17 There are limits to a person’s plasticity, to how far they can be molded
and reshaped. Think of it this way. The human body operates as an unimaginably com-
plex intersection of chemicals and evolution, and it is motivated equally by varied habits
of reasoning. To theologians, looking at choice from a dierent perspective, the mind
endows us with the possibility of free will. An elaborate choreography of body and society
creates a person, and closing out one of those streams of input for the other hazards more
than over-simplication, it risks the absurd. Just consider the alternatives. One view priv-
ileges mental process: an insubstantial mind is said to live outside yet to control the physi-
cal world.18 The other is exclusively physical: it proposes that genes and chemistry regulate
every last human thought, attitude, and decision.
In pure form, neither view makes much sense. This brings us back to unruly teen-
age males. As an exceptionless rule, they are, it should be clear, a caricature. Perhaps they
have no “trans-historical core,” as some scholars would put it, no meaning as a general or
essential category in dierent times and places. But this view is inadequately grounded
and an interpretive mistake. It prevents any comparison and negates the value of the
social sciences and the many insights they provide.19 It rejects, too, any observation made
across cultures. By reliable evidence, from many researchers, adolescent males do exhibit
higher rates of risk taking. Mortality increases when “teenage boys tend to do stupid
things that cut their lives short,” whether in present-day suburbs of North America or
the jungles of South America. The Aka, a group of hunters and gatherers in the Central
African Republic, have twice the mortality between 12 and 22 years of age as they have
before or after that span. Adults must be there to serve, according to one scholar, as
the “teens’ frontal lobes,” a check on their poor judgment and drive to rapid rewards.
Physical competition, another study asserts, is by statistical measure an attribute of young
men more than it is of young women. Some scholars peddle a stronger claim: that boys
incline to higher degrees of aggression than girls. But the men are not alone, nor do they
17/10/31 11:55
think alone. Peers goad them on, heedless of consequence. Adults, too—those people
equipping youths with suicide vests and automatic weapons—come into the picture,
along with local ideas about what it all means, which behaviors conform to expectation
or incite disapproval, and how such transitions might be marked or softened. In texts
and imagery, there is endless expressive potential for the adventure of youth. There are
many decisions for artists and writers to make, about what to emphasize, what to ignore,
how to broadcast certain messages, to whom, and for what purpose.20
The central questions of masculinity, then, are what do people make of it, and how
do they interpret the physical condition of being a male? The male body, for instance,
has a device, intermittently engorged for inseminating females. No surprise here: it is
the penis. But treated as an object of attraction or repulsion, a proxy for the terrible
things that men do, an organ of procreation, power or pleasure—that is, to the writer
David Friedman, a “phallus,” “an idea, not a body part.” This insignicant piece of tissue
has acquired shocking signicance in human history. Much European claptrap, from
Roman times on, connected it to the nature of Jewish identity. Intense hatred zeroed in
on this one appendage. Several writers, including Gottfried Henschen, a sixteenth-cen-
tury Jesuit, thought the Jewish phallus menstruated, goading their owners to the murder
of Christian youth. A cure for male cramps could only be achieved by drinking bap-
tized blood. In the United States, racists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries feared
the “immense copulatory organ” of African Americans, a menace to all white women.
Nonsense, of course, and evil, too: in account after account Friedman showed how irratio-
nal claims led by short path to violence and murder.21
The being attached to the phallus, all the other eshy apparatus of maleness, is
equally a set of ideas. Behind seemingly erotic images are less accessible concepts about
what genitalia might mean. Reect on a Moche ceramic from Peru (was fermented maize
drink an analogy to semen?) or a set of Roman talismans in southern Italy, later of prurient
interest to Sir William Hamilton in eighteenth-century Naples (g. 4). Variety is every-
where. A man can be a docile and cooperative helpmate, a hot-blooded satyr, the drunken
frat boy, a muscled biker drawn by the erotic artist Tom of Finland—all of these are some-
one’s idea of masculinity.
For the classicist Eva Keuls, much of masculinity is wholly wicked, as in
ancient Athens. She sees the city as a women-hating place, worshiping the phallus and
all the aggressions it implied. Moral narratives like Keuls’s t into a broader belief about
“hegemonic masculinity,” the use of maleness or manhood to oppress women. This could
be applied to societies beyond classical Greece. Certain men may not be overtly brutal, but
they benet from that dominance. Even if not actively engaged in oppression, they still
operate as accomplices. They participate in hegemony and extend it through a “lived con-
sensus” that involves “vigilance, self-vigilance and dispute.” Only the words and images
consistent with hegemony are permitted, stressed or imposed by institutional authority.
17/10/31 11:55
a b
Dominant men are held up as models for all, whatever the reality of individual practice.
For their part, nondominant women are nearly as bad by upholding disempowering ideals
of femininity. Playing along, they deserve just as much blame.22
Yet humans are endlessly creative. It stands to reason that there could be several
models of masculinity, in the same place and at the same time. That they do not exist in
complete harmony is what the anthropologist Gregory Bateson called a “double bind.” In
this uncomfortable state, one potentially damaging to the psyche, a person must carry out
incompatible commands about how to behave and how to exist. There can also be dier-
ent kinds of men, diverging by class, wealth, genealogy, religion, or pigmentation of skin.
Ethnographers working in the Mediterranean emphasize the strong attention to manhood
in peasant society, whether in Crete or Andalusia. Being male was a zone of endless striv-
ing, conict, and jokey performance. Judith Butler would understand the process. These
performances combat perceived slights to manhood that come from the emasculating
C wiles of women and elite or external domination. David Gilmore, another anthropologist,
calls this “manplaying.” Manhood is not, as many societies acknowledge, a simple matter
figure 4 of inheritance. It must be earned and propped up. In a sense, males make themselves, not
Phalli and local meanings: A) so much physically as mentally. In masculine company, they also make each other.
