Prophecy and Priesthood at Modena

Author(s): Dorothy F. Glass

Source: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte , 2000, 63. Bd., H. 3 (2000), pp. 326-338
Published by: Deutscher Kunstverlag GmbH Munchen Berlin

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 DOROTHY F. GLASS

Prophecy and Priesthood at Modena

San Geminiano, the cathedral at Modena, is argu-
ably the most extensively published of all Italian
Romanesque cathedrals.' Located in the heart of
Countess Matilda's territory, its sculptural pro-
grams have been discussed extensively in regard
to the Gregorian reform,2 the first Crusade,3
patron saints,4 and the fine points of Arthurian
literature.5 Rather recently, every centimeter of
Modena's cathedral was scrutinized on the occa-
sion of a comprehensive cleaning and restoration
undertaken in celebration of the eight hundredth
anniversary of the dedication of the cathedral by
Lucius III on July 12, II84.6 Yet, despite the
plethora of activity, the Old Testament figures
decorating the inner faces of the doorposts of the
center portal of the facade have been mentioned
only in passing,7 even though Wiligelmus's
Genesis narratives flanking the portal are well
known (fig. I). This essay seeks to insert these
Old Testament figures into the ongoing discus-
sion concerning the cathedral at Modena
(figs. 2- 3). I will argue that their presence reflects
and embodies the concerns of the Gregorian
Reform and the Investiture Controversy.8
Reading from the top, the inner face of the left
doorpost houses the horizontal figure of an angel
holding a disk that extends into part of the lower
frame of the image (figs. 2 and 4). Below the

i For the earlier literature on Modena, see D.F. Glass, Heiligenkult in Schrift, Bild und Architektur, ed.
Italian Romanesque Sculpture. An Annotated Biblio- Kerscher. Berlin i993, 340-56. See also P. Golinel
graphy. Boston 1983, 155 -67, nos. 419- 86; R. Cassa- E. Pagella, and E Baldelli, Civitas Geminiana: La
nelli, E. Pagella, and C. Franzoni, *II Duomo di cittii e il suo patrono. Modena 1997.
5 More recent work on the Porta della Pescheria i
Modena. Note di bibliografia ragionata,<, in: Wiligel-
mo e Lanfranco nell'europa romanica, Atti del Con- cludes: C. Frugoni, M. Chiellini Nari, and C. Acidin
vegno, Modena, 24-27 ottobre 1985. Modena 1989, Luchinat, La Porta della Pescheria nel duomo d
241 - 55. More recent literature is cited in subsequent Modena. Modena 1991; L. M. Gowens, *The Mode
notes. Archivolt and Lost Arthurian Tradition,<< in: Arturu
2 E Gandolfo, >>Note per una interpretazione Rex. Acta Conventus Louvaniensis 1987, Medieval
iconolo-
Lovaniensia, ser. I, 17, W. van Hoecke et.al. eds. Lo
gica delle Storie del Genesi di Wiligelmo,,, in: Roma-
vain 1991, 79-86.
nico padano, romanico europeo, Convegno interna-
zionale di studi, Modena-Parma, 26ottobre 6 Lanfranco
- i1no- e Wiligelmo. II Duomo di Modena (as
vembre 1977. Parma 1982, 323-37; A.C. Quintavalle,
note2); M. Armandi, ed., C. Leonardi, photograph
II Duomo
IL'officina della Riforma: Wiligelmo, Lanfranco,<? in: di Modena. Atlante fotografico. Moden
Lanfranco e Wiligelmo. II Duomo di Modena. Mode-
1985. Other significant works include: Wiligelmo
na 1985, 765 -834. Lanfranco nell'Europa romanica (as note i); A. C
3 J.Fox-Friedman, >Cosmic History and Messianic Quintavalle, Wiligelmo e Matilde, L'officina roman
Vision: The Sculpture of Modena Cathedralca. at Mantova,
the Fruttiere di Palazzo Te, i ygiugno-i
Time of the Crusades,< Ph.D. diss., Columbia Uni-
novembre 199i. Milan 1991.
versity, 1992; idem, >Messianic Visions. 7Modena
C. Frugoni, >Le lastre veterotestamentarie e il p
Cathedral and the Crusades,?< in: Res 25, 1994,
gramma della facciata,, in: Lanfranco e Wiligelmo
77-95; idem, >Sacred and Secular: Modena Cathedral
note2), 422-31, esp. 431; Dietl, Defensor Civitas (
and Monumental World Maps,< in: Arte medievalenote 4), 88, i66.
ser. II, X, 1996, 39-55. 8 Francesco Gandolfo has posited an analogo
4 A. Dietl, Defensor civitatis: Der Stadtpatron thesis
in roma- concerning the interpretation of the four r
liefs
nischen Reliefzyklen Oberitaliens, Munich 1998. depicting scenes from Genesis on Modena
(Ph.
D. diss., Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitit, Munich,
west facade. After demonstrating that the icon
1992). Dietl published some of his results in: >Derof the scenes is not totally consistent wit
graphy
Geminianuszyklus am Modeneser Dom. Bild- any undof the well-known Genesis recensions, he pr
Textentwurf fiir einen Stadtpatron im Zeitalter
posesder that many of the deviations from the mo
Kommunebildung,?< in: Hagiographie und Kunst. Der iconography may be explained by referen
standard

