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Full Chapter Science Research Writing For Native and Non Native Speakers of English Second Edition Hilary Glasman Deal PDF
Full Chapter Science Research Writing For Native and Non Native Speakers of English Second Edition Hilary Glasman Deal PDF
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Acknowledgements
v v
vii v
result, titles have become more important, and parts of the research article,
particularly the Abstract or Summary, are developing in ways that enable
them to be read as independent, standalone documents.
w viii
The first change reflects the fact that science communication platforms are
in transition. In the First Edition, research articles in high-impact journals
across a wide range of disciplines were analysed to generate what was then
a set of fairly stable writing models for each section of the research article.
Those writing models have been significantly updated in this Second Edition
to reflect current patterns and trends in research writing, but they can
no longer be seen as stable representations. Researchers now need to
develop the ability to update their writing models alongside the next
round of changes and developments in science communication. Given the
fast-moving nature of the changes outlined above, the Second Edition aims
to develop writing strategies that are future-proof and which represent a
lifelong tool, irrespective of upcoming changes and developments in science
communication.
The Second Edition develops these strategies by encouraging writers
to use a reverse-engineering approach to writing. Most reading involves
passively approaching a text as a source of information. By contrast, reverse
engineering a text requires an active reading strategy that involves learning
to step back from the information itself and become aware of how that
information is delivered. Once developed, reverse engineering can be used
by STEMM research writers as a starting point to generate all text types in
ix v
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mona_Lisa
w x
does not guarantee a successful text, and that the reverse is also true: a text
may be well-written and therefore communicate successfully and accurately
despite some language errors. I have therefore shifted the focus of the book
to language and writing issues that are common to both native and non-native
STEMM researchers, and particularly to those issues which have an impact
on meaning and readability.
Since the First Edition was published in 2009, Science Research Writing
has been translated into Chinese, Japanese and Korean, and is used around
the world at universities and research institutes, by instructors teaching
English for Academic Purposes (EAP) and English for Specific Academic
Purposes (ESAP) to STEMM researchers and students, as well as by STEMM
researchers who are native speakers of English. These users of the book have
contributed to many of the changes in the Second Edition, including the
addition of a Checklist and Tips chapter that summarises the writing issues
dealt with in other Units.
xi v
Introduction
Writing for a reader: wrapping information in a narrative
xiii v
IDENTIFYING GENRE
AND READERSHIP CHOOSING THE NUMBER,
DIVIDING INTO ORDER AND POSITION
SUBSECTIONS OF GRAPHICS
Introduction
you begin planning your text, reverse engineer a current example of the
relevant genre as a model.
Who might read this? Where do I pitch the information level of my text?
What can I assume that all potential readers know? How quickly can I move
into scientific detail? Is the readership of this text likely to become more
interdisciplinary in the future?
DIVIDING INTO SUBSECTIONS Are there standard subsections for this type
of text in this field? How many subsections are normal in my target articles?
What is the average length of these subsections? Does my work fit neatly
and logically into these subsections? If not, is the way I have divided my text
into subsections more appropriate?
CHOOSING THE NUMBER, ORDER AND POSITION OF GRAPHICS (i.e. figures,
tables, images) Do I have a good reason for including each graphic? What is
the most logical order of my graphics? Where is each one most useful to the
reader? Position each graphic within the surrounding text so that it doesn’t
interrupt the narrative flow of the text but rather comes at a natural point within
the narrative, i.e. exactly when the reader becomes aware of wanting to see it.
PLANNING THE FUNCTION AND ORDER OF PARAGRAPHS Do all my paragraphs
have an identifiable function? Is that function clear to the reader? Is the order
of paragraphs logical?