Moche vessel, c. AD 600. Bichrome
A book about the ancient Maya will not resolve the relative impact of nurture
ceramic, 45/8 × 61/2 × 45/8 in. (11.9 ×
16.6 × 11.8 cm). Museo Larco Hoyle,
or nature in human lives. It is pointless to try. One case, involving the anthropologist
Lima, ML004204; B) Roman talis- Margaret Mead, has a virulence that continues to amaze. Studying adolescent girls
mans, William Hamilton, Worship in Samoa, Mead found behavior far dierent from Western practice. Mead suggested
of Priapus, 1786, engraved by that options not embraced by early twentieth-century America might lead to calmer,
James Newton. Getty Research
more contented people. Her larger point was that there was no xity, no set patterns
Institute; C) phallic symbols,
Gaytsa, Bhutan, Alamy stock.
to attitudes about gender and sex. Much later, another anthropologist, Derek Freeman,
Exterior mural. faulted Mead’s evidence, going so far as to libel her methods as a researcher.23 Freeman
aimed low . . . and missed. Most now think the debunker debunked. Yet the quarrel
17/10/31 11:55
reminds us that, if not handled with care, arguments about adolescence can truly enrage.
Hyperbole is the danger, along with an assumption of what to expect. Evidence, as among
the Classic Maya, should settle at its own angle of repose.
REVIVING HAMLET
The best-selling book Reviving Ophelia laments the plight of adolescent females in the
United States.24 Happy when young, girls lose themselves in teenage years. Any sense of
wholeness goes crashing into a “social and developmental Bermuda Triangle.” Standing
in for all girls is Shakespeare’s Ophelia—referencing the Bard seems unavoidable in com-
ments on humanity. Ophelia yearns for that paragon of self-absorption, Hamlet, Prince of
Denmark. As we know, the aair ends badly. There is a watery death, perhaps suicide, for
the young lady. But it also leads back to Hamlet himself. In the play, he is not clearly an
adolescent (specialists bicker on this point). Few doubt, however, that he is an unmarried,
younger prince, full of angst about things to come. Hamlet will never be happy.
Yet there is much else to ask: what was it like for young royal males in other places,
as for example among the ancient Maya? What were the beliefs about their expected attri-
butes, the duties that dened them, the terms that labeled their identity? What individual
passages made them like and unlike other princes?
Maya scholarship looks mostly at adults, then children. Full-grown lords and ladies
attract the greatest attention. A specialist niche looks at those just born, weaned, walking,
slung in a mother’s harness or astride the hip. Indeed, a ceremony for the rst such place-
ment, the hetzmek, is still practiced in the Yucatan peninsula. The very young are buried
across the Maya world, wherever their fragile remains survive. Yet a gap emerges when
boys enter their teenage years, moving on to adulthood. Obscurity awaits them, and few
researchers appear to be interested. Childhood may transition to adulthood, but we are
told that any stage in between, a postpubertal phase, concerns “fully formed adult humans”
that come into being by age 12 or 13. Among the Maya and the Aztec of central Mexico,
youths of 14, 15, or 20 are dubbed “boys,” as though no dierent to these scholars than those
at 5, 7, or 10. Adolescence is seldom mentioned if at all.25
Reviving the Hamlets of the past, and among the ancient Maya, involves three things.
The rst is to examine adolescence itself, how it might be categorized in the past and
celebrated through word and image. The second is to entwine this time of life, however
dened, with the matter of gender. A third targets an aesthetic of beautiful young men.
Among the Maya, artists, mostly men and mostly employed by men, exulted in the
male form. They gloried in its time of youthful potential. Yet the Maya had their own
forms of impaired vision. To be royal or noble weighed more heavily than other attri-
butes. After all, Hamlet was always more important than some nameless servant or drudge
at Elsinore, the dynastic seat of his family. An inequity among the Classic Maya, almost
a moral failing of its expressive culture, was their scant attention to low-ranking people.
17/10/31 11:55
Nor did they leave unguarded glimpses of past life. It was always a conventional display:
not what happens but what people thought should happen in the highest strata of society.26
STAGING YOUTH
The rich psychological literature on adolescence is a good place to start, and the research
often focuses on stages of development.27 These imply not so much a gradient of change as
marked shifts in existence. Certain traits or mentalities are felt to characterize each phase,
recalling the “steps of life” in early European prints. Sigmund Freud posited a “latency
stage,” when youths no longer craved their mothers in churning, Oedipal lust. Instead, they
began to identify with parents or other role models of the same sex. Then came Freud’s
“genital” stage. For such youths, interest in sex with others outside the family might actu-
ally meet with success. Whether these formulations had anything to do with young men
in general—did they emanate from Freud’s own experience in imperial Austria?—is less
interesting than a wider proposal: how we act on sexual urges serves as one way to estab-
lish human identity.
Other psychologists have understood postpuberty, around 15 to 18 years of age, as
a time of crisis. A groping for stable personalities, it can go in any direction, good or bad.
It is a time of life when behaviors solidify and orderly thinking takes shape. These are
said to be the achievements of adulthood, which, of course, has its own times of ux
and crisis. Impressionable minds gain frameworks for larger obligations. From 11 to 14
years of age, links to family are said to weaken, those with peer groups to strengthen.
Puberty has begun. In middle and late adolescence, “separation struggles between teens
and parents” intensify, then abate in “a healthy sense of self-esteem,” a balance of individ-
ual versus peer demands, and a more secure sense of sexual identity. After 18, perhaps up
to 25, emerging adulthood takes place, a phase that is thought by some academics to be
a recent, just emerging stage of life. It looks a lot like Kimmel’s Guyland. There is free-
dom from parenthood, marriage, and steady careers, along with, on the bad side, drug use,
risky sex, and binging on alcohol. Youths explore their identities. Perhaps they investigate
transgenders or they settle on the gender (“cisgender”) assigned at birth. They are unsta-
ble in all senses, self-focused, hopeful of fulllment, yet falling in between, neither young
nor old. Whether these features exist only in the recent past seems dubious. Moreover, a
censorious view of this stage of life, that it is a mere way station to better states, does not
grant the sheer delight of being young. Missing from most of this research is any acknowl-
edgment of joie de vivre. Must youth always be seen as troubled?28
