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PALGRAVE
STUDIES IN
COMPROMISE
AFTER CONFLICT

THE LEGACY OF THE

GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT
NORTHERN IRISH POLITICS, CULTURE AND ART AFTER 1998

EDITED BY CHARLES I. ARMSTRONG,

DAVID HERBERT & JAN ERIK MUSTAD
Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Conflict

Series Editor
John D. Brewer
Queen’s University Belfast
Belfast, UK
Stellenbosch University
Stellenbosch, South Africa
This series aims to bring together in one series scholars from around the
world who are researching the dynamics of post-conflict transformation in
societies emerging from communal conflict and collective violence. The
series welcomes studies of particular transitional societies emerging from
conflict, comparative work that is cross-national, and theoretical and con-
ceptual contributions that focus on some of the key processes in post-­
conflict transformation. The series is purposely interdisciplinary and
addresses the range of issues involved in compromise, reconciliation and
societal healing. It focuses on interpersonal and institutional questions,
and the connections between them.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14641
 Charles I. Armstrong
David Herbert • Jan Erik Mustad
Editors

The Legacy of the

Good Friday
Agreement
Northern Irish Politics, Culture and Art after 1998
Editors
Charles I. Armstrong David Herbert
University of Agder Kingston University
Kristiansand, Norway London, UK

Jan Erik Mustad University of Agder

University of Agder Kristiansand, Norway
Kristiansand, Norway

Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Conflict

ISBN 978-3-319-91231-8    ISBN 978-3-319-91232-5 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91232-5

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018945260

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Hugh Rooney / Alamy

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 General Editor’s Introduction

Compromise is a much used but little understood term. There is a sense

in which it describes a set of feelings (the so-called spirit of compromise)
that involve reciprocity, representing the agreement to make mutual con-
cessions towards each other from now on: no matter what we did to each
other in the past, we will act towards each other in the future differently as
set out in the agreement between us. The compromise settlement can be
a spit and a handshake, much beloved in folklore or a legally binding stat-
ute with hundreds of clauses.
As such, it is clear that compromise enters into conflict transformation
at two distinct phases. The first is during the conflict resolution process
itself, where compromise represents a willingness amongst parties to nego-
tiate a peace agreement that represents a second-best preference in which
they give up their first preference (victory) in order to cut a deal. A great
deal of literature has been produced in Peace Studies and International
Relations on the dynamics of the negotiation process and the institutional
and governance structures necessary to consolidate the agreement after-
wards. Just as important, however, is compromise in the second phase,
when compromise is part of post-conflict reconstruction, in which pro-
tagonists come to learn to live together despite their former enmity and in
face of the atrocities perpetrated during the conflict itself.
In the first phase, compromise describes reciprocal agreements between
parties to the negotiations in order to make political concessions sufficient
to end conflict; in the second phase, compromise involves victims and
perpetrators developing ways of living together in which concessions are
made as part of shared social life. The first is about compromises between

v
vi GENERAL EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

political groups and the state in the process of state-building (or re-­
building) after the political upheavals of communal conflict; the second is
about compromises between individuals and communities in the process
of social healing after the cultural trauma provoked by the conflict.
This book series primarily concerns itself with the second process, the
often messy and difficult job of reconciliation, restoration and repair in
social and cultural relations following communal conflict. Communal con-
flicts and civil wars tend to suffer from the narcissism of minor differences,
to coin Freud’s phrase, leaving little to be split halfway and compromise
on, and thus are usually especially bitter. The series therefore addresses
itself to the meaning, manufacture and management of compromise in
one of its most difficult settings. The book series is cross-national and
cross-disciplinary, with attention paid to inter-personal reconciliation at
the level of everyday life, as well as culturally between social groups, and
the many sorts of institutional, inter-personal, psychological, sociological,
anthropological and cultural factors that assist and inhibit societal healing
in all post-conflict societies, historically and in the present. It focuses on
what compromise means when people have to come to terms with past
enmity and the memories of the conflict itself, and relate to former pro-
tagonists in ways that consolidate the wider political agreement.
This sort of focus has special resonance and significance for peace agree-
ments are usually very fragile. Societies emerging out of conflict are sub-
ject to ongoing violence from spoiler groups who are reluctant to give up
on first preferences, constant threats from the outbreak of renewed vio-
lence, institutional instability, weakened economies and a wealth of prob-
lems around transitional justice, memory, truth recovery and victimhood,
amongst others. Not surprisingly, therefore, reconciliation and healing in
social and cultural relations are difficult to achieve, not least because inter-­
personal compromise between erstwhile enemies is difficult.
Lay discourse picks up on the ambivalent nature of compromise after
conflict. It is talked about in common sense in one of two ways, in which
compromise is either a virtue or a vice, taking its place among the angels
or in Hades. One form of lay discourse likens concessions to former pro-
tagonists with the idea of restoration of broken relationships and societal
and cultural reconciliation, in which there is a sense of becoming (or
returning) to wholeness and completeness. The other form of lay dis-
course invokes ideas of appeasement, of being compromised by the conces-
sions, which constitute a form of surrender and reproduce (or disguise)
continued brokenness and division. People feel they continue to be beaten
 GENERAL EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION
   vii

by the sticks which the concessions have allowed others to keep; with res-
toration, however, weapons are turned truly in ploughshares. Lay dis-
course suggests, therefore, that there are issues that the Palgrave Studies
in Compromise after Conflict series must begin to problematise, so that
the process of societal healing is better understood and can be assisted and
facilitated by public policy and intervention.
In this latest volume in the Series, we address the classic form of com-
promise in a peace process, the 1998 Good Friday or Belfast Agreement in
Northern Ireland, in which the respective parties gave up on their first
preferences for a negotiated settlement. The fact that the parties over time
could not agree its name did not bode well and some factions have kept
loyal to first preferences; on the one hand to compel constitutional change
by force by bombing and killing their way into a United Ireland and on
the other to keep Catholics as second-class citizens in a Protestant parlia-
ment for a Protestant people. The deal went through several iterations,
and the centre ground eventually collapsed, with Sinn Fein and the
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) emerging as the dominant parties to
govern the power-sharing executive. The consociational system delivered
what none of the negotiators at the time expected, with the two outer-­
lying parties coming best to represent the ethno-national identities that
consociationalism preserves.
Paradoxically, the system worked best when, finally, the Rev. Dr. Ian
Paisley of the DUP agreed to implement the Agreement, even though the
party was not one of the original signatories, and to develop a very suc-
cessful power-sharing arrangement with the late Martin McGuinness of
Sinn Fein. It is ironic that the quality of this political relationship never
survived Paisley’s death. The power-sharing executive is currently sus-
pended and a form of reluctant direct rule is looming; it remains to be
seen whether direct rule takes the form defined under the Agreement
where both Dublin and London governments rule together via the British-­
Irish Intergovernmental Council and Secretariat. The parity of esteem
issues that finally provoked the collapse of the power-sharing executive in
January 2017, and in particular legal recognition of the Irish language,
seem to pale in comparison to this form of joint authority, which the DUP
will find it even harder to accept, so the future of the Agreement remains
uncertain and unsettled.
As the Agreement comes to its twentieth year in 2018, it seems to be at
its lowest ebb. An assessment of its legacy is thus very timely. Opponents
to the Agreement within the Unionist community have been emboldened
viii GENERAL EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

by Brexiteers in Great Britain who realise that the Agreement complicates

withdrawal from the European Union, and the power the DUP MPs in
Westminster have over the fragile government majority has been used in
ways that challenge the Agreement, allowing the DUP to refuse to imple-
ment its terms—and those of its various successors—on issues like dealing
with the past and parity of esteem. The DUP prefers direct rule—at least
from Westminster—to power-sharing with Sinn Fein under the terms of
the 1998 Agreement, and Sinn Fein—and the Irish government—is pow-
erless to force them to do so; and the British government is unwilling to
impose itself upon the DUP. Power-sharing under the terms of the
Agreement is off the political agenda; at least until the dust settles after
Brexit’s considerable realignment of the landscape. It is thus important to
be reminded by the Editors and contributors to this volume that the 1998
Agreement is much more than about power-sharing.
The Editors of this collection assess the legacy of the 1998 Agreement
in wider terms than the success or failure of the power-sharing executive.
The hallmark of the volume is its inter-disciplinarity and thus the assess-
ment of the legacy for arts, literature, politics, sociology, gender relations
and culture. It charts the rise of the DUP and recognises the critical
importance of Brexit for the assessment of the legacy of the 1998
Agreement but looks at how it has impacted also on drama, poetry, litera-
ture, flags and symbols, and on dealing with the past. The volume rightly
closes with an assessment of the future of the peace process and offers
some of the first sociological analyses of the potential for social peace in
Northern Ireland. As Series Editor, I very warmly welcome this latest
addition to the Series.