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 I. Modena, Cathedral, facade, center portal

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 angel are standing figures identified by inscrip-
tion as: Habakkuk (ABACVC), Ezekiel (EZE-
CHIEL), Isaiah (ISAIAS), Jeremiah (JERE-
MIAS), Malachi (MALACHIAS) and Sophonias
(SOPHONIAS), as Zephaniah is designated in
the Vulgate. The inner face of the right doorpost
is organized in a like manner (figs. 3 and 5). At
the top is an angel flying horizontally and hold-
ing two tablets. Below the angel are Moses
(MOYSES), Aaron (AARON), Daniel (DANI-
HEL), Zacharias (ZACHARIAS), Micah
(MICHEAS), and Abdias (ABDIAS), as Oba-
diah is called in the Vulgate. All are placed so
that they face outward, away from the interior of
the church, as if addressing a larger audience.
Moreover, the vertical placement of figures on
these inner faces serves to unite the portal visual-
ly with those on the north and south flanks. The
Porta della Pescheria, on the north flank, whose
archivolt depicts the much-discussed Arthurian
scenes, houses the labors of the months on the
inner faces of its doorposts; on the south flank,
the Porta dei Principi, whose lintel illustrates the
life of the patron, Saint Geminianus, the apostles
likewise appear on the inner faces. On all three
portals, inhabited rinceaux occupy the outer
faces of the doorposts.9
Save for the angels atop each doorpost of the
west facade's center portal, each figure is framed
by a turreted arch supported by columns. The
patterns on the columns vary as do the figures
themselves. Habakkuk holds an open, wide-
mouthed vessel, Moses holds the tablets of the
law, and Aaron holds a staff. The other figures
hold books, or scrolls, with the exception of
Malachi who pulls his beard. Despite the variety
of attributes, the figures are unified stylistically.
All have large heads and feet, as well as rectangu-

to Bruno of Segni's Expositio in Genesim. See his

>>Note per una interpretazione iconologica delle
Storie del Genesi di Wiligelmo, (as note2) esp.
323-33. In a similar vein, Anat Tcherikover has
argued that the damaged relief depicting Jacob
Wrestling with the Angel and a second relief of Truth
Banishing Fraud on the south flank of Modena's
2. Modena, Cathedral, facade, center portal, left cathedral are directly related to Paschal II's dispute
doorpost with Henry V concerning investiture. See her

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lar bodies extending to the width defined by the
framing columns; all are clad in heavy drapery
having fluted pleats between the knees and at the
ankles where it ends. The stylistic characteristics
are clearly those of Wiligelmus, the sculptor of
the four famed Genesis reliefs on the facade. An
inscribed tablet on the facade, held aloft by the
carved figures of Enoch and Elijah, identifies
Wiligelmus as the sculptor and states that the
cathedral was begun in io99. Paschal II officiated
at a consecration that took place in i io6 when
the relics of the patron, Saint Geminianus, were
translated from the old cathedral to the crypt of
the new cathedral, presumably completed at that
time. Hence, it is generally agreed that Wiligel-
mus's facade sculpture should be dated during
the first decade of the twelfth century.'0
The arrangement of the Old Testament figures
on the doorposts of the center portal of Mode-
na's facade is, at first glance, seemingly random.
The four major prophets are represented, but in
no discernible order. Ezekiel, Isaiah, and Jeremiah
appear on the left doorpost, while Daniel appears
on the right doorpost. The minor prophets, Ha-
bakkuk, Malachi, Sophonias, Zacharias, Micah,
and Abdias, are also present, yet they are not
arranged in biblical order. The two remaining
figures, Moses and Aaron, are often viewed as
Old Testament prefigurations of the Christian
priesthood, but they are not numbered among
the major or minor prophets. The ostensibly
arbitrary arrangement of the twelve Old Testa-
ment figures is, however, belied by the careful
placement of the angels at the top of each door-
post. Both are placed in the same horizontal
position and each holds an object that relates him
to the figure below. At the left, Habakkuk looks
up at the angel holding a disk, while at the right,