The worry about such statements is whether they extend beyond Western experi-
ence. Most sociologists, especially those looking at emerging adulthood, pay increasing
heed to variation. It is passé to think the past is just like today, or to believe that pat-
terns across the globe always follow similar tracks. Culture and history demand their
17/10/31 11:55
due. To oer one example, a standard account of adolescence comes from the medievalist
Philippe Ariès. He denied the existence of any modern phase of childhood or youth in the
past. There was no real period of crisis. These stages were—at least in Europe, the only
region he describes—rather late developments, dius-
ing from the upper class downward. For Ariès, the novel
Émile, or Treatise on Education by Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
which appeared in 1762, was the real “breakthrough” of
the young, the rst true expression of parental pride and
aection. Before that, he proposed, children were there
simply to live or die, and having survived, they
would be indulged by wise parents and teachers and
move gradually into the adult world. This view, that
the teenager we know today is a relatively recent crea-
ture, received ardent support from the Romanist Marc
Kleijwegt, looking at materials far earlier than Ariès had.
Others contested these points, such as Emiel Eyben in
his appropriately titled Restless Youth in Ancient Rome.
Since the work of Ariès, who was not a professional his-
torian (and clearly distasteful of coddled youth), con-
sensus has shifted to a perspective that both rejects and
accepts his postulates. It questions his interpretations
but allows that “childhood and youth are no longer con-
sidered as suprahistorical givens . . . but as phenomena
which are closely linked with cultural customs and
change in a particular society.”29
How life should be segmented remains a “supra-
figure 5 historical” concern, however. It is of interest everywhere, whether in Cole’s canvases or
Grave stela of youth, Aegina or the “steps of life” in Europe and the United States. In the Western world, the evidence goes
Salamis, c. 420 BC. Marble, 411/4 ×
back very far indeed. According to one interpretation, the frescoes of Thera, an island in
331/2 in. (105 × 85 cm). National
Museum of Athens, #715.
the Aegean Sea blasted by volcanic cataclysm over 3500 years ago, may illustrate distinct
phases in the life of young men. Murals proclaim the tasks they should master, presenting
a set of physical types for each phase. The youths are athletes, providers, and participants
in communal rituals. Gravestones from classical Athens appear to condense this array
of types, grouping them into two categories (g. 5). There are lithe gures in their teens but
also young men, stronger but not yet with beards. This set may accord with the category of
paides (boys) and epheboi (youths), who continue as young men until about 20 years of age.
That is when they become neoi at the cusp of adulthood. Romans of some centuries later also
highlight youth as a stage and a state of being. After taking the toga at 15 or so, a teenager
would nd, as Horace asserts, “delight in horses, dogs, and the grass of the sun-drenched
17/10/31 11:55
Campus Martius.” Then the usual lament, evocative of so many times and places: “he [the
young man] is soft as wax to be seduced into vice, he is troublesome towards his educators.”
In general, the Romans seem disapproving of youths, both because of their own beliefs and
because of Aristotle’s inuence, which saw them as less self-serving than adults but still
“hot-tempered.” Notably, the concept of problematic youth for the Romans was mostly an
elite phenomenon, the behavioral luxury of a leisured class. The Byzantines, drawing on
Roman precedent, recognized an extended period of preparation, too, from about 14 years
of age. Boys had matured but were not yet ready for adult responsibility.30
In medieval Europe, lust was thought to control the teenage years. The devil became
especially active. Festive rites were organized by younger unmarried males, clustered
into “abbeys” exercising jurisdiction over people of the same age. Their revels gave scope
for “mockery and derision,” rites of inversion that helped, in fact, to ratify local order. The
abbeys claried the duties of youths in married life, defended village identity, and exco-
riated outside oppressors. But there could be, as court cases indicate, the occasional riot
or murder. A similar ambivalence seeps into sources of early Renaissance Italy. Puberty,
the time of adolescencia, was thought to happen at about 14. What a perilous phase it was.
Youths needed to be regulated with severity and kept from contact with slightly older
males of 19 to 20. In contrast, girls were married o as quickly as possible. That way they
could begin to bear legitimate children. Male adulthood, at least for patrician youth, had
more to do with ability to function in government and business. In Renaissance Florence,
separation was an opportunity to remove or insulate young men from the “baleful
inuences of women.” Instruction in decorous speech, even movement and gesture, occu-
pied the time of teachers.31 They made “harmonious the step, the act of the body, the move-
ment of the head, of the feet, of the hands.” Some men might remain bachelors, but at least
they had been “weaned away from rambunctious youth into conformist adulthood.”32
In the early years of the United States, “youth” could simply refer to people living
away from home, enjoying varying degrees of dependence, between the ages of 12 and 23.
Oppression and freedom characterized that state, but, as in contemporary Europe, a con-
ventional representation of an age—steps organized into ten-year spans—diered sharply
from actual lives. More than other times of life, teenage years involved spiritual peril. Too
much jollity and camaraderie in Puritan New England could be viewed with suspicion,
even as corrupting. Mature men needed to control such recklessness. Social clubs of the
eighteenth century moderated that earlier Puritan severity, but still with an emphasis on
mutual watchfulness. For teenage slaves that control was absolute: if productive, they were
often sold to those moving west to new settlements (the girls being sold in turn as “fancies”
or mistresses). The most vibrant accounts, from the turn of the nineteenth century, invoked
such youths to embody “[the age’s] own uneasiness with its heritage, its crisis of identity, and
its groping for a new one.”33 Adolescents became a receptacle for all contradictory impulses,
as in The Adolescent (1875) by Fyodor Dostoyevsky. Knowing everything, knowing nothing,
they seemed sure of direction yet consistently went awry.
17/10/31 11:55
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
In addition, we recommend a fifth subcommission, to be known
as the subcommission on statistics, in the membership of which
there shall be one representative of each of the above
subcommissions. …
"The committee also suggests that there are certain subjects