PLANNING THE FUNCTION AND ORDER OF SENTENCES WITHIN PARAGRAPHS
Do all my sentences have an identifiable function? Is that function clear to
the reader, or will they wonder why I have included it here? Does each
sentence fit with the overall function of the paragraph? Does each sentence
follow logically from the next?
w xvi
Introduction
To answer questions of this type, users of this book are shown how to develop
a reverse-engineering approach. They are guided towards deconstructing
successful current research writing in their own field to create models for
their own writing. I have used this reverse-engineering approach at Imperial
College London and other universities around the world, analysing thousands
of recently-published research articles in a range of STEMM disciplines to
construct and validate the basic models, the grammar, and the language lists
in the book. The Centre for Academic English at Imperial College London uses
the approach to teach STEMM writing to early-stage researchers, as well as
training more experienced research writers to develop and apply it. A key
advantage of the reverse-engineering approach is that it responds well to
the fast-changing nature of research writing: once the strategy becomes
familiar, writers can adjust and update their models alongside the next round
of changes in science writing and publication platforms.
The aim of this book is to provide a quick, do-it-yourself guide for writing
science research for publication. The reverse-engineering approach can be
understood quickly, used independently, and tailored to the needs of all
STEMM research disciplines and all STEMM texts, including grant proposals,
conference abstracts and industry reports. The approach is descriptive rather
than prescriptive. Instead of offering advice or telling writers what to do and
what not to do, the aim is to begin by generating a highly accurate description
of the type of writing each individual writer wants to produce. Accurate
descriptions alone, however, do not generate written text — describing
something is not the same as being able to do it, so in addition to a description
of what to do, the key contribution of this approach is that it then helps the
writer to discover how to do it, and to apply that knowledge.
xvii v
The last step in the process: Continually reinforce, adjust and develop
1–3 above via reading in the field is essential. Science research writing
is not a static genre; it is in transition, and successful writers need to be
willing and able to upgrade as the genre develops. The key to success is
to refer to a set of target research articles (or review articles, conference
abstracts etc.), update that set constantly and update the models
accordingly.
The models, grammar/language and vocabulary presented in each
chapter are the result of analysing over 2,500 recently-published research
articles in a range of STEMM disciplines in order to generate a toolkit that is
reliable and has high face validity.
Key messages:
· THE CONTENT OF SCIENCE RESEARCH SHOULD BE ACCESSIBLE TO ALL
READERS.
· THE READER NEEDS TO BE SHOWN THE FUNCTION OF DATA OR
INFORMATION, NOT JUST PRESENTED WITH IT.
· THE AIM IS NOT SIMPLY TO MAKE IT POSSIBLE FOR THE READER TO
UNDERSTAND; THE AIM IS TO MAKE IT IMPOSSIBLE FOR THE READER
NOT TO UNDERSTAND.
· EVIDENCE-BASED GUIDANCE CAN BE OBTAINED BY STUDYING THE
STRUCTURE AND LANGUAGE OF SUCCESSFULLY-PUBLISHED PAPERS.
w xviii
Introduction
Why not simply use proof-readers, or (in the case of non-native researchers)
translation software?
Turning to proof-readers or translators for help resolves some language
errors, but may not resolve writing issues. They may not notice some errors,
because a sentence which is grammatically correct will still be wrong if it
does not mean what the writer intended. The wrong verb tense, for
example, may make a finding (X occurred) look like a known and accepted
truth (X occurs). In addition, a proof-reader or translator may not check
whether your writing fits conventional patterns in your field. For example,
you may have forgotten to justify your choice of method or explain how
xix v
w xx
Introduction
1. Science writing does not need to be stylish or elegant; its primary aim
is to communicate clearly and accurately. Using elegant English may
actually make your research article less accessible, or even less accurate.
For example, using a thesaurus to avoid repetition is counter-productive;
a framework should not suddenly become a methodology, an approach
or a model without warning. Repeating the same word creates an echo
which enables the reader to recognise and track concepts through the
paper, and ensures that the concepts themselves remain stable and
consistent.