>>Reflections of the Investiture Controversy at

Nonantola and Modena,<< in: Zeitschrift fiir Kunstge-
schichte 6o, I997, 15o-65.
9 On these rinceaux, see E. Castelnuovo, >>Flores cum
beluis comixtos: I portali della cattedrale di Modena,<<
in: Lanfranco e Wiligelmo (as note 2), 452-69; Dietl,
Defensor Civitas (as note4, 84-89; Fox-Friedman,
>>Sacred and Secular (as note 3),<< 46-48. 3. Modena, Cathedral, facade, center portal, right
io On the architecture of the cathedral, see A. Peroni, doorpost

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 Moses looks up at the angel holding the tablets
of the law (figs. 6 and 7).
The angel is holding the tablets while Moses is
depicted as already having received them (fig. 7).
Bruno of Segni (0 o49? - 1123) and other partisans
of the Gregorian Reform often invoked the au-
thority of Moses when discussing the role of
priests and bishops. For example, Bruno com-
ments on Exodus 17 which recounts the battle
between Joshua and Amalek. Therein, Moses
stands on top of a hill with a rod in his hand;
when he raises his hands, Israel conquers. In
Bruno of Segni's view, Moses stands for the bish-
ops who hold the rod of correction and direction
in their hands. When the priests and bishops
raise their hands to God, as Moses had, the faith-
ful are victorious." The deployment of the alle-
gorical interpretation of scripture to further a
political argument, as seen here, is one of the
hallmarks of both the Gregorian Reform and the
Investiture Controversy."
If Moses may be said to epitomize the law,
then Aaron, standing immediately below him on
the right doorpost, epitomizes the priesthood.
He is often cited as the exemplar and prototype
of all priests. In Hebrews 5: 1-4, for example,
Saint Paul declares:
For every high priest chosen from among
men is appointed to act on behalf of men in
relation to God, to offer gifts and sacrifices for
sins. He can deal gently with the ignorant and
wayward since he himself is beset by weak-
ness. Because of this he is bound to offer
sacrifice for his own sins as well as for those of

>>L'architetto Lanfranco e la struttura del Duomo,<<

Lanfranco e Wiligelmo (as note 2), 143 -63.
i i Bruno of Segni, Expositio in Exodum, PL 164,
col. 271. The passage is discussed in I.S. Robinson,
>>>Political Allegory< in the Biblical Exegesis of Bruno
of Segni,<< in: Recherches de Theologie ancienne et
medievale 50o, 1983, 86-87. On Bruno of Segni, see
H. Hoffmann, >>Bruno di Segni, santo,? in: Diziona-
rio biografico degli italiani, Vol. 14, Rome I972,
644-47; R. Gregoire, Bruno de Segni, exegete
medieval et thbologien monastique. Spoleto 1965.
12 M. Hackelsperger, Bibel und mittelalterlicher Reichs-
4. Modena, Cathedral, facade, center portal, left gedanke. Studien und Beitrage zum Gebrauch der
doorpost, detail Bibel im Streit zwischen Kaisertum und Papsttum zur

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 the people. And one does not take the honor
upon himself, but he is called by God, just as
Aaron was.'3
At Modena, Aaron carries a staff, the symbol of
Old Testament tribal authority, thereby sug-
gesting a parallel with Christian episcopal
authority symbolized by the crozier.'4 The
priesthood of Aaron not only served the early
church as a model, but continued to be evoked
throughout the Middle Ages, most especially
during the turbulent years of the Investiture
Controversy. Typical of this genre of writing are
the works of Placidus, a learned monk at Nonan-
tola, the Benedictine abbey located a mere ten
kilometers northeast of Modena. Writing toward
the end of xiI I, he notes in his Liber de Honore
Ecclesiae that Aaron's priesthood serves as a
precedent for that of the apostles: >Nam praesu-
latus non voluntate humana, sed vocatione divi-
na, sicut de Aaron apostolus dicit, provenire
debet.<<'5 The apostles, it will be recalled, appear
on the doorposts of the Porta dei Principi on the
south flank of Modena's cathedral.
Cardinal Humbert of Silva Candida (ca.
000ooo- 0o6 i) writes in a similar vein. His lengthy
treatise, Adversus Simoniacos, contains a chapter
entitled >>De dignitate sacerdotii veteris legis et
de praesumptione et poena regum Iuda et Israel<<.
Therein, he evokes Aaron and Moses, describes
their priestly functions and makes an analogy
with the Christian era:
Nichilominus et hoc perpendant, quia, quam-
vis duodecim tribus Israel totidem tunc habe-
5. Modena, Cathedral, facade, center portal,
rent principes, in quibus et Naason de tribu right doorpost, detail