of inquiry which appertain equally to all the groups into
which it has recommended that the Commission be segregated.
The subjects of immigration, of education, of combinations and
trusts, and of taxation at once suggest themselves as
belonging in this category. It is therefore recommended that
these subjects, one or more of them, be examined into by the
full Commission pending the organization of the several
subcommissions."
The subject to which the Commission gave earliest attention

was that of "Trusts and Industrial Combinations," on which it
submitted a preliminary report on the 1st of March, 1900.
See (in this volume)

TRUSTS.
{600}
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).

Act providing for the arbitration of disputes between
employers and employees in inter-state commerce.
The following are the main sections of a very important Act of

Congress, approved June 1, 1898, which provides for the
arbitration of disputes between railway and other employees
engaged in interstate commerce and the companies or
individuals employing them:
"That the provisions of this Act shall apply to any common

carrier or carriers and their officers, agents, and employees,
except masters of vessels and seamen, … engaged in the
transportation of passengers or property wholly by railroad,
or partly by railroad and partly by water, for a continuous
carriage or shipment, from one State or Territory of the
United States or the District of Columbia, to any other State
or Territory of the United States, or the District of
Columbia, or from any place in the United States to an
adjacent foreign country, or from any place in the United
States through a foreign country to any other place in the
United States. …
"Section 2. That whenever a controversy concerning wages,

hours of labor, or conditions of employment shall arise
between a carrier subject to this Act and the employees of
such carrier, seriously interrupting or threatening to
interrupt the business of said carrier, the chairman of the
Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor
shall, upon the request of either party to the controversy,
with all practicable expedition, put themselves in
communication with the parties to such controversy, and shall
use their best efforts, by mediation and conciliation, to
amicably settle the same; and if such efforts shall be
unsuccessful, shall at once endeavor to bring about an
arbitration of said controversy in accordance with the
provisions of this Act.
"Section 3. That whenever a controversy shall arise between a

carrier subject to this Act and the employees of such carrier
which can not be settled by mediation and conciliation in the
manner provided in the preceding section, said controversy may
be submitted to the arbitration of a board of three persons,
who shall be chosen in the manner following: One shall be
named by the carrier or employer directly interested; the
other shall be named by the labor organization to which the
employees directly interested belong, or, if they belong to
more than one, by that one of them which specially represents
employees of the same grade and class and engaged in services
of the same nature as said employees so directly interested:
Provided, however, That when a controversy involves and
affects the interests of two or more classes and grades of
employees belonging to different labor organizations, such
arbitrator shall be agreed upon and designated by the
concurrent action of all such labor organizations; and in
cases where the majority of such employees are not members of
any labor organization, said employees may by a majority vote
select a committee of their own number, which committee shall
have the right to select the arbitrator on behalf of said
employees. The two thus chosen shall select the third
commissioner of arbitration; but, in the event of their
failure to name such arbitrator within five days after their
first meeting, the third arbitrator shall be named by the
commissioners named in the preceding section. A majority of
said arbitrators shall be competent to make a valid and
binding award under the provisions hereof. The submission
shall be in writing, shall be signed by the employer and by
the labor organization representing the employees, shall
specify the time and place of meeting of said board of
arbitration, shall state the questions to be decided, and
shall contain appropriate provisions by which the respective
parties shall stipulate, as follows:
"First. That the board of arbitration shall commence their

hearings within ten days from the date of the appointment of
the third arbitrator, and shall find and file their award, as
provided in this section, within thirty days from the date of
the appointment of the third arbitrator; and that pending the
arbitration the status existing immediately prior to the
dispute shall not be changed: Provided, That no employee shall
be compelled to render personal service without his consent.
"Second. That the award and the papers and proceedings,

including the testimony relating thereto certified under the
hands of the arbitrators and which shall have the force and
effect of a bill of exceptions, shall be filed in the clerk's
office of the circuit court of the United States for the
district wherein the controversy arises or the arbitration is
entered into, and shall be final and conclusive upon both
parties, unless set aside for error of law apparent on the
record.
"Third. That the respective parties to the award will each

faithfully execute the same, and that the same may be
specifically enforced in equity so far as the powers of a
court of equity permit: Provided, That no injunction or other
legal process shall be issued which shall compel the
performance by any laborer against his will of a contract for
personal labor or service.
"Fourth. That employees dissatisfied with the award shall not

by reason of such dissatisfaction quit the service of the
employer before the expiration of three months from and after
the making of such award without giving thirty days' notice in
writing of their intention so to quit. Nor shall the employer
dissatisfied with such award dismiss any employee or employees
on account of such dissatisfaction before the expiration of three
months from and after the making of such award without giving
thirty days' notice in writing of his intention so to
discharge.
"Fifth. That said award shall continue in force as between the

parties thereto for the period of one year after the same
shall go into practical operation, and no new arbitration upon
the same subject between the same employer and the same class
of employees shall be had until the expiration of said one
year if the award is not set aside as provided in section
four. That as to individual employees not belonging to the
labor organization or organizations which shall enter into the
arbitration, the said arbitration and the award made therein
shall not be binding, unless the said individual employees
shall give assent in writing to become parties to said
arbitration. …
"Section 7. That during the pendency of arbitration under this
Act it shall not be lawful for the employer, party to such
arbitration, to discharge the employees, parties thereto,
except for inefficiency, violation of law, or neglect of duty;
nor for the organization representing such employees to order,
nor for the employees to unite in, aid, or abet, strikes
against said employer; nor, during a period of three months
after an award under such an arbitration, for such an employer
to discharge any such employees, except for the causes
aforesaid, without giving thirty days' written notice of an
intent so to discharge; nor for any of such employees, during
a like period, to quit the service of said employer without
just cause, without giving to said employer thirty days'
written notice of an intent so to do; nor for such
organization representing such employees to order, counsel, or
advise otherwise.
{601}
Any violation of this section shall subject the offending
party to liability for damages; Provided, that nothing herein
contained shall be construed to prevent any employer, party to
such arbitration, from reducing the number of its or his
employees whenever in its or his judgment business necessities
require such reduction. …
"Section 10. That any employer subject to the provisions of