Belfast, UK John D. Brewer

February 2018
 Acknowledgements

The editors are grateful to the faculty of Humanities and Pedagogy at the
University of Agder, Norway, for providing financial support that made
this book possible.
We are also grateful to Green Shoot Productions for giving us permis-
sion to reproduce the images from the play Meeting at Menin Gate, writ-
ten by Martin Lynch. The photographs were taken by Elaine Hill.

ix
 Contents

1 Introduction   1
Charles I. Armstrong, David Herbert, and Jan Erik Mustad

2 The Northern Irish Peace Process: Political Issues

and Controversies  15
Eamonn O’Kane and Paul Dixon

Part I The Will to Change: Key Players and Events  35

3 Tony Blair’s Honourable Deception: In Defence

of the ‘Dirty’ Politics of the Northern Ireland Peace
Process  37
Paul Dixon

4 ‘George Mitchell’s Peace’: The Good Friday Agreement

in Colum McCann’s Novel TransAtlantic  57
Charles I. Armstrong

5 From Protest to Power: The Rise of the DUP  73

Jan Erik Mustad

xi
xii CONTENTS

Part II Winners, Losers and Beyond the Zero Sum Game?  87

6 Troubling Victims: Representing a New Politics

of Victimhood in Northern Ireland on Stage and Screen  89
Stefanie Lehner

7 A Bitter Peace: Flag Protests, the Politics of No

and Culture Wars 109
Neil Jarman

8 A Gender-Balanced Approach to Transforming Cultures

of Militarism in Northern Ireland 133
Gladys Ganiel

9 Making Hope and History Rhyme? Dealing with Division

and the Past in Northern Ireland After the Good Friday
Agreement 153
Sissel Rosland

Part III The Efficacy and Narratives of Culture 173

10 The Shore (2011): Examining the Reconciliation Narrative

in Post-Troubles Cinema 175
Seán Crosson

11 Elementals in Language: Seamus Heaney After the Good

Friday Agreement 189
Margaret Mills Harper

12 Finished and Under Construction: Visual Representation

and Spatial Relations in Post-­Ceasefire Northern Irish
Poetry 207
Anne Karhio
 CONTENTS
   xiii

13 Post-Good Friday Positions and Parallaxes in Sinéad

Morrissey’s Poetry 229
Ruben Moi

Part IV The Future of Peace 247

14 Legacies of 1998: What Kind of Social Peace Has

Developed in Northern Ireland? Social Attitudes,
Inequalities, and Territorialities 249
David Herbert

15 The Sociology of the Northern Irish Peace Process 271

John D. Brewer

Index 291
 Notes on Contributors

Charles I. Armstrong is Professor of English Literature at the University

of Agder in Norway. He is the President of the Nordic Association of
English Studies and the Vice-President of the International Yeats Society.
In addition to being the co-editor of three earlier essay collections, he is
the author of three monographs: Romantic Organicism: From Idealist
Origins to Ambivalent Afterlife (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), Figures of
Memory: Poetry, Space and the Past (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) and
Reframing Yeats: Genre, Allusion and History (Bloomsbury, 2013).
John D. Brewer is Professor of Post Conflict Studies in the Senator
George J Mitchell Institute for Global Peace, Security and Justice at
Queen’s University, Belfast. He was awarded an Honorary DSocSci
from Brunel University in 2012 for services to social science. He has
held visiting appointments at Yale University (1989), St John’s College
Oxford (1991), Corpus Christi College Cambridge (2002) and the
Australia National University (2003). In 2007–2008, he was a
Leverhulme Trust Research Fellow. He has been President of the
British Sociological Association (2009–2012) and is now Honorary
Life Vice President. In 2010, he was appointed to the United Nations
Roster of Global Experts for his expertise on religious peacebuilding.
He is the author or co-author of 15 books and editor or co-editor of
a further five.
Seán Crosson is Vice-Dean (Research, Reputation and Impact) in the
College of Arts, Social Sciences and Celtic Studies, NUI Galway. His pub-
lications include the monographs Sport and Film (Routledge, 2013) and

xv
xvi NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

‘The Given Note’: Traditional Music and Contemporary Irish Poetry

(Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008), and the co-edited collec-
tions Towards 2016: 1916 and Irish Literature, Culture & Society (Irish
Studies in Europe, Volume 6) (Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier,
2015), Contemporary Irish Film: New Perspectives on a National Cinema
(Braumüller, 2011) and The Quiet Man … and Beyond: Reflections on a
Classic Film, John Ford, and Ireland (Liffey Press, 2009). He is President
of the European Federation of Associations and Centres of Irish Studies
(EFACIS).
Paul Dixon is an honorary research fellow at Birkbeck College,
University of London. He is the author of Northern Ireland: The Politics
of War and Peace (Palgrave, 2008, 2nd edition), co-author (with Dr.
Eamonn O’Kane) of Northern Ireland Since 1969 (Pearson, 2011) and
editor of The British Approach to Counterinsurgency (Palgrave, 2012). He
has taught at the Universities of Ulster, Queen’s, Leeds, Luton and
Kingston.
Gladys Ganiel is a research fellow in the Senator George J. Mitchell
Institute for Global Peace, Security and Justice at Queen’s University,
Belfast. She specialises on religion in Ireland and has authored/co-­
authored four books and more than 30 articles/chapters, including
Transforming Post-Catholic Ireland (Oxford University Press, 2016) and
The Deconstructed Church: Understanding Emerging Christianity (co-­
authored with Gerardo Marti, Oxford University Press, 2014). Her
research includes an Irish Department of Foreign Affairs-funded project
on how Presbyterians responded to the Troubles in Northern Ireland, and
the biography of Fr Gerry Reynolds, a peacemaking priest from Clonard
Monastery.
Margaret Mills Harper is Glucksman Professor of Contemporary
Writing in English at the University of Limerick. She specialises in Irish
literature, literary modernisms and poetry of the long twentieth century.
She has a particular interest in W. B. Yeats and the occult. Works in this
area include Wisdom of Two, a study of the spiritual collaboration between
W. B. Yeats and his wife George Hyde Lees; two co-edited volumes in the
four-volume series Yeats’s “Vision” Papers; and co-edited scholarly editions
of the 1925 and 1937 versions of Yeats’s mythopoeic and philosophical
book A Vision.
 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
   xvii

David Herbert is Professor of Sociology at Kingston University and

Professor (II) of Religious Studies at the University of Agder, Norway.
From 2004 to 2005, he was Lecturer in Reconciliation Studies at Trinity
College Dublin, Belfast campus, and from 2005 to 2008 he led Measuring
Bridge Building, an ESRC-funded project working with cross-­community
organisations in Northern Ireland. He is author of Religion and Civil
Society (Ashgate, 2003), and Creating Community Cohesion (Palgrave,
2013), and leads Cultural Conflict 2.0, a Norwegian Research Council
Project exploring the impact of social media on community relations in
Norway, Denmark and the Netherlands.
Neil Jarman is a research fellow at the Senator George J. Mitchell
Institute for Global Peace Security and Justice at Queen’s University,
Belfast and the director of the Institute for Conflict Research, a not-for-­
profit policy research centre. He has worked extensively on issues associ-
ated with the political transition in Northern Ireland for the past 20 years,
including work on the use of symbols and rituals; inter-communal vio-
lence; policing; hate crimes; immigration and migration and general
human rights and equality issues. He also works internationally on issues
related to human rights and in particular freedom of assembly and the
right to protest and, since 2005, has chaired the Expert Panel on Freedom
of Assembly at the Warsaw-based Office of Democratic Institutions and
Human Rights, which is part of the Organisation of Security and
Co-operation in Europe.
Anne Karhio is a postdoctoral researcher and the holder of the ELEVATE
Irish Research Council International Career Development Fellowship, co-­
funded by Marie Cure Actions. The research project “Virtual Landscapes?
New Media Technologies and the Poetics of Place” is carried out in the
National University of Ireland, Galway, and the University of Bergen. She
is the author of ‘Slight Return’: Paul Muldoon’s Poetics of Place (Peter
Lang, 2017) and the co-editor of Crisis and Contemporary Poetry (Palgrave
Macmillan, 2011). She has published a number of critical essays and jour-
nal articles on Irish poetry.
Stefanie Lehner is Lecturer in Irish Literature and Culture at Queen’s
University, Belfast, and a fellow at the Senator George J. Mitchell Institute
for Global Peace, Security and Justice at Queen’s University, Belfast. Her
research explores the role of the arts, specifically performance, in conflict
transformation processes, with a focus on the Northern Irish context. She
xviii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

also researches and teaches on representations of trauma and memory in

(Northern) Irish drama, fiction, film and photography. She is author of
Subaltern Ethics in Contemporary Scottish and Irish Literature (2011) and
her work has been published in Contemporary Theatre Review, Irish
Review, Irish Studies Review, Irish University Review and Nordic Irish
Studies.
Ruben Moi is an Associate professor at UiT—The Arctic University of
Norway, where he is also a member of the Border Aesthetics research
group. His most recent book is The Crossings of Art in Ireland (2014) and
forthcoming publications include The Language of Paul Muldoon’s
Poetry (2019). He has also published widely on work of writers such
as Seamus Heaney, Derek Mahon, Ciaran Carson, T.S. Eliot, Samuel
Beckett, Martin MacDonagh and Irvine Welsh. He holds the position of
treasurer of the Nordic Irish Studies Network, and has previously acted as
vice-chairman of the Norwegian Academic Council for English and
as chairman of Ordkalotten—Tromsø’s International Literature Festival.
Jan Erik Mustad is Associate Professor in British Studies in the
Department of Foreign Languages and Translation at the University of
Agder. He has written books and articles on British and American culture
and history; his latest publication includes Modern America. Developments
in Contemporary American Society (2017). Mustad is a frequently used
commentator on British issues for Norwegian media.
Eamonn O’Kane is Reader in Conflict Studies at the University of
Wolverhampton. He is author of Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland:
The Totality of Relationships (Routledge) and co-author (with Paul Dixon)
of Northern Ireland Since 1969 (Longman). He is writing a book on the
Northern Ireland Peace Process for Manchester University Press.
Sissel Rosland is Associate Professor in Modern History at the Faculty of
Education, Arts and Sports, Western Norway University of Applied
Sciences, Bergen, Norway. Her publications cover the debate on intern-
ment in Northern Ireland, historical theory, gender theory and political
exchange between Norway and the British Isles (focusing on how the
chartists, the women’s suffrage campaign and the Irish Repeal and Home
Rule movements used Norway as an example).
 List of Figures

Image 6.1 Meeting At Menin Gate, Green Shoot Productions, 2013.