2. Good organisation and good writing can compensate for language
errors, but error-free language does not compensate for poor
organisation or poor writing. A text in perfectly grammatical English will
be ineffective and even unintelligible if the information is jumbled or
presented incoherently.
xxi v
w xxii
Introduction
sections at the end of each Unit; this book is intended to be a fast and easily-
accessible guide rather than a language textbook. Where grammar issues
are discussed, the aim is not to identify rules for ‘correct’ grammar, but rather
to avoid ambiguity.
At this stage in Unit 1, you will have a robust generic model of an
Introduction, a list of useful words, phrases and sentence patterns for each
part of the Introduction model, and a language/writing skills guide that
responds to FAQs about grammar and writing skills in the Introduction. If you
do the tasks in the unit, you will be able to put the model, vocabulary and
language/writing skills together to write an Introduction. At the end of Unit 1
you write a simple Introduction using what you have learned and compare
it with a sample answer in the Key. This pattern is repeated in Unit 2.
In Units 3, 4, 5 and 6 you are encouraged to reverse engineer your own
target research articles to create the models, and then check and adjust them
against the generic, universal models presented in each Unit. The tasks
throughout the book are designed to help you develop reverse engineering
to the point where it becomes an automatic adjunct to your reading strategies.
If you read the book without completing the exercises and tasks, you will
have an intellectual understanding of what to do but you may find it hard to
put it into practice. Knowing what to do is not the same as knowing how to
do it. At the moment, you may be focusing very strongly on the information
content of research articles, and you may not be paying much attention to
the way that the content is delivered. However, once you become aware of
the structure and language used to deliver the content, this creates a ‘learning
circle’ in which your research reading actively and continually informs your
research writing.
xxiii v
w xxiv
Contents
Acknowledgements v
Preface to the Second Edition vii
Introduction xiii
Unit 1: How to Write the Introduction 1
1.1. The Structure and Content of the Introduction 3
1.2. Building a Model 4
1.3. Testing and Adjusting the Model 18
1.4. Useful Words and Phrases 45
1.5. Language and Writing Skills 53
1.6. Writing the Introduction 69
Unit 2: How to Write about Methods 73
2.1. The Structure and Content of the Methods Section 75
2.2. Building a Model 77
2.3. Testing and Adjusting the Model 89
2.4. Useful Words and Phrases 99
2.5. Language and Writing Skills 113
2.6. Writing a Methods Section 127
Unit 3: How to Write about Results 139
3.1. The Structure and Content of the Results 141
3.2. Building a Model 142
3.3. Testing and Adjusting the Model 157
xxv v
3.5. Language and Writing Skills: The Certainty Continuum 183
Unit 4: How to Write the Discussion 189
4.1. How to Write the Discussion 191
4.2. Building Your Own Model
192
4.3. Testing and Adjusting the Basic Generic Model 209
4.4. Useful Words and Phrases 221
4.5. Language and Writing Skills: Modal Verbs 229
4.6. Summary Discussion Exercise 242
Unit 5: How to Write the Conclusion 243
5.1. Building a Model 246
5.2. Testing and Adjusting the Model 257
5.3. Useful Words and Phrases 258
5.4. Language and Writing Skills 259
Unit 6: Writing the Abstract 263
6.1. Guidelines for the Abstract 266
6.2. Types of Abstract 269
6.3. A Generic Abstract Model 286
6.4. Language 290
6.5. Summary Abstract Exercise 297
Unit 7: Writing the Title 299
7.1. Check Average Length 304
7.2. Using Acronyms 305
7.3. Compare the Title Keywords to the Keyword List 306
7.4. Check the Grammar of the Title 307
7.5. Map and Model the Structural Content of the Titles
in Target Articles 309
7.6. Check that Expectations that the Title Suggests
Are Fulfilled in the Paper 310
w xxvi
Contents
8.2. Creating Sentences 318
8.3. Grammar and Vocabulary 321
8.4. General 329
Sources and Credits 331
Appendix A: Prefixes Used in Science Writing 337
Appendix B: Research Verbs 341
Writing Skills Index 345
Language Index 347
xxvii v
None of the three capitals of the country have produced another social
leader of the cleverness, audacity, and regality of Mrs. William Bingham.