this Act and any officer, agent, or receiver of such employer
who shall require any employee, or any person seeking
employment, as a condition of such employment, to enter into
an agreement, either written or verbal, not to become or
remain a member of any labor corporation, association, or
organization; or shall threaten any employee with loss of
employment, or shall unjustly discriminate against any
employee because of his membership in such a labor
corporation, association, or organization; or who shall
require any employee or any person seeking employment, as a
condition of such employment, to enter into a contract whereby
such employee or applicant for employment shall agree to
contribute to any fund for charitable, social or beneficial
purposes; to release such employer from legal liability for
any personal injury by reason of any benefit received from
such fund beyond the proportion of the benefit arising from
the employer's contribution to such fund; or who shall, after
having discharged an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent
such employee from obtaining employment, or who shall, after
the quitting of an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent
such employee from obtaining employment, is hereby declared to
be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof in
any court of the United States of competent jurisdiction in
the district in which such offense was committed, shall be
punished for each offense by a fine of not less than one
hundred dollars and not more than one thousand dollars."
United States Statutes at Large,

volume 30, page 424.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).

The War with Spain.
Seizure of the island of Guam.
The following order, dated May 10, 1898, was addressed by the
Secretary of the Navy to the Commander of the U. S. S.
'Charleston':
"Upon the receipt of this order, which is forwarded by the

steamship 'City of Pekin' to you at Honolulu, you will proceed
with the 'Charleston' and 'City of Pekin' in company, to
Manila, Philippine Islands. On your way, you are hereby
directed to stop at the Spanish Island of Guam. You will use
such force as may be necessary to capture the port of Guam,
making prisoners of the governor and other officials and any
armed force that may be there. You will also destroy any
fortifications on said island and any Spanish naval vessels
that may be there, or in the immediate vicinity. These
operations at the Island of Guam should be very brief, and
should not occupy more than one or two days. Should you find
any coal at the Island of Guam, you will make such use of it
as you consider desirable. It is left to your discretion
whether or not you destroy it. From the Island of Guam,
proceed to Manila and report to Rear-Admiral George Dewey, U.
S. N., for duty in the squadron under his command."
In a despatch dated June 24, Captain Glass, of the

"Charleston," reported the execution of these orders as
follows: "I have the honor to report that in obedience to the
Department's telegraphic order of May 24, 1898, this ship
sailed from Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, on the 4th instant for
Manila with the transports 'City of Pekin,' 'Australia,' and
'City of Sydney' under convoy. When clear of land, I opened
the confidential order of May 10, 1898, and changed course for
the Island of Guam, next day informing Commander Gibson, in
charge of transports, and Brigadier-General Anderson,
commanding expeditionary force, of the change in my orders and
that the transports would accompany the 'Charleston.' Arriving
off the north end of the island at daylight, June 20, I first
visited the port of Agana, the capital of Guam, and of the
Mariana group, and finding no vessels there of any kind,
proceeded to San Luis D'Apra, where it was expected that a
Spanish gunboat and a military force would be found, a rumor
to that effect having reached me while at Honolulu. Arriving
off the port at 8.30 a. m., it was found that Fort Santiago,
on Oroté Point, was abandoned and in ruins, and I steamed
directly into the harbor, having ordered the transports to
take a safe position outside and await instructions. A few
shots were fired from the secondary battery at Fort Santa Cruz
to get the range and ascertain if it was occupied. Getting no
response, ceased firing and came to anchor in a position to
control the harbor, and it was then found that this fort also
was abandoned. The only vessel in port was a small Japanese
trading vessel from Yokohama. An officer had just shoved off
from the ship to board the Japanese vessel, and obtain
information as to the condition of affairs on shore, when a
boat was seen approaching the ship, through the reefs at the
head of the harbor, flying the Spanish flag and bringing two
officers, the captain of the port, a lieutenant-commander in
the Spanish navy, and the health officer, a surgeon of the
Spanish army. These officers came on board, and, in answer to
my questions, told me they did not know that war had been
declared between the United States and Spain, their last news
having been from Manila, under date of April 14. I informed
them that war existed and that they must consider themselves
as prisoners. As they stated that no resistance could be made
by the force on the island, I released them on parole for the
day, to proceed to Agana and inform the governor that I
desired him to come on board ship at once, they assuring me
that he would do so as soon as he could reach the port. While
awaiting the return of these officers, an examination was made
of the harbor, the only dangers to navigation were buoyed, and
the transports came in during the afternoon.
"At 5 p. m. the governor's secretary, a captain in the Spanish

army, came on board, bringing me a letter from the governor,
in which he stated that he was not allowed by law to go on
board a foreign vessel and requested me to meet him on shore
for a conference. This letter is appended, marked A. As it was
then too late to land a party, from the state of the tide on
the reef between the ship and the landing place, I directed
the secretary to return and say to the governor that I would
send an officer ashore with a communication for him early next
day.
{602}
… At 8.30 a. m. on June 21 Lieutenant William Braunersreuther
was sent ashore, under flag of truce, with a written demand
for the immediate surrender of the defenses of the Island of
Guam and all officials and persons in the military service of
Spain. Mr. Braunersreuther was directed to wait half an hour
only for a reply, to bring the governor and other officials on
board as prisoners of war in case of surrender, or in case of
refusal or delay beyond the time given, to return and take
command of the landing force, which he would find in
readiness, and proceed to Agaña. At 12.15 p. m. Mr.
Braunersreuther returned to the ship, bringing off the
governor and three other officers, his staff, and handed me a
letter from the governor acceding fully to my demand. Having
received the surrender of the Island of Guam, I took formal
possession at 2.45 p. m., hoisting the American flag on Fort
Santa Cruz and saluting it with 21 guns from the 'Charleston.'
From a personal examination of Fort Santa Cruz, I decided that
it was entirely useless as a defensive work, with no guns and
in a partly ruinous condition, and that it was not necessary
to expend any mines in blowing it up. The forts at Agaña, San
Luis D'Apra, and Umata are of no value and no guns remain in
the island except four small cast-iron guns of obsolete
pattern at Agaña, formerly used for saluting, but now
condemned as unsafe even for that purpose. No Spanish vessel
of war has visited Guam during the last eighteen months. No
coal was found on the island."
Annual Reports of the Navy Department, 1898,

volume 2, pages 151-3.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).