Scene from Act 1, depicting Liz (played by Andrea Irvine)
in the centre, framed by her friend Cara (played by Maria
Connolly) on the left and Terry (played by James Doran)
on the right. (Photo by Elaine Hill) 101
Image 6.2 Meeting At Menin Gate, Green Shoot Productions, 2013.
Scene from Act 2, depicting Liz (played by Andrea Irvine)
and Terry (played by James Doran). (Photo by Elaine Hill) 102
Fig. 10.1 The cover of the Good Friday Agreement 179

xix
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 Perceptions of the GFA 47

Table 3.2 Who benefited more from the GFA? Perceptions among
protestants in Northern Ireland, 1998–2005 (percentages)
(www.nilt)51
Table 3.3 Declining protestant support for the Good Friday Agreement 52

xxi
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Charles I. Armstrong, David Herbert,

and Jan Erik Mustad

From Euphoria to Aftermath

Unlike many other major dates, 10 April 1998 has not gone down into
history as immediately recognizable. Add, however, the fact that this day
was Good Friday, and the events that took place on that date are brought
into sharper focus. As with the Easter Rising of 1916, the Good Friday
Agreement—or Belfast Agreement, as it is also called—has accrued a sta-
tus and resonance not entirely unrelated to the Christian festivities with
which it coincided. Rather than causing associations with Christ on the
cross, however, the euphoria unleashed for many by the Northern Irish
peace treaty is more related to the celebration of rebirth formally marked
by Easter Sunday.
After roughly 30 years of armed combat, costing many lives and caus-
ing incredible amounts of emotional and physical damage, the negotiators
at Stormont were hopeful that the Northern Irish Troubles were, at long

C. I. Armstrong (*) • J. E. Mustad

University of Agder, Kristiansand, Norway
e-mail: Charles.Armstrong@uia.no; jan.e.mustad@uia.no
D. Herbert
Kingston University, London, UK
University of Agder, Kristiansand, Norway
e-mail: David.Herbert@kingston.ac.uk

© The Author(s) 2019 1

C. I. Armstrong et al. (eds.), The Legacy of the Good Friday
Agreement, Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Conflict,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91232-5_1
2 C. I. ARMSTRONG ET AL.

last, being brought to an end. The process leading up to the signing of the
agreement had been gruelling. Many years of negotiations—including
milestones such as the Sunningdale agreement (1973), the Anglo-Ireland
Agreement (1985) and the Downing Street Declaration (1993)—had
passed, without yet leading to any final cessation of the violence. Despite
much progress, one commentator noted as late as 1997 that a ‘quantum
ideological leap’ was still necessary for peace to come about (Hennessey
1997, 300). After Tony Blair’s being elected the British Prime Minister in
May 1997, a new series of talks began in September of the same year.
There was a renewed gravity hanging over the talks, as the parties in
Northern Ireland knew what an enormous mandate the electorate had
given Blair. The new prime minister was adamant that a deal had to mate-
rialize; if it did not, direct rule might prevail for many years to come. The
majority of the political parties realized the new urgency and wholeheart-
edly participated in talks, often in fear of being left behind without any
influence on Northern Ireland’s future. With Blair’s new mandate, there
were no groups or parties that could hold the process to ransom, as former
Prime Minister John Major experienced in the early 1990s.
On the celebrated day in April 1998, a long process—culminating in
36 hours of non-stop, intensive negotiating—was concluded with a jubi-
lant, but still somewhat measured press conference involving Blair and
the Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern. Blair declared that ‘Courage has tri-
umphed!’, while Ahern spoke of ‘a day when agreement and accommoda-
tion have replaced days of difference and division’ (De Breadun 1998).
There had been niggling questions and rugged resistance surrounding the
final, dramatic push for peace, including the high-profile opposition of the
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader, Ian Paisley, and a last-minute
walk-out by the Ulster Unionist Party negotiator, Jeffrey Donaldson. But
on 10 April, there must have been a sense that all this opposition had been
vanquished. Blair would later admit that he had felt ‘a trifle dumbfounded,
wondering if we were in a dream’ (Blair 2010, 199). On the other hand,
Sinn Féin representative Gerry Adams has written of a sense of anti-­climax,
feeling ‘slightly deflated by the size of the task that lay before us’ (Adams
2003, 367). Sceptical voices were far from absent, and the key negotiators
and parties involved—such as Blair, Adams, and the Social Democratic
and Labour Party leader, John Hume—were not unaware of the fact that
much work remained to be done. Yet the promise and the hope of peace
were still there, signifying a resurrection of sorts, and a strong desire
for normality for a society that had been subjected to a heavy toll of
 INTRODUCTION 3

­ loodshed and dissension over a long period of time. In the words of the
b
opening Declaration of Support of the agreement, what was needed was
‘a fresh start’ (The Agreement, unpaginated).
How far can the 1998 agreement be said to have, in fact, paved the way
for such a fresh start, and what is the legacy of the agreement? Has it lived
up to the hopes of its most enthusiastic supporters or has, quite to the
contrary, the historical record proven the nay-sayers and doubters were
right all along? What, in fact, was the substance of the agreement finalized
at Stormont, and what have been the most significant adjustments and
additions of the 20 years passed since then? And what happens when one
looks at the Troubles and the attempted resolution of the conflict in a
wider lens, which not only includes the political players, parties and trea-
ties involved but also includes a wider circumambient field of culture and
art? These are key questions for this book, which uses a multidisciplinary
approach to address the Good Friday Agreement and its afterlife in depth.
Interpretations have varied on what the agreement amounted to, how
it was constructed and subsequently ‘sold’ to the different communities.
The differences are not only between Republican, Nationalist, Loyalist and
Unionist accounts—but also stem from the vantage points of the different
nations involved, as well as differing views within the nations and commu-
nities that have a stake in the negotiated peace. In part, this situation has
been caused by the creative ambiguity of the wording of the text and the
top-down approach of the whole process. In the words of Colin Coulter
and Michael Murray, who highlight differences in the publication format
of the text prior to the referenda in May 1998: ‘There are, depending on
how you look at it, quite a few Belfast Agreements’ (Coulter and Murray
2008, 12). The resulting multiplicity of meaning is perhaps a precondition
for the Good Friday Agreement having a peculiarly speckled afterlife.
According to Jacques Derrida, there ‘is legacy only where assignations are
multiple and contradictory’ (Derrida 2002, 111). The multifarious legacy
of 1998 is imbricated in the complexity of the event itself—of the Good
Friday Agreement—that entails that it cannot, without considerable vio-
lence, be reduced to a single, teleological narrative. Seamus Heaney has
spoken warily of the term ‘peace process’ being applied to Northern
Ireland, declaring that peace in the region ‘[…] was always going to be a
rigged-up, slightly rickety affair: something ad hoc and precariously in the
balance, depending at once on great stealth and great boldness by indi-
viduals on both sides. There’s something too foreclosed about calling it
a “process”, as if all you had to do was to initiate certain movements
4 C. I. ARMSTRONG ET AL.

or exchanges and the whole thing would work itself out in theory and in
practice’ (O’Driscoll 2008, 351–2).
If this observation is perspicacious with regard to the developments
leading up to the Good Friday Agreement, it is even more salient in light
of subsequent events. The best laid plans of women and men have proved
to have unforeseeable consequences. The shifting grounds of history have
created a very different political landscape from that of 1998, in a period
that has included international events such as 9/11 and Brexit, as well as
political polarization that has gradually strengthened the positions of Sinn
Féin and the DUP.