Zeit der Salier. Bottrop i.m. 1934. (Inaugural-Disser- dia VII. Louvain 1979, 89- io8; Robinson, (as note
tation, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat, Munich ii), 69-98; G. Ruggieri, >Alcuni usi dell'Antico
1932.); J. Funkenstein, Das alte Testament im Kampf Testamento nella controversia gregoriana,<< in: Cristi-
von Regnum und Sacerdotium zur Zeit anesimo nella storia: Ricerche storiche, esegetiche,
des Investiturstreits. Dortmund 1938. (Inaugural- teologiche 8, 1987, 5I -9I; A. M. Piazzoni, *>Exegesis
Dissertation, Universitat Basel, 1933.); G Ropa, as a Theological Methodology between the Eleventh
>Studio e utilizzazione ideologica della bibbia and Twelfth Centuries,<< in: Studi medievali, ser. 3,
nell'ambiente matildico (sec. XI-XII),<< in: Studi 35, 1994, 835-51.
Matildici, Atti e memorie del III convegno di studi 13 See also Ecclesiasticus 45:6-22 in the Apocrypha, as
matildici, Reggio E., 7-8-9ottobre 1977. Modena well as Exodus 28.
1978, 395-425; J. Leclercq, >Usage et abus de la14 On Aaron's staff, see Numbers 17 and Hebrews 9:4.
Bible au temps de la reforme gregorienne,<< in: The I Libelli de Lite. Imperatorum et Pontificum saeculis
Bible and Medieval Culture, W. Lordaux and D. XI. et XII. Conscripti, Vol. 2. Hannover 1892, 604.
Verhelst, eds. Mediaevalia Lovaniensia, Series I, Stu- On Placidus of Nonantola, see most recently J. W.

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6. Modena, Cathedral, facade, center portal, left
doorpost, detail, Habakkuk and an Angel
Busch, Der ,Liber de Honore Ecclesiae< des Placidus
von Nonantola. Eine Kanonistische Problemerortung
aus dem Jahre III i. Die Arbeitweise ihres Autors und
seine Vorlagen. Quellen und Forschungen zum Recht
im Mittelalter, vol. 5, Sigmaringen 199o. See also A.
Mercati, >>Placido priore di Nonantola,<< in: Deputa-
zione di Storia Patria per le Antiche Provincie Mode-
nesi, Atti e memorie ser. 8, 5, 1953, 127-41; A. Vecchi,
41 fondamento della dottrina di Placido di Nonanto-
la,<< in: Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Antiche
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Iuda, cui non erat auferendum sceptrum et dux
de femore eius usque regem regum Christum,
nullus tamen illorum nisi solus Moyses prae-
sumpsit ex contribulibus suis ordinare pontifi-
cem, sacerdotes et levitas cunctasque illius
temporis instituere et disponere cerimonias.
Siquidem ipse vice summi pontificis et maximi
primatis Aaron fratrem suum et filios eius
inferioris gradus sacerdotes infulis sacerdotali-
bus induit, consecravit et inunxit.'6
Bruno of Segni, the aforementioned pillar of the
Reform, is even more succinct when, in his Sen-
tentiae, he makes a series of concise parallels be-
tween the Old Testament and the Christian era:
Talia instrumenta (i.e. the ten Command-
ments) erant in arca, tales reliquiae sunt in
Ecclesia. Ibi thuribulum, hic apostoli: ibi urna
aurea, hic Christus Deus, et homo: ibi tabulae
Testamenti, hic omnis scientiae plenitudo, ibi
virga Aaron, hic autem virga de radice Jesse.'7
Moses and Aaron, the two uppermost images on
the right doorpost of the center portal of the
west facade of the cathedral at Modena, thus
stand as exemplars of Old Testament law and
priesthood. They are among the historical
models in which the Gregorian Reform sought
legitimacy and historicity. This era was also beset
by the ongoing Investiture Controversy during
which the church sought to prevent emperors
and other lay princes from investing their perso-
nally chosen bishops with staff and ring, for this
clearly impinged upon papal authority. It is pre-
cisely this sacerdotalism of the priesthood, its
specific duties and obligations, that seems to be
emphasized in the unique image of the Old
Testament prophet, Habakkuk at the top of the
left doorpost of the center portal (Figs. 4 and 6).
Provincie Modenesi, Atti e memorie ser. 8, 5, 1953,
332-38; R. L. Benson, The Bishop-Elect. A Study in
Medieval Ecclesiastical Office. Princeton 1968,
247- 50; C.L. Mesini, >La dottrina teologico-giuridi-
ca di Placido da Nonantola e l'ambiente nel quale
compose la sua opera >De Honore Ecclesiae<,< in:
Apollinari 49, 1976, 521- 47; G. M. Cantarella, >>Pla-
cido di Nonantola: un progetto di ideologia,<< in:
Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 37, 1983,
117-42, 406-36.
 The text of the story depicted appears in chap-
ter 14 of the book of Daniel in the Vulgate; now
numbered among the Apocrypha, it is common-
ly titled Bel and the Dragon.'8 The popularity of
the tale was no doubt fostered by its inclusion
in the Play of Daniel.'9 According to the story,
Daniel, having refused to worship a monstrous
dragon held sacred by the Babylonians, then
killed the creature. The enraged Babylonians
demanded that King Cyrus hand over the culprit
to them; the King did so and Daniel was cast into
the lions' den to be devoured. Meanwhile, on the
sixth day of Daniel's captivity, Habakkuk was on
his way to bring pottage and a bowl of bread to
the reapers working in his fields. In an instant,
the angel of the Lord appeared and told him
to take the food, instead, to Daniel. Habakkuk
balked. Thereupon the angel grabbed Habakkuk
by his hair, lifted him to Babylon and set him
down directly over the lions' den. Habakkuk
gave Daniel the food and was, in turn, taken back
by the angel to his own place. On the next day,
the seventh, the king arrived at the lions' den to
find that Daniel was still alive. Convinced of
the efficacy of Daniel's god, the king set him
free. The story's emphasis on faith was attractive
to the earliest Christians and it was hence fre-
quently illustrated in catacomb paintings and on
sarcophagi.
At Modena, the intention is clearly not to
recount the story in narrative fashion, for Daniel
does not appear on the left doorpost with
Habakkuk, but rather on the right doorpost, the
fourth figure from the bottom; and, Daniel
is neither nude nor flanked by lions. He is,
instead, attired like the other Old Testament 7. Modena, Cathedral, facade, center portal, right
figures on the doorposts and he holds a tablet doorpost, detail, Moses and an Angel