War with Spain.
Expedition of the army under General Shafter
against Santiago de Cuba.
Battles of El Caney and San Juan Hill.
To co-operate with the navy in operations for the capture of

Santiago de Cuba, and of the Spanish fleet blockaded in the
harbor of that town, orders were issued from Washington on the
31st of May, by Major-General Miles, Commanding the Army,
"with the approval of the Secretary of War," which directed
General Shafter, commanding the forces assembled at Tampa,
Florida, to place them on transports and proceed with them,
under convoy of the navy, to Santiago. Owing to an extreme
lack of both railway and harbor facilities at Tampa, an entire
week was consumed in the embarkation of the troops and
supplies. When on shipboard, the expedition was delayed
another week by false reports of the appearance of Spanish
cruisers on the Cuban coast, which seemed to the Washington
authorities to call for a stronger naval convoy to guard the
transport fleet. It was not until the 14th of June that the
fleet was permitted to sail, with 16,000 men. It arrived off
Guantanamo, near Santiago, on the morning of the 20th.
Meantime, the blockading fleet had bombarded the forts at

Santiago twice, on the 6th and on the 16th, and had silenced
them, for the time being, on both occasions, but apparently
with no permanent effect. With more success, two vessels from
the fleet had entered the harbor of Guantanamo on the 7th and
taken possession of the lower bay, where a marine battalion
was landed on the 10th and established in camp, to hold ground
until the army arrived. Meantime, also, communication with
General Garcia, commanding Cuban forces, had been opened, and
arrangements made, the results of which were subsequently
acknowledged by General Miles, in his annual report, as
follows:
"General Garcia regarded my requests as his orders, and

promptly took steps to execute the plan of operations. He sent
3,000 men to check any movement of the 12,000 Spaniards
stationed at Holguín. A portion of this latter force started
to the relief of the garrison at Santiago, but was
successfully checked and turned back by the Cuban forces under
General Feria. General Garcia also sent 2,000 men, under
Perez, to oppose the 6,000 Spaniards at Guantánamo, and they
were successful in their object. He also sent 1,000 men, under
General Ríos, against the 6,000 men at Manzanillo. Of this
garrison, 3,500 started to reenforce the garrison at Santiago,
and were engaged in no less than thirty combats with the
Cubans on their way before reaching Santiago. … With an
additional force of 5,000 men General Garcia besieged the
garrison of Santiago, taking up a strong position on the west
side and in close proximity to the harbor, and he afterwards
received General Shafter and Admiral Sampson at his camp near
that place. He had troops in the rear, as well as on both
sides of the garrison at Santiago before the arrival of our
troops."
Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 16.
The troops from Tampa, under General Shafter, arriving on the

20th, were disembarked on the 22d, 23d and 24th, at Daiquiri,
and advanced to Siboney. The first resistance encountered was
at La Guasima, three miles from Siboney, on the Santiago road,
where the Spaniards were driven from strong entrenchments by a
part of Young's brigade of General Wheeler's cavalry division
(dismounted). The brigade thus first in the fighting was
composed of the 1st and 10th regiments of regular cavalry and
the 1st United States Volunteer cavalry, commonly called the
"Rough Riders." After the engagement at La Guasima, six days
were occupied in concentrating the army (including the Cuban
auxiliaries of General Garcia), mostly at Sevilla, a short
distance beyond La Guasima, on the same road, and in
overcoming great difficulties of transportation for supplies.
On June 30, General Shafter reconnoitered the country around

Santiago and made his plan of attack. "From a high hill," says
his subsequent report, "from which the city was in plain view,
I could see the San Juan Hill and the country about El Caney. The
roads were very poor, and, indeed, little better than
bridlepaths, until the San Juan River and El Caney were
reached. The position of El Caney, to the northeast of
Santiago, was of great importance to the enemy as holding the
Guantanamo road, as well as furnishing shelter for a strong
outpost that might be used to assail the right flank and rear
of any force operating against San Juan Hill. In view of this
I decided to begin the attack next day at El Caney with one
division, while sending two divisions on the direct road to
Santiago, passing by El Poso House, and, as a diversion, to
direct a small force against Aguadores from Siboney along the
railroad by the sea, with a view of attracting the attention
of the Spaniards in the latter direction and of preventing
them from attacking our left flank.
"During the afternoon I assembled the division commanders and

explained to them my general plan of battle. Lawton's division
[composed of Chaffee's, Miles' and Ludlow's brigades],
assisted by Capron's light battery, was ordered to move out
during the afternoon toward El Caney, to begin the attack
there early the next morning.
{603}
Map Illustrating the Santiago Campaign…
{604}
After carrying El Caney, Lawton was to move by the Caney road

toward Santiago and take position on the right of the line.
Wheeler's division of dismounted cavalry [embracing Sumner's
brigade—3d, 6th and 9th regular cavalry, and Young's brigade
mentioned above] and Kent's division of infantry [Wikoft's,
Hawkins's and Pearson's brigades] were directed on the
Santiago road, the head of the column resting near El Poso,
toward which heights Grimes's battery moved on the afternoon
of the 30th, with orders to take position thereon early the
next morning and at the proper time prepare the way for the
advance of Wheeler and Kent on San Juan Hill. The attack at
this point was to be delayed until Lawton's guns were heard
at El Caney and his infantry fire showed he had become well
engaged.
"The remainder of the afternoon and night was devoted to

cutting out and repairing the roads and to other necessary
preparations for battle. These preparations were far from what
I desired them to be; but we were in a sickly climate; our
supplies had to be brought forward by a narrow wagon road,
which the rains might at any time render impassable; fear was
entertained that a storm might drive the vessels containing
our stores to sea, thus separating us from our base of
supplies; and lastly, it was reported that General Pando, with
8,000 reenforcements for the enemy, was en route from
Manzanillo and might be expected in a few days. Under those
conditions I determined to give battle without delay.
"Early on the morning of July 1, Lawton was in position around