Unsettled Peace
The referendum held on the Good Friday Agreement showed consider-
able opposition to the settlement. The political opposition was voiced by
supporters of the DUP and other minor unionist parties, while the clear
majority of the Nationalists supported the Agreement. This would find
electoral expression in the assembly elections in 1998 and 2003, when the
DUP strengthened its position and outmanoeuvred the Ulster Unionist
Party becoming the largest unionist party. The new dawn created after
1998 quickly saw darker clouds flocking to the horizon and put the imple-
mentation processes of the Agreement into jeopardy. As Coulter and
Murray note: ‘A genuine resolution to the conflict will necessarily entail a
massive redistribution of resources and opportunities. If there is truly to
be peace in Northern Ireland, those working-class communities that have
endured most during the war will have to feel that their interests are being
served and their voices heard’ (Coulter and Murray 2008, 23).
In recent years, much research has been conducted on post-Good
Friday Agreement Northern Ireland. Political accounts have attempted to
show the political impasse that took place and, to some extent, is still tak-
ing place. Collections of essays, like Coulter and Murray (2008) and Fox
et al. (2000/2006), have tried to capture the shifting and complex reali-
ties of Northern Irish society after 1998. Bew et al. (2002) have given
nationalist accounts of political forces and social classes and Arthur Aughey
(2005) has examined the political landscape beyond the Agreement.
Monographs and articles have been written on the new political and social
dimensions with notable contributions from Tonge (2005), McAuley
(2010 and 2011 with Tonge and Mycock), Dixon (2008) and McGrattan
(2010). The latter breaks new ground in an attempt to illuminate how
 INTRODUCTION 5

path-dependency theories cast light on a troublesome nationalist arena

and how policymaking in Northern Ireland has contributed to long-term
polarization and entrenchment. Crucially, McGrattan examines what his-
torical legacies mean for the present in attempting to deal with the past.
It is a widely held view among many unionists that the peace process
leading up to the Good Friday Agreement was republican-driven and that
far too many concessions were made to the minority. McAuley has
authored several studies of unionism and loyalism in the post-Good Friday
Agreement period and has been particularly concerned with depicting the
complexity and not least the variety that exists within these groups. In his
book from 2011, he shows how senses of identity are interpreted as a basis
for social and political action from the various factions within unionism.
Jonathan Powell’s acclaimed memoir from 2009 is an important point of
reference in this volume and gives an inside account of how peace was
finally negotiated in Northern Ireland. But it also worth mentioning
Neumann’s study from 2003 in which he offers the first thorough analysis
of the British government’s strategic approach to the Troubles.
With a few notable exceptions (Bruce 2007 and Moloney 2008), little
research has traditionally been conducted on the DUP, and the party’s in
and out positions in the peace process. However, in recent years compre-
hensive studies have been published by several researchers. Tonge et al.
(2014) have carried out a membership survey of the DUP, assessing mem-
bers’ attitudes to power sharing in a divided society. Investigative journal-
ist David Gordon of The Belfast Telegraph published his book on the
Paisleys in 2010, pinpointing many structural flaws in Paisley’s political
and religious actions. The book also casts an uncompromising light on
Northern Ireland’s political class. Furthermore, Ganiel has written insight-
ful articles (2006, 2007 and 2008 with Dixon) on the fusion of DUP poli-
tics and evangelicalism, and Mitchell’s book (2006) claims that even
though the conflict in Northern Ireland never was and never will be a holy
war, religion is more socially and politically significant than many com-
mentators believe.
Within the arts, there has been uncertainty about how to frame an
understanding of the post-1998 situation in Northern Ireland. Colin
Graham (2013) has provided an incisive analysis of how Northern Irish
photography has responded to the conflict, while John Hill’s recent his-
tory of Northern Irish cinema has highlighted how films from the region
are ‘haunted by the realities of continuing social division and the absence
of any “quick-fix” solution to the conflict’ (Hill 2006, 242). Similar
6 C. I. ARMSTRONG ET AL.

c­oncerns are expressed in studies of the literature of the same period,

including Heinemann’s Post-Agreement Northern Irish Literature: Lost in
a Liminal Space? (2016). Particularly for recent generations of poets in
Northern Ireland, not only the political conflict but also the outstanding
accomplishments of earlier poets such as Heaney, Michael Longley, Derek
Mahon, Medbh McGuckian, Paul Muldoon and Ciaran Carson have led
to uncertainty about how a post-Troubles aesthetic might be carved out.
Already, however, the optimism of Chris Agee’s anthology The New
North: Contemporary Poetry from Northern Ireland is beginning to seem
like something more than mere bluster. Agee claimed that all the new
poets featured in his collection had already ‘staked a claim to some unin-
habited space in the zodiac of Irish poetry’ (Agee 2011, xxxiii). Although
the literature of the region is like the politics in that expectations of fresh
starts might seem hubristic, there have been considerable accomplish-
ments since 1998. One might question whether the connection between
politics and the arts has become any less complex than it was prior to
1998, and Edna Longley’s monitory claim that perhaps ‘poetry’s counter-
part to the historian’s “dialogue with evidence” is the intertextual dia-
logue between poems’ is a useful reminder that one should be wary of too
simplistic interpretations of complex aesthetic structures (Longley 2000,
316). Yet the open-endedness of works ‘whose single most important les-
son is that they have no “lesson”; they embody no masterplot of social
thinking’ can also provide a salutary check to a political situation that has
been plagued with all too adamant narratives (Hufstadter 1999, 292).
This includes literature’s challenge to rigid identity politics, as shown by
McDonald (1997) among others.

The Structure of This Book

This volume places itself amongst the mentioned body of works published
on Northern Ireland in the post-Good Friday Agreement era, adding new
perspectives to the legacy debates of the 20-year-old deal. One of the aims
of this collection is to present a broadly inclusive view on these develop-
ments. The following 14 chapters included delve into the political, cultural
and artistic representations and bases of the current political situation in
the region. Recent unrest in Northern Ireland—for instance, in the contro-
versy around the British flag of the Belfast City Hall and altercations linked
with the marching season in the summers of 2012 and 2013—suggests that
issues such as identity and belonging remain important and are not being
 INTRODUCTION 7

adequately addressed by current policies and processes, requiring a critical

rethinking of paradigms and their cultural, social and political implications.
Colin Graham has pointed out that compared to the Downing Street
Declaration, the Good Friday Agreement actually reduced the role of ‘cul-
ture’ in the search for lasting peace in Northern Ireland: culture’s major
role of being an ‘arena in which utopian politics were placed out’ was
replaced by a bit-part with only minor impact (Graham 2005, 567).
If the 1998 deal and its aftermath has seen a temptation to narrow the
template for peace, the Good Friday Agreement nevertheless still looms
large as a key event in the narrative of Northern Ireland. There seems to
be little doubt that the Agreement, which this year celebrates its 20th
anniversary, accelerated the desire to find peaceful solutions and paved the
way for the St Andrews Agreement (2006) and subsequent power sharing.
The Agreement has proved resilient, even though it has suffered many
challenges both from within and without. But, at the moment of writing,
it is still enshrined in UK and Irish law. Brexit and the ensuing negotia-
tions of the nature of the border between the Republic of Ireland and
Northern Ireland also reveal the importance of the deal struck in 1998, as
well as the complexity of adhering to its letter and calibrating its
consequences.
This book seeks to create an argumentative space where unresolved or
obscured issues of the peace process can be clarified and constructively
opened up for debate. How can constructive change take place, and rec-
onciliation be facilitated in a context of post-conflict tension? While seek-
ing to be even-handed and acknowledge the real progress that has been
made, this study also takes a critical stance to some recent developments in
Northern Ireland and some of the legacies of the Good Friday Agreement.
Do existing political narratives and communal identities block real prog-
ress, or—quite to the contrary—has the existing process taken too little
cognizance of foundational realities that are not simply going to be con-
jured away? This relates to the complex imbrication of reality and repre-
sentation in Northern Irish politics: how effective—and how moral—is
the rhetoric of political discourse? What is the relationship between recon-
ciliation and remembering in a period that should, according to the aims
of the peace process, amount to a winding down of the Troubles? These
and other questions are addressed in the subsequent chapters of this book,
as the historical narratives of the individuals, communities and ­international
and regional parties involved in Good Friday Agreement and its aftermath
are subjected to scrutiny.
8 C. I. ARMSTRONG ET AL.