16 Libelli de Lite. Imperatorum et Pontificum saeculis
XI. et XII. Conscripti, Vol. i. Hannover 1891, 214.
On Humbert of Silva Candida, see most recently M.
Dischner, Humbert of Silva Candida: Werk und Wir-
kung des lothringischen Reformmonches. Neureid
1996. See also J. Gilchrist, >>Cardinal Humbert of
Silva Candida (d.io6i),<< in: Annuale Mediaevale 3,
1962, 29-42; J. Gilchrist, >>Humbert of Silva Candida
and the Political Concept of Ecclesia,<< in: Journal of
Religious History 2, 1962, 13-28.
17 Bruno of Segni, Sententiae. PL 165, col. 884.
18 C. Julius, >>Die griechischen Danielzusitze und ihre
Kanonische Geltung,<< in: Biblische Studien 63-4, 1901,
I - 183; A. Wysny, Die Erzdhlungen von Bel und dem
Drachen, Untersuchung zu Dan. 14. Stuttgarter Bi-
blische Beitrige, 33, Stuttgart 1996.
19 On the Play of Daniel, see inter alia, K. Young, The
Drama of the Medieval Church. Oxford 1933, vol. II,
276-306; M. Fassler, >>The Feast of Fools and >Danie-
lis Ludus<: Popular Tradition in a Medieval Cathedral

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 8. Modena, Cathedral, south flank, Porta dei Principi, lintel, Life of Saint Geminianus

having a raised border like those held by Moses.
Habakkuk, although similarly clad, is unique
among the Old Testament figures, for he holds a
vessel resembling a chalice, an identification
made more secure by its similarity to the chalice,
clearly identified by inscription, that Emperor
Jovianus is presenting to the patron, Saint Gemi-
nianus, on the lintel of the Porta dei Principi on
the south flank of Modena's cathedral (fig. 8).
Habakkuk looks up at the angel who carries a
flattened disk in his left hand. Here, I would
argue that the disk is actually a host and that the
chalice held by Habakkuk is meant for the sacra-
mental wine.20 Although specific aspects of the
depiction of Habakkuk at Modena are unique,
there is ample precedent for interpreting the
image in a eucharistic context, an association that
appeared early on."' For example, two fourth
century sarcophagi, one in Arles and one former-
ly in the Lateran, depict Daniel in the Lions' Den
flanked by a figure offering bread on which is
inscribed a cross. That figure can only be Ha-
bakkuk.2 The absence from the scene of Daniel
and the lions likewise has an Early Christian
precedent. On the wooden doors of Santa Sabina
at Rome, one of the panels of the left valve