During the eight years of the domination of the Federalists, of whom her
husband was one of the leaders, there was no public character of the first
order who did not come under the influence of her fascination. By birth,
environment, nature, and training she was fitted to play a conspicuous part in
the social life of any capital in the world. The daughter of Willing, the
partner of Robert Morris, she was the favored of fortune. Some years before
her birth, her father, inspired by sentimental motives, built the mansion on
Third Street in which she was born, and patterned it after the ancestral home
in Bristol, England. There, surrounded by all the advantages of wealth, her
beauty unfolded through a happy childhood. The pomp and pride of great
possessions did not imbue her with a passion for republics or democracy.
She was destined to play a part in a rather flamboyant aristocracy, and was
as carefully perfected in the arts and graces of her sex as any princess
destined to a throne. In the midst of the Revolution, in her sixteenth year, she
married William Bingham who combined the advantages of wealth, social
position, and a capacity for political leadership.
She was only twenty, when, accompanied by her husband, she went
abroad to captivate court circles with her vivacity, charm, and beauty. At
Versailles, the gallants, accustomed to the ways and wiles of the most
accomplished women of fashion, were entranced. At The Hague, where she
lingered awhile, the members of the diplomatic corps fluttered about the
teasing charmer like moths about the flame. In the court circles of England
she suffered nothing in comparison with the best it could offer, and the
generous Abigail Adams, thrilling to the triumph of the young American,
found her brilliancy enough to dim the ineffectual fires of Georgiana,
Duchess of Devonshire. Five years of familiarity with the leaders in the
world of European fashion and politics prepared her to preside with stunning
success over the most famous political drawing-room of the American
capital.
It was after their return from Europe that Mrs. Bingham moved into the
imposing mansion on Third Street built on the ample grounds of her
childhood home. All the arts of the architect, landscape gardener, and
interior decorator had been drawn upon to make a fit setting for the mistress.
The garden, with its flowers and rare shrubbery, its lemon, orange, and citron
trees, its aloes and exotics, was shut off from the view of the curious, only
mighty oaks and the Lombardy poplars visible above the wall—‘a
magnificent house and gardens in the best English style.’[511] The
furnishings were in keeping with the promise of the exterior. ‘The chairs in
the drawing-room were from Seddon’s in London of the newest taste, the
back in the form of a lyre, with festoons, of yellow and crimson silk,’
according to the description of an English tourist. ‘The curtains of the room
a festoon of the same. The carpet, one of Moore’s most expensive patterns.
The room papered in the French taste, after the style of the Vatican in
Rome.’[512] The halls, hung with pictures selected with fine discrimination
in Italy, gave a promise not disappointed in the elegance of the drawing-
rooms, the library, the ballroom, card-rooms, and observatory.[513] To some
this extravagant display of luxury was depressing, and Brissot de Warville,
who was to return to Paris to die on the guillotine as a leader of the ill-fated
party of the Gironde, held the
MRS. WILLIAM BINGHAM
mistress of the mansion responsible for the aristocratic spirit of the town. It
was a pity, he thought, that a man so sensible and amiable as Bingham
should have permitted a vain wife to lead him to ‘a pomp which ought
forever have been a stranger to Philadelphia.’ And all this display ‘to draw
around him the gaudy prigs and parasites of Europe,’ and lead ‘to the
reproach of his fellow citizens and the ridicule of strangers.’[514] But if the
French republican was shocked, even so robust a democrat as Maclay was so
little offended that he was able to write after dining at the mansion that
‘there is a propriety, a neatness, a cleanliness that adds to the splendor of his
costly furniture and elegant apartments.’[515]
And ‘the dazzling Mrs. Bingham,’ as the conservative Abigail described