Northern Irish society is rapidly changing and the chapters that follow
try to capture the complex and at times often contradictory progress that
has taken place in the last two decades. On the one hand, Northern Ireland
has moved forward in many respects and in many different fields, yet on
the other hand, there are areas where Northern Ireland has experienced
standstill and stalemate.
The chapters and their authors come from a variety of academic disci-
plines and are all experienced scholars within their fields. The collection is
divided into four parts. Part I looks at the political discussions and devel-
opments leading up to the Good Friday Agreement and its aftermath. It
examines key players and how the different perspectives of these players
create and contribute to shaping of events, crucial for an understanding of
post-Good Friday Agreement society. In Part II, focus shifts to an analysis
of how different social groups form their own identities in response to
political developments. Part III takes a cultural and literary approach and
examines how artistic narratives contribute to a fuller understanding of
Northern Irish society. Finally, Part IV investigates and questions the
peace processes in the plural and discusses how future scenarios of the
‘unsettled’ peace can become more ‘settled’.
The opening chapter (Chap. 2) by Eamonn O’Kane and Paul Dixon
underlines the controversies of the peace process and shows how differ-
ently the actors interpreted the negotiations, the actual Agreement and its
aftermath. Generally, the chapter provides an overview of the peace pro-
cess and at the same time pinpoints how negotiations were performed
both on stage and behind the stage. Chapter 3 by Dixon argues that the
peace process was full of deceptions and ‘dirty politics’ for the purpose of
advancing the peace. Dixon claims that this pragmatic realist approach was
necessary to drive the process forward and that Tony Blair’s deceptions
were ‘honourable’ as a means to obtain peace. The chapter presents evi-
dence of this ‘honourable deception’ and that power sharing between the
hardline parties after St Andrews was an unintended but fortuitous out-
come of the peace process.
In Chap. 4, Charles I. Armstrong’s ‘“George Mitchell’s Peace”: The
Good Friday Agreement in Colum McCann’s Novel TransAtlantic’ uses a
novel published in 2013 as a prism to inspect interpretations of the treaty
negotiations. Here not only the fictional mode and narrative techniques of
McCann’s novel but also its author’s Irish-American identity and the
­historical distance are shown to affect the novelistic treatment of Senator
George Mitchell’s contribution to the peace treaty. The chapter also
 INTRODUCTION 9

­ ighlights how questions of personality and domestic life impinge upon

h
the political narrative, and how it can be difficult to gauge individual con-
tributions to the peace in the context of larger, impinging forces.
In Chap. 5, Jan Erik Mustad looks at how the DUP rose from a protest
party to become a party of power sharing and government. The chapter
assesses possible reasons for the party’s turnaround, discusses its unionism
and how it articulates this unionism both to its own supporters and the
other actors in the peace process. The chapter argues that changed politi-
cal circumstances, a more pragmatic political leadership and a fear of plan
B for Northern Ireland gently pushed the DUP towards Stormont and
power sharing with Sinn Féin.
Chapter 6, the first chapter in Part II, is by Stefanie Lehner, and is titled
‘Troubling Victims: Representing a New Politics of Victimhood in
Northern Ireland on Stage and Screen’. Here Lehner analyses the chang-
ing configuration of the politics of victimhood, and the role of the past,
after the agreement. She explores how victims have been pigeonholed as
either ‘moral beacons’ or ‘spoilers’ disturbing the peace. Two artistic
works—Martin Lynch’s play, Meeting at Menin Gate and the film A Belfast
Story, directed by Nathan Todd—are shown to disturb this dichotomy,
pointing the way towards a more inclusive and challenging articulation of
the way forward for the peace process.
The Union Flag protests from December 2012 to the spring of 2013
are the focus on Neil Jarman’s analysis in Chap. 7. These widespread pro-
tests against restrictions on flying the Union flag over Belfast City Hall
were widely interpreted as exposing deep but familiar tensions within
Northern Irish society. Jarman points out, however, that the target of
these protests was not (at least primarily) the sectarian Other, but rather
the city council, and resists a perennialist reading of the protests, instead
placing them in the dual context of the wave of concurrent global pro-
tests—against political elites seen as self-interested and out of touch, and
against the widespread austerity measures they imposed following the
financial crash of 2008—and also of 50 years of parading and protest by
the Unionist and especially Loyalist community.
Chapter 8 is by Gladys Ganiel and is titled ‘A Gender-Balanced
Approach to Transforming Cultures of Militarism in Northern Ireland’.
The chapter identifies three ‘cultures of militarism’ whose legacy remains
powerful in Northern Ireland: republican, loyalist and British Armed
Forces. The chapter critically analyses these cultures drawing on critiques
articulated both by feminist authors and by the NGO Veterans for Peace,
10 C. I. ARMSTRONG ET AL.

with whom the author has conducted fieldwork. The chapter situates this
analysis in the context of a broader discussion of role of gender in the his-
tory of the conflict, peace-making and politics in Northern Ireland.
The final contribution in Part II is Chap. 9 by Sissel Rosland. The chap-
ter is titled ‘Making Hope and History Rhyme? Dealing with Division and
the Past in Northern Ireland After the Good Friday Agreement’. In this
chapter, Rosland examines three reports dealing with division and dividing
lines in post-Good Friday Agreement Northern Ireland. She analyses how
the past, the present and future are conceptualized in the reports, in an
attempt (in the words of Seamus Heaney) to make ‘hope and history
rhyme’.
In the first chapter in Part III, Chap. 10, Seán Crosson discusses how
film has addressed the Troubles and their aftermath. His chapter ‘The
Shore (2011): Examining the Reconciliation Narrative in Post-Troubles
Cinema’ presents a critical view of how this artistic medium has depicted
the peace process. Crosson finds Terry George’s film The Shore adopting a
filiative approach, basing itself on family relations, which effectively avoids
confrontation with political realities. In his interpretation, the art of cin-
ema becomes a purveyor of tourism and financial progress instead of a
critical interlocutor in the search for peace.
Seamus Heaney is perhaps the most renowned artist associated with the
Troubles, having been awarded with the Nobel Prize in literature in 1995.
In Chap. 11, Margaret Mills Harper addresses his post-1998 poetry in
‘Elementals in Language: Seamus Heaney After the Good Friday
Agreement’. Although Harper finds Heaney characteristically steadfast in
avoiding political propaganda in order to follow his own poetic bent, she
nevertheless identifies a sense of new beginnings and hope in his verse.
Heaney’s relationship to Yeats and his use of alchemical metaphors and
motifs also point towards a complex process of analysis and recreation that
parallel the new political dispensation.
In Chap. 12, Anne Karhio interprets how a trio of younger poets have
responded to the new political climate. In ‘Finished and Under
Construction: Visual Representation and Spatial Relations in Post-­
Ceasefire Northern Irish Poetry’, she focuses on issues concerning per-
spective and mediation in the verse of Leontia Flynn, Sinéad Morrissey
and Alan Gillis. Karhio’s analysis emphasizes how these poets respond to
the changing technological and financial outlook of Northern Ireland.
Her piece shows how works of literature—and indeed works of art in gen-
eral—mobilize dynamic and open-ended processes of representation,
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Gli scherzi allora, il conversar, le risa
Scoppiettavan graditi in mezzo a loro;
Però che onor l’agreste musa avesse.

22.

Non per colpa s’immola a Bacco il capro

Sovra l’are dovunque e i ludi antichi
Sulle scene compajono, solenni
Della Tesea città [23] gli abitatori
Immaginaron premj intorno ai grandi
Popolosi villaggi e nelle vie,
E fra le colme coppe in su gli erbosi
Prati danzâr fra l’untüose pelli
Degli immolati capri. Istessamente
Gli Ausonj pur dalla trojana gente
Qui derivati con incolto verso
E irrefrenato riso han passatempo
E di cave corteccie orrendi visi
Assumono, e ne’ loro allegri carmi
Te invocan, Bacco, e sul gigante pino
Ti sospendon votive immaginette.
Mia traduzione.

23. Gli Ateniesi sono così dal Poeta chiamati Thesidæ da Teseo re, che
primo ridusse dagli sparsi villaggi entro la città che circondò di mura.

24. «I primi ludi teatrali nacquero dalle feste di Bacco.»

25.

Grecia già doma il vincitor feroce

Giunse a domar, e nell’agreste Lazio
L’arti guidò per man; indi quell’irto
Cadde saturnio ritmo, e fu respinto
Dal fior d’ogni eleganza il grave lezzo.
Ma rimasero ancor lungh’anni, e ancora
Rimangon oggi le salvatich’orme
Chè tardo acuti su le greche carte
Sguardi volse il Roman, e alfin deposte
Le punich’arme, cominciò tranquillo
Quella ad investigar, ch’Eschilo e Tespi
E Sofocle apprestava util dottrina.
Trad. Gargallo.
26. Storia degli Italiani, Vol. I, cap. XXXI.

27.

Ma però se grecizza il mio subbietto,

Non atticizza, ma piuttosto in vero
Sicilizza.

28.

Che d’altri personaggi ora non lice

Valersi, e ch’altro scriver si costuma
Che di schiavi correnti e di pietose
Matrone o di malvagie cortigiane,
Di parassito crapulon, ovvero
Di spavaldo soldato e di supposto
Fanciullo; o pur da vecchio servitore
Venir tradito; amare, odiar, gelosi
Restar in scena? Oh! nulla cosa insomma
Scriver si può che non sia stato scritto.
Mia trad.

29.

Molti incerti restar abbiam veduto

Cui conceder di comico poeta
La palma; a te, col mio giudizio adesso
Il dubbio solverò, sì che tu possa
Altra sentenza rigettar contraria.
Prima a Cecilio Stazio io la concedo,
Plauto di poi ogn’altro certo avvanza;
Quindi l’ardito Nevio ha il terzo posto;
E se il quarto, ad alcun dar lo si deve,
A Licinio è dovuto, ed a lui presso
Attilio viene; il sesto loco ottiene
Publio Terenzio, e il settimo Turpilio;
Ha Trabëa l’ottavo e il nono a Luscio
Giustamente si dee; Ennio, in ragione
Solo di vetustà, decimo venga.
Tr. id.