Play,<< in: Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony. T.F. of this story to illustrate the notion of one who rules
Kelly, ed., Cambridge Studies in Performance Prac- well in contrast to one who officiates badly may be
tice 2, Cambridge 1992, 65 -99. seen in a capital in the cathedral at Chur (Coira)
20 As Jungmann has noted, until the twelfth century, it dated to the second quarter of the thirteenth century.
was common practice to make one or more large There, Daniel is depicted in the lions' den. At Da-
communion loaves which were then broken into niel's right is a bishop and Habakkuk; at Daniel's left
smaller pieces for the Communion of the people. The
is the evil King Cyrus and a devil. On this capital, see,
object held by Habakkuk may well be a piece ofwith
a earlier bibliography, G. Peterli, >>Das Daniel-
Kapitell
larger loaf. See J.A. Jungmann, S.J., The Mass of the der Churer Kathedrale,<< in: Bundner
Monatsblatt, 1990, no. 3, 218-27. I am indebted to
Roman Rite. Its Origins and Development, (Mis-
sarum Sollemnia). trans. F.A. Brunner, C.S.S.R., vol. Harvey Stahl who kindly provided me with a copy of
this article.
II, 36, rpt. Allen, Texas 1986) (I95o). Translated from
the revised German edition, (Vienna, 1949). The21 useOn the early iconography of Habakkuk, see H.

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depicts Habakkuk standing next to his flocks roots and its lineage. In the latter, the rights of
while holding a platter. Above, an angel flies ecclesiastics, especially that pertaining to the or-
horizontally as at Modena.23 dination of bishops, were challenged by princely
Similarly, Early Christian literature sometimes lay leaders, often perceived to be enemies of the
interpreted the story of Daniel in the Lions' Den church, indeed heretics.
as an example of God providing food for both It is, I would suggest, precisely this concept of
the body and the spirit. Prudentius's (348 -c. 4Io) heresy or, more broadly, the enemies of the
Cathemerinon, or The Daily Round, contains a church that may inform the remainder of the
work entitled Hymn After Meals. Therein, it is program of the doorposts of the center portal of
noted of God that: >Life He gives and then the west facade at Modena. The presence of the
salvation.<< The hymn continues with the story of major prophets is certainly not unusual, but the
Daniel and Habakkuk and then ends with two selection of minor prophets depicted is surely
verses:
noteworthy. That selection, I would argue, is
based on Saint Jerome's commentary on the
Eat hearty, then, of the Lord's provision.
Do not take dainty nibbles, minor
but prophets. Such an exploration is not mere
wolf down the grain of truth, theiconographical
food that fishing,
fed for at Nonantola, home
to the aforementioned Placidus, the culture
the virtue of prophets. What of the book had long been nourished as eviden-
is sweeter, more delicious? What ced by early inventories including one dating
is better for our health? Thefrom
word ca.103 5o3. Among the manuscripts held at
the abbey was a ninth-century copy of Saint
of God will protect from any lions
those who trust in Christ the Lord.24
Jerome's famed commentaries on the minor pro-
The program of the upper partsphets, a widely
of the circulated text. It is here, I sus-
door-
pect, that one
posts of the center portal of the cathedral at can
Mo-find at least some indication of
dena would thus seem to underscore the notion
the reasons for the choice of the minor prophets
that the law and the sacraments have
depicteda on
lengthy
the doorposts of the center portal of
history going back to the Old Testament, the facade of the cathedral at Modena.
and
that the priesthood, of equally ancient Thelineage,
book of Abdias,
is for example, contains but
essential to both the law and the sacraments. a single chapter. It addresses the destruction of
These beliefs figure in two of the dominant and, Edom and its inhabitants because of the latter's
long-lived concerns of the eleventh and early pride and for the wrongs they had done to Jacob.
twelfth centuries: the Gregorian Reform and the Verses 1 5-1 6 state:
Investiture Controversy. In the former, one of For the day of the Lord is near upon all the
the intentions was to return the church to its nations. As you have done, it will be done to
early purity in part by emphasizing both its you, your deeds shall return on your own