her,[516] what of her? The elegance and beauty which has come down to us
on canvas prepares us for the glowing descriptions of contemporaries. Hers
was the type of patrician beauty that shimmered. She was above the medium
height and well-formed, and in her carriage there was sprightliness, dignity,
elegance, and distinction. Sparkling with wit, bubbling with vivacity, she had
the knack of convincing the most hopeless yokel introduced into her
drawing-room by the exigencies of politics that she found his personality
peculiarly appealing. Daring at the card-table, graceful in the dance, witty in
conversation even though sometimes too adept with the naughty devices of a
Congreve dialogue, inordinately fond of all the dissipations prescribed by
fashion, tactful in the selection and placing of her guests at table, she richly
earned the scepter she waved so authoritatively over society.[517] What
though she did sometimes stain her pretty lips with wicked oaths, she swore
as daintily as the Duchess of Devonshire, and if she did seem to relish
anecdotes a bit too spicy for a puritanic atmosphere, she craved not the
privilege of breathing such air.[518]
Hers the consuming ambition to be the great lady and to introduce into
American society the ideas and ideals of Paris and London. Did Jefferson
gently chide her for her admiration of French women? Well—was she not
justified? Did they not ‘possess the happy art of making us pleased with
ourselves?’ In their conversation could they not ‘please both the fop and the
philosopher?’ And despite their seeming frivolity, did not these ‘women of
France interfere with the politics of the country, and often give a decided
turn to the fate of empires?’ In this letter to the man she admired and liked,
while loathing his politics, we have the nearest insight into the soul of the
woman.[519]
But these graver ambitions were not revealed to many who observed her
mode of life, her constant round of dissipations, her putting aside the
responsibilities of a mother, leaving her daughters to their French
governesses until the tragic elopement of Marie with a dissipated nobleman,
and the apprehension of the pair after their marriage at the home of a
milliner in the early morning. Hers were not the prim notions of the average
American of her time. It was Otis, not she, who was shocked to find Marie
so thinly dressed in mid-winter that he was ‘regaled at the sight of her whole
legs for five minutes together,’ and wondered ‘to what height the fashion
would be carried.’[520] Swearing, relating risqué stories, indulging in
dissipations night after night, shaming her motherhood by her affected
indifference or neglect, the fact remains that the breath of scandal never
touched her until the final scene when in her early thirties they bore her on a
stretcher from the home of her triumphs in the vain hope of prolonging her
life in the soft air of the Bermudas.
And so to her dinners, dances, parties, the clever men of the Federalist
Party flocked, with only a sprinkling of Jeffersonians, for, though Jefferson
himself could always count on a gracious reception from the hostess, he was
not comfortable among the other guests. Always the best was to be had there
—and the newest. Did she not introduce the foreign custom of having
servants announce the arriving guests, to the discomfiture of Monroe?
‘Senator Monroe,’ called the flunky.
‘Coming,’ cried the Senator.
‘Senator Monroe’—echoed a flunky down the hall.
‘Coming as soon as I can get my greatcoat off,’ promised the Senator.
But we may be sure that no expression of amusement on the face of the
beaming Mrs. Bingham added to his embarrassment.
‘A very pretty dinner, Madame,’ said the intolerable Judge Chase, after
looking over the proffered repast, ‘but there is not a thing on your table that I
can eat.’
An expression of surprise or resentment on the hostess’s face? Not at all.
What would the Judge relish? Roast beef? Very well—and a servant received
his orders and soon hurried back with beef and potatoes to be gluttonously
devoured and washed down with a couple of bottles of stout ale instead of
French wines.
‘There, Madame,’ said the Judge, made comfortable, ‘I have made a
sensible and excellent dinner, but no thanks to your French cook.’
And he never knew from the lady’s pleased expression that she thought
him an insufferable bore.