30. Traduco:

Vi avran di quei che mi diran: che è questo

 Matrimonio di schiavi? E quando mai
Torran moglie gli schiavi? Ecco una cosa
Strana così che in nessun luogo è vista.
Ma io v’accerto che ciò s’usa in Grecia,
A Cartagin, qui nella terra nostra,
In Apulia, ove più che i cittadini
Soglion gli schiavi andar tra loro a nozze.

31.

Tutto ciò che piace

Potè ai mimi concedere la scena.
Lib. 2.

32. Apologia. XV.

33. «Il capo e la faccia coperti colla maschera.»

34. Le Maschere Sceniche e le Figure Comiche d’antichi Romani descritte

brevemente da Francesco De Ficoroni. — Roma. Nella stamperia dei
Bernabò e Lazzarini MDCCXLVIII. I versi di Fedro così tradurrei:

Gli occhi in maschera tragica

Un dì la volpe affisse;
Oh quanto è bella, disse,
Ma ahimè! cervel non ha.

35. Se taluno avrà cantato innanzi al popolo, o avrà fatto carme che rechi
infamia o offesa altrui, venga punito di bastone.

36.

Fescennina licenza, a cui ben questo

Costume aprì la via, con versi alterni
Rustici prese a dardeggiar motteggi,
E omai l’ammessa libertà, cogli anni
Rinnovandosi ognor, piacevolmente
Folleggiò, sinchè poi l’inferocito
Scherzo scosso ogni fren, cangiato in rabbia,
Già minaccioso gli onorati Lari
Impunemente penetrare ardio.
Quei che sentiro i sanguinosi morsi,
Muggir di duolo, e quegli ancor non tocchi
Su la sorte comun stetter pensosi:
 Ch’anzi legge e castigo allor fu imposto,
Perchè descritto in petulanti versi
Alcun non fosse. Ecco littor temuto
Cangiar fe’ metro, e sol diletto e lode
Ormai risuona su le aonie corde.
Trad. Gargallo.

37.

Magno tu sei per la miseria nostra....

E di codesta tua virtute alfine
Giorno verrà che te’ n dorrai tu forte,
Se legge non l’infrena, oppur costume.

38. Ad Atticum, II, 19.

39.

Quiriti, ahimè, la libertà perdemmo.

40.

È da fatal necessità voluto

Che i molti tema chi è da lor temuto.

41. «E che? colui che soccorse la Republica, la sostenne e rassodò tra gli
Argivi.... dubbia l’impresa, non dubitò però espor la sua vita, nè curarsi
del capo suo.... d’animo sommo in somma guerra e di sommo ingegno
adornato.... o Padre! queste cose vidi io ardere. O ingrati Argivi, o Greci
inconseguenti, immemori del beneficio!... Lo lasciate esulare, lo lasciate
espellere, ed espulso, il sopportate.»

42.

Io son Talia, che a’ comici presiede

Poemi e il vizio sferza
Per genial via di teatrali scede.

43.

Nè la nostra Talia dentro le selve

Vergognò soggiornar.

44. Tom. II. pl. 3 nella nota 7. Vedi anche Plutarco Simp. IX 14.
45.

Di Melpomene aver l’ignoto carme

Tespi inventato, è fama, e aver su plaustri
Tratti gli attor, di feccia il volto intrisi,
Che adattassero al carme il gesto e il canto.
Trad. Gargallo.

46. Costui è quell’Eraclide, che Diogene Laerzio e Suida dicono essere

stato uomo grave, cantore di opere ottime ed elegantissime, e liberatore
della sua patria oppressa, emulo di Platone, che nel partire per la Sicilia
lo incaricò di presiedere alla sua scuola. Egli ne’ frammenti dell’opera
Delle Republiche, ci lasciò testimonianza che Omero sè dicesse, in un
componimento andato perduto, di patria toscano: Omero attesta dalla
Tirrenia esser egli venuto in Cefallenia ed Itaca, ove per malattia perdè
la vista, onde il nostro Manzoni il chiamasse:

«Cieco d’occhi, divin raggio di mente.»

47.

Chi per vil capro in tragico certame

Pria gareggiò.
Trad. Gargallo.

48.

Vien la truce Tragedia a grande passo,

Torva la fronte d’arruffata chioma
E il lungo peplo che le casca in basso.
Ovid., 3. Amor. I. II. Mia trad.

49.

De la maschera autor, e del decente

Sirma, appo lui Eschilo il palco stese
Su poche travi, e ad innalzar lo stile,
E a poggiar sul coturno ei fu maestro.
Trad. Gargallo.

50. Chi poi abbia introdotto le maschere, i prologhi, la moltitudine degli attori
ed altrettali cose, si ignora. — Della Poetica, cap. V.

51.
 Se dì solenne a festeggiar talvolta,
D’erbe un teatro si compone e nota
Una commedia [52] recitar si ascolta,
In cui l’attor pallida al volto e immota
Maschera tien dalla beante bocca,
Il bimbo, di terror pinta la gota,
Nel sen materno si nasconde.

52. Ho tradotto la parola exodium per Commedia; ma l’exodium era

propriamente una farsa licenziosa che d’ordinario si rappresentava in
seguito ad una tragedia e più spesso ancora in seguito ad un’atellana,
qualche volta pure tra un atto e l’altro di quest’ultima. Il più delle volte
l’esodio non aveva che un solo attore, chiamato per ciò exodiarus.

53. «Laddove un oratore convien che abbia l’acutezza de’ dialetti e i

sentimenti de’ filosofi e quasi il parlar de’ poeti, e la memoria de’ giuristi
e la voce de’ tragici e poco meno che il gesto de’ più applauditi attori di
teatro.» — Cicerone, De Oratore, lib. I, c. XXVIII, Trad. di Gius. Ant.
Cantova.

54.

Queste son l’opre e queste l’arti invero

Del generoso prence: ei s’abbandona
A oscene danze su palco straniero;
Beato allor che la nemea corona
D’appio mertò [55]. Del tuo trillo sonante
Alle immagin’ degli avi i trofei dona;
E di Domizio al più la trascinante
Sirma di Tieste o Antigone e la cetra
A quel gran marmo tu deponi innante.
Mia trad.

55. Plinio, Nat. Hist. lib. 19. 5. 46, fa sapere che ne’ grandi spettacoli della
Grecia Nemea venisse data al vincitore una corona di appio, erba
palustre, detta anche, helioselinum.

56. Egloga VIII. 10.

Che sol del sofocleo coturno degni

Sono i tuoi carmi.

57. Lib. VII. 2.

58. Hist. Nat. 35. 12. 46.

59. Id. 57. 2. 6.

60. Saturnaliorum. Lib. III. C. XIV.

61.

Mentre il tosco tibicine strimpella

Muove il ludio il suo piè a grottesca danza.
V. 112. Mia trad.

62.

Non grave d’oricalco e de la tromba

Qual oggi è omai, la tibia emulatrice,
Ma semplice e sottil per pochi fori
Spirando, al coro utile accordo univa,
E del suo fiato empiea gli ancor non troppo
Spesso sedili.
Tr. Gargallo.

63. Flacco di Claudio suonò colle tibie pari.

64. «Il Tibicine intanto or vi diverta.»

65. «Non comprendo di che abbia egli a temere, da che sì bei settenari egli
reciti al suono della tibia.»

66. Lo Scoliaste d’Apollonio, Argonaut. III V. I., e lo Scoliaste dell’Antologia,

lib. I. cap. 57.

67.

Co’ suoi tragici giambi reboante

S’accalora Melpomene.

68. Martorio Primo, liberto di Marco, architetto.

69.

E del nudo teatro e del coperto

Il gemino edificio.
70. Lib. II. c. 45. 6. «Quinto Catulo, imitando l’effeminatezza della
Campania, primo coprì dell’ombra del velario gli spettatori.»

71. Cap. XXVI.

72.

«Sederò teco al pompejan teatro,

Quando il vento contende
Di spiegar sovra al popolo le tende.»
Lib. XVI. 29. Trad. di Magenta.

73.

Sovente ancora
Il medesmo color diffuso intorno
È dal sommo de’ corpi; e l’aureo velo,
E le purpuree e le sanguigne spesso
Ciò fanno, allor che ne’ teatri augusti
Son tese, o sventolando in su l’antenne
Ondeggian fra le travi: ivi il consesso
Degli ascoltanti; ivi la scena e tutte
Le immagini de’ padri e delle madri
E degli dei di color vario ornate
Veggonsi fluttuare, e quanto più
Han d’ogni intorno le muraglie chiuse,
Sicchè da’ lati del teatro alcuna
Luce non passi, tanto più cosperse
Di grazia e di lepor ridon le cose
Di dentro, ecc.
Trad. Marchetti.

74. «Avanti tutti, Gneo Pompeo col far iscorrere le acque per le vie, temperò
l’ardore estivo.» Lib. II. c. 496.