El Caney, Chaffee's brigade [7th, 12th, and 13th U. S.
Infantry] on the right, across the Guantanamo road; Miles's
brigade [1st, 4th, and 25th U. S. Infantry] in the center, and
Ludlow's [8th and 22d U. S. Infantry and 2d Microcassettes
Volunteers] on the left. The duty of cutting off the enemy's
retreat along the Santiago road was assigned to the latter
brigade. The artillery opened on the town at 6.15 A. M. The
battle here soon became general and was hotly contested. The
enemy's position was naturally strong and was rendered more so
by blockhouses, a stone fort, and entrenchments cut in solid
rock, and the loopholing of a solidly built stone church. The
opposition offered by the enemy was greater than had been
anticipated, and prevented Lawton from joining the right of
the main line during the day, as had been intended.
"After the battle had continued for some time Bates's brigade
of two regiments (3d and 20th United States Infantry] reached
my headquarters from Siboney. I directed him to move near El
Caney, to give assistance, if necessary. He did so and was put
in position between Miles and Chaffee. The battle continued
with varying intensity during most of the day and until the
place was carried by assault, about 4.30 p. m. As the
Spaniards endeavored to retreat along the Santiago road,
Ludlow's position enabled him to do very effective work and to
practically cut off all retreat in that direction.
"After the battle at El Caney was well opened and the sound of
the small-arms fire caused us to believe that Lawton was
driving the enemy before him, I directed Grimes's battery to
open fire from the heights of El Poso on the San Juan'
blockhouse, which could be seen situated in the enemy's
entrenchments extending along the crest of San Juan Hill. This
fire was effective and the enemy could be seen running away
from the vicinity of the blockhouse. The artillery fire from
El Poso was soon returned by the enemy's artillery. They
evidently had the range of this hill, and their first shells
killed and wounded several men. As the Spaniards used
smokeless powder it was very difficult to locate the positions
of their pieces, while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our
black powder plainly indicated the position of our battery.
"At this time the cavalry division [of General Wheeler] under
General Sumner (commanding temporarily in consequence of the
illness of General Wheeler, who returned to duty that day],
which was lying concealed in the general vicinity of the El
Poso House, was ordered forward, with directions to cross the
San Juan River and deploy to the right on the Santiago side,
while Kent's division was to follow closely in its rear and
deploy to the left. These troops moved forward in compliance
with orders, but the road was so narrow as to render it
impracticable to retain the column of fours formation at all
points, while the undergrowth on either side was so dense as
to preclude the possibility of deploying skirmishers. It
naturally resulted that the progress made was slow, and the
long range rifles of the enemy's infantry killed and wounded a
number of our men while marching along this road and before
there was any opportunity to return this fire. At this time
Generals Kent and Sumner were ordered to push forward with all
possible haste and place their troops in position to engage the
enemy. General Kent, with this end in view, forced the head of
his column alongside of the cavalry column as far as the
narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the
San Juan and the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred
yards before reaching the San Juan the road forks, a fact that
was discovered by Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, of my staff, who
had approached well to the front in a war balloon. This
information he furnished to the troops, resulting in Sumner
moving on the right-hand road, while Kent was enabled to
utilize the road to the left. … After crossing the stream, the
cavalry moved to the right with a view of connecting with
Lawton's left when he should come up, and with their left
resting near the Santiago road. In the meanwhile Kent's
division, with the exception of two regiments of Hawkins's
brigade, being thus uncovered, moved rapidly to the front from
the forks previously mentioned in the road, utilizing both
trails, but more especially the one to the left, and crossing
the creek formed for attack in the front of San Juan Hill."
"The particulars of this gallant attack, which won the hill

and decided the fate of Santiago, are given with more
clearness in the report of General Kent, who commanded the
division which had most of the fighting to do, than in that of
General Shafter. Wikoff's 'heroic brigade,' writes General
Kent, 'consisting of the 13th, 9th, and 24th United States
Infantry, speedily crossed the stream and were quickly
deployed to the left of the lower ford.
{605}
While personally superintending this movement Colonel Wikoff
was killed, the command of the brigade then devolving upon
Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, 13th Infantry, who immediately fell
severely wounded, and then upon Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum,
24th Infantry, who, five minutes later, also fell under the
withering fire of the enemy. The command of the brigade then
devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel E. P. Ewers, 9th Infantry.
Meanwhile I had again sent a staff officer to hurry forward
the second brigade [Pearson's] which was bringing up the rear.
The 10th and 2d Infantry, soon arriving at the forks, were
deflected to the left to follow the Third Brigade [Wikoff's],
while the 21st was directed along the main road to support
Hawkins [whose brigade was composed of the 6th and 16th U. S.
Infantry and the 71st New York Volunteers].
"Crossing the lower ford a few minutes later, the 10th and 2d
moved forward in column in good order toward the green knoll …
on the left. Approaching the knoll the regiments deployed,
passed over the knoll, and ascended the high ridge beyond,
driving back the enemy in the direction of his trenches. I
observed this movement from the Fort San Juan Hill. … Prior to
this advance of the second brigade, the third, connecting with
Hawkins's gallant troops on the right, had moved toward Fort
San Juan, sweeping through a zone of most destructive fire,
scaling a steep and difficult hill, and assisting in capturing
the enemy's strong position (Fort San Juan) at 1.30 p. m. This
crest was about 125 feet above the general level and was
defended by deep trenches and a loopholed brick fort
surrounded by barbed-wire entanglements. General Hawkins, some
time after I reached the crest, reported that the 6th and 16th
Infantry had captured the hill, which I now consider
incorrect. Credit is almost equally due the 6th, 9th, 13th,
16th, and 24th regiments of infantry. … The Thirteenth
Infantry captured the enemy's colors waving over the fort, but
unfortunately destroyed them. …
"The greatest credit is due to the officers of my command,