Such the woman whose home was to be to the Hamiltonians what
Madame Roland’s was to the Girondists, and Lady Holland’s to the English
Whigs. Now let us peep into the drawing-room and observe the men and
women who bowed to her social scepter.
VI
We have an English-drawn picture of an evening at the British Legation
with many American guests gathered about the blazing fire. The Consul is
‘descanting on various subjects, public and private, as well as public and
private characters, sometimes with unbecoming levity, sometimes with
sarcasm even more unbecoming.’ An English guest was afraid that such talk
‘could hardly fail to be offensive to ... many of the guests and to the good
taste of all.’ But could this English gentleman have listened in on the
conversations at Mrs. Bingham’s, Mrs. Morris’s, or Mrs. Stewart’s, he might
have concluded that these reflections on certain public characters were
altogether pleasing to the principal figures in the society of the capital.[535]
And could he have returned a little later to find society chuckling over the
display in the windows of a newspaper office of the pictures of George III,
Lord North, and General Howe, he might have decided that there was a
pronouncedly pro-English party in America. Had he driven about the
environs, among the hills, and along the banks of the rivers, he would have
seen country houses of the aristocracy—Lansdowne, the seat of the
Binghams; Bush Hill, where the Adamses lived at first; Woodford, and other
country places to suggest similar seats in his own land. And had he been
meandering in the neighborhood of Horsehead’s or Chew’s Landing, seven
or nine miles out, he might have been startled at the familiar English picture
of gentlemen in bright coats, the pack in full cry after the fox.[536] And
having made these observations he could have found some extenuation in
the conversation in the British Minister’s house.
The snobbery of class consciousness entered into even the Dancing
Assembly which held forth at frequent intervals at O’Eller’s, in a ballroom
sixty feet square, with a handsome music gallery at one end, and the walls
papered after the French style.[537] The suppers at these dances were mostly
liquid,[538] and, since it is on record that on hot summer days ladies and
gentlemen could count on a cool iced punch with pineapple juice to heighten
the color, it may be assumed that the Assembly suppers were a success.[539]
The fact that the young ladies sometimes took two pair of slippers, lest they
dance one out, hints of all-night revels.[540] And the expulsion from
membership of a young woman who had dared marry a jeweler tells its own
tale.[541] At the theater, which was usually crowded,[542] the aristocrats and
democrats met without mingling, for the different prices put every one in his
or her place, and if wine and porter were sold between acts to the people in
the pit ‘precisely as if they were in a tavern,’[543] the aristocracy paid eight
dollars for a box,[544] and an attaché, in full dress of black, hair powdered
and adjusted in the formal fashion, and bearing silver candlesticks and wax
candles, would meet Washington at the entrance and conduct him with much
gravity to the presidential box, festooned with red drapery, and bearing the
United States coat of arms.[545] ‘The managers have been very polite to me
and my family,’ wrote Mrs. Adams. ‘The actors came and informed us that a
box is prepared for us. The Vice-President thanked them for their civility,
and told them he would attend whenever the President did.’[546] On these
occasions, when the highest dignitaries of the State attended, a stranger,
dropped from the clouds, would have scarcely thought himself in a republic.
At the theater he would have found a military guard, with an armed soldier
at each stage door, with four or five others in the gallery, and these assisted
by the high constables of the city and police officers.[547] There was no
danger threatening but the occasion offered the opportunity for pompous
display so tempting to the society of the city.
At first the statesmen had to content themselves with the old Southwark
Theater, which was dreary enough architecturally, lighted with oil lamps
without glasses, and with frequent pillars obstructing the view.[548] But the
best plays were presented, by good if not brilliant players, and the
aristocracy flirted and frolicked indifferent to the resentful glances of the
poorer classes in less favored seats. It reached the climax of its career just as
the new theater was about to open with the then celebrated tragic actress,
Mrs. Melmoth—and soon afterward, the new Chestnut Street Theater
opened its doors and raised its curtain. The opening was an event—the
public entranced. Two or three rows of boxes, a gallery with Corinthian
columns highly gilded and with a crimson ribbon from capital to base.