75. «Oggi per avventura credi più sapiente quegli che trovò come con latenti
condotti si porti a immensa altezza e si sprizzi acqua profumata di
zafferano.»

76.

Non ondeggiava sulla curva arena

Pompa di veli, nè odoroso croco
Spirava intorno ognor la molle scena.
 Lib. IV, el. I Trad. di M. Vismara.

77.

Non si stendean sulla marmorea arena

Le vele allor, nè s’era vista ancora
D’acqua di croco rosseggiar la scena.
Lib. I. v. 103-104. Mia versione.

78.

Testè, solo fra tutti, Orazio in bruno

Mantello agli spettacoli assistea,
Mentre la plebe, il maggior duce, e l’uno
Ordine e l’altro in bianco vi sedea.
Spessa neve dal ciel cadde repente:
In mantel bianco Orazio ecco sedente.
Lib. IV. 2. Trad. Magenta.

79. «Un giorno (Augusto) avendo in un’assemblea di popolo veduto una

gran turba in mantelli neri, pieno di corruccio si diè a gridare: Ecco son
questi

I togati Romani arbitri in tutto?

e commise agli edili che quind’innanzi più alcun cittadino non

comparisse nel foro o nel circo, se non deposto prima il mantello.» C.
XL.

80. «A Marco Olconio Rufo, figlio di Marco, duumviro incaricato per la quinta
volta dell’amministrazione della giustizia, quinqueviro per la seconda
volta, tribuno dei soldati eletto dal popolo, flamine d’Augusto, patrono
della colonia, per decreto de’ decurioni.»

81. «Marco Olconio Rufo e Marco Olconio Celere a propria spesa eressero
una cripta, un tribunale, un teatro a lustro della Colonia.»

82. «A Marco Olconio Celere duumviro di giustizia, cinque volte designato

sacerdote d’Augusto.»

83. De Rich, Diz. d’Antichità, voce Thymele.

84. Parte I, cap. I, p. 6.

85. Lib. cap. 13. 2.

86. Epist. Ex Ponto. Epist XVI.

87.

Indi fidai con gravi accenti al tragico

Coturno, qual dovea, regal subbietto.
Trad. dell’ab. Paolo Mistrorigo.

88.

Io salvarti potei e mi domandi

Se struggerti non possa?...
Instit. Orat. VIII. 5.

89.

Quasi invasa da un Dio, qua e là son tratta.

90.

Le pugne de’ centimani

Sacrileghi giganti
Cantar tentai: ho cetera
Pe’ carmi altisonanti.

91. Tristium, lib. II. 519.

92. Id. lib. V. 7. 25.

93. Inst. Orat. X. I. «che può essere paragonata a qualunque tragedia

greca.»

94.

LA NUTRICE.

Partiro i Colchi; nulla fu la fede

Del tuo consorte e di dovizie tante
Più nulla resta a te.

MEDEA.

Resta Medea.

Atto II. Sc. I.

 95.

TESEO.

Di’, qual delitto colla morte intendi

D’espiar?

FEDRA.

Quello ch’io vivo.

96.

Tempo vegg’io propizio

In avvenir lontano,
In cui torrà gli ostacoli
Fremente l’oceano,
Ed ingente una terra apparirà;
Nè Tile fia più l’ultima;
Ma nuovi mondi Teti scoprirà.
Mia trad.

97. Lipsia, 1822.

98. Lipsia, 1852.

99. Antichità di Pompei. Vol. IV.

100.

Ecco d’eroici sensi menar vampo

Cianciator grecizzante.
Sat. I. v. 69. Trad. V. Monti.

101. Le publicai tradotte in un volume: Publio Siro — I Mimiambi. — Pagnoni,

1871.

102. Nat. Hist., IX. 59.

103.

Quei cui parrà tuo genio al suo conforme

Con l’un pollice e l’altro avvien che innalzi
Fautor suoi plausi a’ marzïal tuoi ludi.
Epist. lib. 1. ep. XIX 66. Trad. Gargallo.
 Vedi anche Plinio Nat. Hist. XXVIII, II. 3.

104.

Nè l’opra tua puoi vendere a cotesta

Gente nel foro o nel teatro.
Epig. Lib. VII. 64.

105. Lib. IV. 15.

106. Paradox. III, 2. De Orat. III.

107. Pag. 46.

108. In Pericle 13.

109. Lib. V. 9. 10.

110. Cap. V.

111. «Egualmente sono a lui dovuti e il tempio della gente Flavia e uno stadio
e un odeum ed una naumachia, delle cui pietre di poi valsero alla
riparazione del gran circo, i due lati del quale erano stati incendiati.»

112. I giuochi di Achille in onor di Patroclo sono narrati nel libro XXIII
dell’Iliade.

113.

Questi torneamenti, e queste giostre

Rinnovò poscia Ascanio, allor ch’eresse
Alba la lunga; appresegli i Latini;
Gli mantenner gli Albani; e d’Alba a Roma
Fur trasportati, e vi son oggi; e come
E l’uso e Roma e i giochi derivati
Son dai Trojani, hanno or di Troja il nome.
Æneid. Lib. V. 596-601. Trad. Annib. Caro.

114. Annales. Lib. XI. C. XV.

115. Da αμφι, da ambe le parti, e da θεατρον, teatro.

116. Nat. Hist. Lib. XXXVI.

117. «Ciò che non fecero i Barbari fecero i Barbarini.»

118. Narra a tal proposito Dione che Nerone accolse benignamente e
onorevolmente quel re, facendo, oltre altre solennità, anche ludi
gladiatorj in Pozzuoli. Fu prefetto di essi Patrobio Liberto, e ne fu tanta
la magnificenza, che nessuno nello spazio d’un sol giorno potesse
entrar nell’anfiteatro all’infuori degli uomini, delle donne e dei fanciulli
Etiopi; onde Patrobio ne riportasse onore. Ivi il Re Tiridate, sedendo in
luogo principale, con dardo colpiva le fiere e con un solo colpo ferì due
tori ed uccise. Queste feste compiute, Nerone lo condusse a Roma e
gl’impose la corona.

119. «Cajo Quinzio Valgo figlio e Marco Porcio figlio di Marco Duumviri
Quinquennali, hanno per onore della Colonia costruito col proprio
denaro l’anfiteatro, concedendone ai Coloni il posto in perpetuità.»

120. Cajo Cuspio Pansa figlio di Cajo, pontefice Duumviro incaricato di

rendere giustizia.

121. Cajo Cuspio Pansa figlio di Cajo, padre, Duumviro per la giustizia,
quattroviro quinquennale, prefetto, per decreto de’ Decurioni, al
mantenimento della legge Petronia.

122. Gli scavi ripresi nel 1813 e durati fino al 1816 lo misero interamente alla
luce, come trovasi di presente.

123. «Il Patrono del sobborgo Augusto Felice sopra i ludi per decreto de’
decurioni — T. Atullio Celere figlio di Cajo Duumviro sopra i ludi, le porte
e la costruzione de’ cunei, per decreto de’ Decurioni. — Lucio Saginio,
Duumviro, incaricato dalla giustizia fece, per Decreto de’ Decurioni, gli
aditi. — Nonio Istacidio figlio di Nonio, cilice, Duumviro sopra i ludi fe’ gli
aditi. — Aulo Audio Rufo figlio di Aulo Duumviro sopra i ludi, e fe’ gli
aditi. — Marco Cantrio Marcello figlio di Marco Duumviro sopra i ludi e
fece tre cunei, per decreto de’ Decurioni.»

124. Io ho creduto di tradurre sopra i ludi e non pour les jeux, come tradusse
Bréton, e la parola lumina, non come il Garrucci e il Mommsen e altri per
illuminazione, ma per aditi, cioè i vomitorj, porte e spiragli de’
sotterranei, perchè mi parve più naturale e probabile che coi cunei si
facessero i relativi aditi, androni ecc., e nel diritto romano si trovi sempre
usata la parola lumina per indicare le finestre. Così anche l’abate
Romanelli.

125. Pompeja p. 227 e 228 seguendo la lezione di Rénier: la ragione ne è

fornita dopo la lettera di Rénier.
126. Lib. 5, 24:

Ermete de’ Locarii arricchimento.

Trad. Magenta.

127.

All’alte file io giunsi, ove la turba,

Dalla bruna e vil veste, spettatrice
Tra le femminee cattedre sedea;
Però che tutto quanto era all’aperto
Di cavalieri e di tribuni in bianco
Abbigliamento si vedea stipato.
Mia trad.

128. La famiglia gladiatoria di Numerio Popidio a 28 ottobre darà in Pompei

una caccia, e a’ 20 di aprile si metteranno le antenne ed i velarj.

129. La famiglia gladiatoria di Numerio Festo Ampliato giostrerà di nuovo a’

sedici maggio e vi sarà la venazione e si metteranno i velarii.

130. Senec. Epist. 95 e Lamprid. Commod. 18 e 19.

131.

Scorpo son io, del circo onor solenne,

Tuo plauso, o Roma, e breve tuo contento.
Morte al ventisettesmo anno m’ha spento;
Contò mie palme, e già vecchio mi tenne.
Lib. X, ep. 57. Trad. Magenta

132.