Leclercq, >Habacuc,<< in: Dictionnaire d'archeologie 23 G. Jeremias, Die Holztiir der Basilika S. Sabina in
chritienne et de liturgie, Vol. 62, Paris 1925, cols. Rom. Tiibingen 1980, 45-47, plate 38.
1929-37; G. Wilpert, I Sarcofagi Cristiani Antichi, 24 Wilpert (as note 21), Text, vol. 2, 258; M.P. Cunning-
Text 2, Rome 1932, 256-58; C. Walter, >>The Icono- ham, ed., Aurelii Prudentii Clementis, Carmina. Cor-
graphy of the Prophet Habakuk,<< in: Revue des pus Christianorum, Series Latina CXXVI, Turnholt
itudes byzantines 47, 1989, 251-6o; Julius (asno- 1966, 21. The translation is taken from Hymns of
te 18), 59-64, 140-45; Wysny (as note i8), 26-32. Prudentius. The Cathemerinon; or, The Daily Round.
On the later iconography of the prophet, see E.B. trans. D.R. Slavitt, Baltimore and London 1996,
Garrison, Studies in the History of Mediaeval Italian 14-17. For the original Latin of the entire poem, see
Painting. Vol. 4, Florence 1960, 244ff. Aurelii Prudentii Clementis, Carmina, 19-22.
22 Wilpert (as note 2), Plates, Vol. I, LXXXXVI and 25 P. Golinelli, >>Cultura e religiositi a Modena e
CXXII (c). Additionally, on the Arles sarcophagus, a Nonantola nell'alto e pieno Medioevo,<< in: Lanfranco
second figure offers fish to Daniel. e Wiligelmo (as note2), 121-28 (with earlier biblio-