Above the boxes, crimson drapery—panels of rose color—seats for two
thousand. ‘As large as Covent Garden,’ wrote Wansey, ‘and to judge by the
dress and appearance of the company around me, and the actors and scenery,
I should have thought I had still been in England.’[549] And such a company!
There was Fennell, noted in Paris for his extravagance, socially ambitious,
and handsome, too, with his six feet of stature, and ever-ready blush, about
whom flocked the literary youth of the town. Ladies—the finest trembled to
his howls of tragedy and simpered to his comedy. There, too, was Harwood,
who had married the granddaughter of Ben Franklin—a perfect gentleman;
and Mrs. Oldmixon, the spouse of Sir John, the ‘beau of Bath,’ who divided
honors in his day with Nash and Brummel; and Mrs. Whitlock, whom her
admirers insisted did not shine merely by the reflected glory of her sister,
Mrs. Siddons.
Quite as appealing to both aristocrat and democrat was the Circus at
Twelfth and Market Streets, established in 1792 by John Ricketts whose
credentials to society were in his erstwhile connection with the Blackfriars
Bridge Circus of London. Washington and Martha occasionally witnessed
the performances, quite soberly we may be sure, and the ‘court party’ thus
got its cue if any were needed. The proprietor riding two horses at full
gallop, Signor Spinacuta dancing daringly on a tight rope, a clown tickling
the risibilities of the crowd and mingling Mrs. Bingham’s laughter with that
of Mrs. Jones, her washwoman, women on horseback doing stunts, and a
trained horse that could leap over other horses without balking—such were
the merry nights under the dripping candles.[550]
Then there was Bowen’s Wax Works and museum of curiosities and
paintings and the museum of Mr. Peale—and under the same roof with the
latter the reading-room of the Philosophical Society, where Jefferson was to
find a sanctuary in the days when he was to be anathema in the fashionable
drawing-rooms.
Frivolity, extravagance, exaggerated imitation of Old-World dissipations,
could scarcely have been suited to Jefferson’s taste; but when he wished for
society of another sort he could always run in on Rittenhouse to discuss
science, or on Dr. Rush who mixed politics with powders, or, better still, he
could drive out to ‘Stenton,’ the beautiful country house of Dr. James Logan
and his cultured wife, approached by its glorious avenue of hemlocks. There
he could sit under the trees on the lawn or walk in the old-fashioned gardens
or browse in the fine library. There before the huge fireplace in the lofty
wainscoted rooms he could sit with the Doctor and discuss the aristocratic
tendencies of the times—and this he frequently did. Despite his democracy,
Jefferson lived like an aristocrat. He had found a place in the country near
the city where the house was ‘entirely embosomed in high plane trees with
good grass below,’ and there, on warm summer days, he was wont to
‘breakfast, dine, write, read, and entertain company’ under the trees. Even in
its luxury, his was the home of the philosopher. It was under these plane
trees that he worked out much of the strategy of his political battles.[551]
Such was the social background for the struggle of Hamilton and Jefferson
—with little in it to strengthen or encourage the latter in his fight.
CHAPTER VII
JEFFERSON MOBILIZES
II
As Jefferson’s mild eye surveyed the field, he found in almost every State
local parties, some long in existence, fighting for popular rights as they
understood them; but their fights had been waged on local issues. The party
he was to create was to fight in precisely the same cause—on the national
field. Here, then, was something already at hand. Why not consolidate these
local parties into one great national organization, and broaden the issue to
include the problems of both State and Nation? The local leaders? Why not
make them field marshals in command of the Massachusetts division, the
North Carolina division, Pennsylvania and Maryland divisions?
The philosopher-politician took up his pen, for he had learned in the
organization of the Revolution what could be done through correspondence.