whether company, battalion, regimental, or brigade commanders,
who so admirably directed the formation of their troops,
unavoidably intermixed in the dense thicket, and made the
desperate rush for the distant and strongly defended crest, I
have already mentioned the circumstances of my third brigade's
advance across the ford, where, in the brief space of ten
minutes, it lost its brave commander (killed) and the next two
ranking officers by disabling wounds; yet in spite of these
confusing conditions the formations were effected without
hesitation, although under a stinging fire, companies acting
singly in some instances and by battalions and regiments in
others, rushing through the jungle, across the stream, waist
deep, and over the wide bottom thickly set with barbed-wire
entanglements. …
"The enemy having retired to a second line of rifle pits, I

directed my line to hold their positions and intrench. At ten
minutes past 3 p. m. I received almost simultaneously two
requests—one from Colonel Wood, commanding a cavalry brigade,
and one from General Sumner—asking for assistance for the
cavalry on my right, 'as they were hard pressed.' I
immediately sent to their aid the 13th Infantry, who promptly
went on this further mission, despite the heavy losses they
had already sustained. Great credit is due to the gallant
officer and gentleman, Brigadier General H. S. Hawkins, who,
placing himself between the two regiments, leading his
brigade, the 6th and 16th Infantry, urged and led them by
voice and bugle calls to the attack so successfully
accomplished."

The part borne by the dismounted cavalry division in the

capture of the Spanish intrenchments on San Juan Hill is
described as follows in the report of General Sumner,
temporarily in command:
"After crossing the creek with sufficient strength to hold it

and protect the crossing, I received verbal orders to move by
the right flank to connect with Lawton's left. During the
execution of this movement a balloon, under command of Colonel
Derby, came up the road, forcing open Wood's Brigade and
cutting it in two, thereby delaying the movement. The
artillery fire of the enemy opened upon the balloon and
continued for more than an hour, thereby subjecting part of my
command massed and the rest moving by the flank to long
shrapnel fire. Many officers and men were wounded here by
exploding shells and small arms' firing of the enemy. After
completing the deployment the command was so much committed to
battle that it became necessary either to advance or else
retreat under fire.
"Lieutenant Miley, representing General Shafter, authorized an

advance, which was ordered, Carroll's brigade taking the
advance, reinforced on the right by Roosevelt's regiment and
supported by the 1st and 10th Cavalry of Wood's Brigade. The
advance was made under heavy infantry fire through open flat
ground, cut up by wire fences, to the creek, dIstant about 600
yards. The advance was made in good order, the enemy's fire
being returned only under favorable opportunities. In crossing
the flat one officer (Captain O'Neil) and several men were
killed and several officers and men wounded. Both sides of the
creek are heavily wooded for about 200 yards. The creek was
swollen, and the crossing through this space and the creek was
made with great difficulty. After passing through the thick
woods the ground was entirely open and fenced by wire. From
this line it was necessary to storm the hill, upon the top of
which is a house loopholed, etc., for defense. The slope of
the hill is very difficult, but the assault was made with
great gallantry and with much loss to the enemy. In this
assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants Smith and Shipp were
killed; Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants Thayer and Myer were
wounded. A number of casualties occurred among the enlisted
men. After taking this hill the front line advanced to take
the Fort San Juan Hill under fire from strong force of the
enemy in trenches and house known as 'Blockhouse.' … The
assault was successful, the line storming the trenches and
blockhouse with conspicuous gallantry and coolness, capturing
three prisoners, wounding and killing many of the enemy. …
Connected with my left, Hawkins's brigade of Kent's division
carried everything in front of it and captured the house and
hill known as 'Fort San Juan' proper."

volume 1, part 2. page 370.
{606}
Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, who commanded the Rough Riders

regiment that day, while Colonel Wood commanded the brigade,
tells the story of the fight, and what followed, very tersely,
in his report: "After crossing the river at the ford," says
the Lieutenant-Colonel, "we were moved along and up its light
bank under fire, and were held in reserve at a sunken road.
Here we lost a good many men, including Captain O'Neil,
killed, and Lieutenant Haskell, wounded. We then received your
order to advance and support the regular cavalry in the attack

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"The committee also suggests that there are certain subjects

The subject to which the Commission gave earliest attention

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).

The following are the main sections of a very important Act of

"That the provisions of this Act shall apply to any common

"Section 2. That whenever a controversy concerning wages,

"Section 3. That whenever a controversy shall arise between a

"First. That the board of arbitration shall commence their

"Second. That the award and the papers and proceedings,

"Third. That the respective parties to the award will each

"Fourth. That employees dissatisfied with the award shall not

"Fifth. That said award shall continue in force as between the

"Section 10. That any employer subject to the provisions of

United States Statutes at Large,

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).

"Upon the receipt of this order, which is forwarded by the

In a despatch dated June 24, Captain Glass, of the

"At 5 p. m. the governor's secretary, a captain in the Spanish

Annual Reports of the Navy Department, 1898,

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).

To co-operate with the navy in operations for the capture of

Meantime, the blockading fleet had bombarded the forts at

"General Garcia regarded my requests as his orders, and

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

The troops from Tampa, under General Shafter, arriving on the

On June 30, General Shafter reconnoitered the country around

"During the afternoon I assembled the division commanders and

After carrying El Caney, Lawton was to move by the Caney road

"The remainder of the afternoon and night was devoted to

"Early on the morning of July 1, Lawton was in position around

"The particulars of this gallant attack, which won the hill

"The greatest credit is due to the officers of my command,

"The enemy having retired to a second line of rifle pits, I

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

The part borne by the dismounted cavalry division in the