Oggi.... il solo Circo

Tutta nel suo giron comprende Roma....
Sì, dal fragor che intronami l’orecchio,
Vincitor ne argomento il verde panno.
Sat. XI. v. 195-96. Trad. Gargallo

133.

De’ vincenti ronzon proclamatore,

Siede il Pretor in trionfal corredo.
Sat. XI. 191-93. Trad. Gargallo.
134. «Abbia contro sè irata Venere pompejana chi a questa insegna porterà
offesa.»

135.

Gli abbattimenti
Colla sinopia, e col carbon dipinti,
Quand’io talor di Rutuba, di Flavio,
O di Placideian, a gamba tesa
Stommi a guatar, qual se verace fosse,
Di que’ prodi il pugnare, il mover l’arme,
Lo schermirsi, il ferir....
Trad. Gargallo.

136. Hist. Lib. 11. 88.

137. «Giurammo fede ad Eumolpione, sotto pena di essere abbruciati, legati,

battuti, ammazzati, e quant’altro fosse esatto da lui, consecrandogli
religiosamente, come i veri gladiatori consacrano a’ loro padroni, i corpi
nostri e la vita.» Satyricon. Cap. XXVII, trad. Vinc. Lancetti.

138.

Di peggio che si può, tranne l’arena?

E ancor qui trovi il disonor di Roma.
Eccoti un Gracco: mirmillonic’arme
Egli non veste: non impugna scudo,
O adunca falce: arnesi son cotesti
Ch’egli condanna; anzi condanna e abborre.
Nè il volto asconde sotto l’elmo; il mira:
Squassa il tridente, e poi che mal librata
La mano scaglia le sospese reti,
Dassi a fronte scoperta e a gambe alzate
Spettacolo a l’intorno. — È desso, è Gracco!
(Gridan tutti); la tunica l’attesta,
E l’aurea nappa che gli fascia il collo
E avvolta al pileo sventolando ondeggia.
Ond’è che il seguitor, vistosi astretto
Con un Gracco a pugnare, in sè ne freme
Qual d’un’onta peggior d’ogni ferita.
Sat. VIII. Trad. Gargallo.

139. «I Campani, per odio de’ Sanniti, armarono di quelle ricche spoglie i
gladiatori, che appellarono col nome di Sanniti.»
140.

Chi non le ha viste impalandrate e d’unto

Atletico incerate; e chi non vide
Lor colpi, bagordando a la quintana?
Con l’asta in pugno e con lo scudo in braccio
Assal, ferisce, martella, disbarba,
Tutte osservando del giostrar le leggi....
O matrona arcidegna de la tromba
Che di Flora all’agon le prodi invita!
Se non che, a maggior opra il cor rivolto,
Già s’apparecchia a la verace arena.
Qual vuoi trovar pudor in una donna,
Che il biondo crin in lucid’elmo accolga;
Che, schiva al sesso, a vigor maschio aneli?
Sat. VI, 218 e segg. Trad. di T. Gargallo.

141. Atto III.

142.

Cogniti a tutti i borghi un di costoro

Cornette e trombettier, de’ gladiatori
Girovaghi compagni, indivisibili;
Questi già un dì spettacolo, son ora
Que’ che danno spettacoli; e del popolo
Adulatori, a un suo volger di pollice,
Uccidon chi si sia popolarmente.
Trad. Gargallo.

143.

...... il pollice chinato,

La pudibonda vergine commanda
Che sia trafitto del giacente il petto.

144. Atto V.

145. Nat. hist. lib. XXXIV. «Fece un ferito morente, in cui si potesse
comprendere quanto in lui restasse ancora di anima.»

146. Byron. Pellegrinaggio di Childe Harold c. IV. st. CXL., CXLI.

147. «Stima (il popolo) ingiuria, perchè non periscano volontieri.»

148. «Il cadavere del gladiatore venga trascinato coll’uncino e lo si ponga
nello spoliario.»

149. Bond, scoliaste d’Orazio, le vuol dette Ambubaje dall’essere per ebrietà
balbuzienti.

150.

Or qual mai sia la razza prediletta

A’ nostri maggiorenti, e che mi sprona
A fuggir come lepre, in brevi detti
(Nè pudor men ritiene) io ti confesso
Roma, o Romani, divenuta greca
(Benchè la feccia achea qual può formarne
Picciola quota?) digerir non posso.
Pria di questa nel Tebro il siro Oronte
Era sboccato; e già sermon, costumi,
E flauti e cetre da le corde oblique
Seco tratti vi avea, frigi timballi,
E merce di fanciulle al Circo esposta.
Voi, cui fan gola barbare lupatte
Vario-mitrate, itene pure a loro.
Trad. Gargallo.

151.

E truppe d’ambubaje e speziali,

Mimi, accattoni e zanni, afflitta è tutta
Questa bordaglia dell’estremo fato
Di Tigellio cantor, poichè per essa
Generoso fu sempre.
Mia trad. [152]

152. A Gargallo mi sono sostituito, non avendo egli serbato fedeltà al primo
verso d’Orazio, che tradusse:

Troppo di canterine e vendi-empiastri.

La citazione, mettendo in disparte la parola ambubaje, sarebbe stata

perfettamente inutile.

153.

Ditelo voi di Lepido nepoti,

 Di Fabio il ghiotto e di Metello il cieco,
Qual gladiatrice (ludia) mai vestì tai vesti.
Trad. Gargallo.

154. Svetonio, in Neronem. Cap. XII.

Vedemmo Pasifae dal toro coperta

E la prisca favola or fede ha più certa.
Gli antichi più, o Cesare, non vantin lor gesta:
Checchè fama celebra l’arena ci appresta.
Trad. Magenta.

155. In Claud. c. XXI.

156. Id. In Neron. 12.

157. Id. In Tit. c. VII.

158. In Domitianum, c. V.

159.

Checchè ti mostrano di più preclaro

L’Anfiteatro e il Circo i splendidi
Flutti di Cesare qui ti mostraro.
Il lago scordinsi Fucin le genti,
E di Nerone gli stagni: ai posteri
Questo spettacolo sol si rammenti.
Trad. Magenta.

160. In August. c. XLIII.

161. Ad V. Æneid. 114.

162. Epist. VII, ep. 1.

163. Hist. Lib. XXXIX, c. 22.

164.

Quel toro, che già poco

Scorrea, punto dal fuoco,
Nell’arena i bersagli a rovesciar,
Cadde alfin, dal suo tratto
Cieco furor, nell’atto
 Che credea l’elefante in aria alzar.
De Spectaculis. Ep. 21. Tr. Magenta.

165. In Cæsar. c. 39.

166. Nat. Hist. Lib. VIII, c. 2.

167. In Galbam, c. 6.

168. Lib. LXI. c. 17, anche Svetonio il riporta In Neronem, c. XI.

169. Epig. lib. 1. 7.

L’aquila, onde su l’etere

Recare il putto illeso,
Al sen con l’ugne timide
Si strinse il caro peso.
Tr. Magenta.

170. Id. Lib. V. 55.

Dimmi, o regina degli augei, chi porti?

Il Tonante.
Trad. id.

171. In Domit. c. 4.

172.

Che il Dio belligero

Per te distinguasi
Nell’armi ognor,
Non basta, o Cesare,
Per te distinguesi
Venere ancor.
La fama d’Ercole
Vantava l’inclita
Nobil tenzon,
Quando nell’ampia
Nemea boscaglia
Spense il lion.
Taccian le favole,
Chè fatti simili
Per tuo favor
Oprarsi, o Cesare,
 Da man femminea
Vedemmo or or.
Epigr. 8. Trad. Magenta.

173.

Come al scizio ciglion Prometeo stretto

Nutre l’augel col rinascente petto,
Laureol così da vera croce pende,
E ad orso caledonio il fianco stende.
Palpitavan sue viscere, grondanti,
Lacere, e a corpo uman più non sembianti.
La pena alfin scontò del parricidio,
Del fero nel padron commesso eccidio,
Del rapito nei templi oro nascosto,
O dell’iniquo fuoco a Roma posto.
Nei delitti costui gli antichi ha vinti;
Ma fur gli strazj suoi veri e non finti.
Lib. De Spectæ. Epig. 9. Trad. Magenta.

174. Storia della Prostituzione, Vol. I. Cap. XVIII.

175. Ode, La Ghigliottina.

176. Schroek: Christliche Kirchengeschichte. Vol. VII, p. 254.

177. Storia degli Italiani, vol. I, pag. 277.

178. In Ner., c. XI.

179. Diz. delle Antichità.

180. Varr. 8 L. L. 41.

181. Delle antiche Terme di Firenze, pp. 67 e 68.

182. La camicia di tela che usiamo noi, imitò l’uso ed il nome dal camiss
persiano, e pare introdotta verso la metà del xii secolo.

183.

L’ottava ora tien fissa:

Di Stefano sai quanto ha i bagni accosto.
Ci laverem tantosto:
Tr. Magenta.