Out under the plane trees he was to sit at his table writing—to Sam Adams,
to Rutledge, to John Taylor, to Willie Jones. Under his roof and at his table
conferences with Madison, Monroe, Giles, Bloodworth, became
commonplace. ‘Oh, I should note that Mr. Jefferson, with more than Parisian
politeness, waited on me at my chamber this morning,’ wrote Maclay. ‘He
talked politics, mostly the French difference and the whale fishery.’[555] A
very cautious approach, we may be sure, for the master politician and
psychologist thoroughly understood the little vanities, prejudices, and
weaknesses of that singularly suspicious democrat. Quite different would
have been a conversation with Gallatin or Monroe. Taking an inventory of
prospective lieutenants in the States, and comparing the material with that
against him, he could not but have realized his disadvantage. Brilliant men
are prone to flutter about the rich and powerful, and nothing succeeds like
success with the strong. No chance for him to ride to war surrounded by
such scintillating company as that which encircled Hamilton—but here and
there was a man who shimmered in the sun.
In Massachusetts, home of Ames, Cabot, and Sedgwick, Jefferson could
count on two men who surpassed any of this famous group in service in the
making of the Republic, but, strange as it may seem in perspective, old Sam
Adams and John Hancock were not in good standing with the staid business
men of Boston. Their republicanism was too robust, their devotion to the
principles of the Declaration too uncompromising for the materialists, who
appeared, for the most part, on the battle-field after the fight was won, to
claim the fruits of the victory. Sam Adams had lost his race for Congress to
Fisher Ames who had dallied with his books when the ragged Continentals
were struggling in the field. When the clever politicians of the Essex Junto
exchanged letters, these erstwhile Revolutionary heroes of the dark days
were seldom mentioned with respect; but they had their following in the
streets and among those who had shared in the perils they had faced. Upon
these two Jefferson could rely.
But there were others, more active and militant in the Boston of those
days in the building of the party of democracy. Foremost in the fight, and
most annoying to the ruling oligarchy, was the brilliant Dr. Charles Jarvis,
who was a powerful orator[556] whose social status, on a par with that of
Otis, raised him above the condescension or contempt of the moneyed
aristocracy, and whose ability was beyond the reach of disparagement.[557]
Through many years of leadership in the legislature he ‘had made the rights
of man his pole star.’[558] No one did so much to organize and vitalize the
masses, for he could pass from the legislative hall to the public platform
without any diminution of power. As in the former he could match the best
in argument, on the latter no one knew better how to direct the storm.
‘Jarvis’s electioneering influence in this town is very great,’ wrote John
Quincy Adams to his father.[559]
As a file leader, organizer, agitator, he had powerful support in the robust,
rough-hewn rope-maker, Ben Austin, who wrestled under the rules of catch-
as-catch-can, mingled with the element that Ames and Cabot considered
vulgar, and under the signature of ‘Honestus’ dealt telling blows in letters
that the mechanic could understand. ‘Rabid essays,’ they were—judged by
the standard of the élite.[560] Sam Adams, John Hancock, Austin, and Jarvis
—these were the Jeffersonian leaders in the Old Bay State. Less aggressive,
but often valuable, was James Sullivan, orator, leader of the Bar, letter-writer
and pamphleteer, whose vigorous mind, powers of application, and
indomitable courage were to render yeoman service.
In the other New England States the democrats were less fortunate. In
Connecticut, ruled with an iron hand by an oligarchy of preachers,
professors, and reactionary politicians, the prospects were dark enough, but
even there the Jeffersonians found a leader capable of coping with the best
of the opposition in the hard-hitting, resourceful Abraham Bishop, who was
a veritable scandal and stench to the gentlemen of the cloth and of the
counting-room. Nowhere in America was such an amazing combination of
Church and State. Election days were celebrated with religious services, and
the sermons were party harangues, described by the irreverent Bishop as
consisting of ‘a little of governor, a little of Congress, much of politics, and a
very little of religion—a strange compote, like a carrot pie, having so little