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 head. For as you have drunk upon my holy
mountain, all the nations round about shall
drink; they shall drink and stagger, and shall be
as though they had not been.
These words surely suggest judgment for one's
sins. But for Saint Jerome, the passage from Oba-
diah elicits a strong commentary against heresy
and other actions deleterious to the church:
Iuxta est, o haeretice, dies Domini super
omnes gentes; prope est tempus iudicii in quo
omnes iudicandae sunt nationes. Sicut fecisti
contra ecclesiasticos, convertetur in caput
tuum dolor tuus, et in verticem tuum iniquitas
tua descendet. Quomodo enim in nece eorum
laetatus es, conviviumque celebrasti, et in
monte sancto meo, hoc est Ecclesia, bibisti non
meum calicem, sed diaboli, de quo et in Aba-
cuc dicitur: ,Vae qui potat proximum suum
subversione turbida< (Habakkuk 2: 15), ita uni-
versae gentes, vel fortitudines contrarie suppli-
ciis delegatae, vel adversariae quaeque virtutes,
bibent et absorbebunt sanguinem tuum, et ad
extremum in cunctos veniente cruciatu, ipsae
quoque erunt quasi non sint.26
Additionally, the allusion to drink in the passage
from Habakkuk and to a chalice in Jerome's
commentary references the chalice carried by the
prophet in the vignette at the top of the left
doorpost.
A similar situation pertains to the treatment of
Sophonias, a short prophecy of only three chap-
ters in which the prophet rails against the Jews
for their idolatry, predicts the coming of Christ,
and the conversion of the Jews and Gentiles at
graphy); G. Gullotta, Gli antichi cataloghi e i codici
della Abbazia di Nonantola. Studi e Testi 182, Vatican
City 1955; J. Ruysschaert, Les manuscrits de l'abbaye
de Nonantola. Table de concordance annotee et Index
des Manuscrits. Studi e Testi 182 bis, Vatican City
1955); Busch (as note 5), 21-28.
26 Saint Jerome, S. Hieronymi Presbyteri Opera, Pt. I6,
Opera Exegetica 6, Commentarii in Prophetas Mino-
res. Corpus Christianarum, Series Latina LXXVI,
Turnholt I969, 367.
27 The Mortar is the quarter of Jerusalem in which the
silver traders and the silversmiths conducted their
business.
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the end of the world. Verse i i of Sophonias's
first chapter states: >>Wail, O inhabitants of the
Mortar!-7 For all the traders are no more; all who
weigh out silver are cut off.<< This passage elicits
from Saint Jerome a tirade concerning a church
that is torn apart by heresies and schisms:
Qui habitatis concissam, hoc est animam mul-
tis iniquitatibus vulneratam, sive Ecclesiam,
quae schismatibus haeresibusque lacerata est,
et ad singula vulnera plangit filios interfectos.'s
Malachi, who stands above Sophonias on the left
doorpost, was the author of a brief prophecy
likewise composed of only three chapters; it is in
part concerned with acceptable sacrifices. In the
second chapter, verses three and four, he writes
of the Lord rejecting both improper sacrifices
and the priests who offered them:
Behold, I will rebuke your offspring, and
spread dung upon your faces, the dung of your
offerings, and I will put you out of my pres-
ence. So shall you know that I have sent this
command to you, that my covenant with Levi
may hold, says the Lord of hosts.
Saint Jerome comments on this passage exten-
sively; in what, for the modern mind, may seem
to be a rather large intellectual leap, he relates
Malachi's words to the purity of the priesthood:
?Voluit autem Deus, et omnes quidem homi-
nes, sed praecipue sacerdotes maculam non habe-
re, et sive humerum, sive brachium ornare bonis
operibus.<<z9 Saint Jerome's statement concerning
the priesthood was of sufficient interest to have
engaged the aforementioned Cardinal Humbert
of Silva Candida, who approvingly quotes both
28 Saint Jerome, S. Hieronymi Presbyteri Opera, Pt. xI,
Opera Exegetica 6, Commentarii in Prophetas Mino-
res. Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina LXXVI A,
Turnholt 1970, 668.
29 Saint Jerome (as note 28), 916.
30 Humbert of Silva Candida, Adversus Simoniacos, in:
Libelli de Lite (as note 16), Vol. I, 238-39. >>Dominus
quoque per Malachiam ludaicum sacerdotium repro-
bans ait: >Ecce ego proiciam vobis brachium et
dispergam super vultum vestrum stercus solempnita-
tum vestrarum, et assumet vos secum.< Quod beatus
leronimus esponens subdit: >Quia et sacerdotes
loquitur: ,Proiciam<, inquid, >facies vestras<, ea quae
the prophet and Jerome's commentary on him.3o one document, dated 1096, and seems to have
Placidus of Nonantola was likewise knowledge- died in 1097, or perhaps later. There are no
able about Malachi's prophecy, for he cites Ma- Modenese episcopal documents between the
lachi 2:7 when discussing the respect which the years o096 and I Ioo, the very years during which
emperor should show to priests: >>For the lips of the clergy and the laity apparently decided to
a priest should guard knowledge, and men build a new cathedral begun in o099. The situa-
should seek instruction from his mouth, for he is tion finally stabilized during the long episcopacy
the messenger of the Lord of hosts.<<3I of Dodo who held the see from IIoo until
The writings of the prophet Micah are likewise I134.34 Thus, for the first third of the twelfth
relevant. In chapter 3, verses 5- 8, Micah rebukes century, Modena was lead by a bishop solidly in
mercenary prophets and seers who prostitute the papal camp.
their office and will thus be cut off from God. Indeed, some indication of Modena's prestige
For Saint Jerome, Micah's words evoke a state- may be gained by reviewing the account of the
ment addressed to heretics who would defile the building of the new cathedral contained in the
church of God: Relatio de innovatione ecclesie sancti Geminiani,
Quamobrem, o haeretici, qui putatis habere ac de translatione eius beatissimi corporis written
vos prophetiam, et imitamini Ecclesiam Dei, by Aymo.35 In o199, the old cathedral of Mode-
ubi aestimatis visionem esse, ibi nox erit, et ubi na was in ruins. Absent a bishop, the clergy and
iactatis vaticinium prophetale, ibi spiritus populace agreed that a new cathedral must be
loquetur immundus.32 built. Construction seems to have advanced
The program of the doorposts of the center por- smoothly until i io6 when Lanfranc, the archi-
tal of the facade of the cathedral at Modena tect, announced that he could proceed no further
would thus seem to emphasize the liturgical and until the relics of the patron saint, Geminianus,
who ostensibly lived from 312 until 396, were
juridical r1le of the church and its clergy. Indeed,
the program may well be viewed as a commen- moved from the old cathedral to the new cathe-
tary on Modena's new position, for the city dral.
had Thereupon, so the Relatio tells us, a great
assembly of clergy and citizens took place. The
recently left the schismatic party in the Investi-
ture Controversy and returned to the papal former wanted to perform a ceremonial revelatio
party.33 In io8I, Gregory VII had excommuni-of the relics, while the latter were adamantly
cated the schismatic Bishop Heribert of Modena,
opposed-to any display of relics. The wisdom of
but the act seems to have had no effect, for Heri-Countess Matilda of Tuscany was sought; she
wisely recommended that matters be put in
bert held the see until his death in ca. 1094. After
a vacancy, Benedict, an orthodox bishop took abeyance until the visit, anticipated within a few
months, of Pope Paschal II to the area for the
over the see in either og95 or 1096. He left only

sanctiora putatis in lege et vobis a Deo pro virtutum33 Concerning the influence of the Investiture Contro-
munere ex hostiis condonata. Armum enim, id est versy on sculpture at Modena and Nonantola, see
brachium, et pectusculum et linguam et ventriculum Tcherikover (as note 8).
et ea, quae in Levitico describuntur, accipiebant ex34 See E Bocchi, >>La costruzione del Duomo specchio
hostiis sacerdotes. Quae omnia pro peccatis eorum se della societh modenese,<< in: Wiligelmo e Lanfranco
abicere et in facies sacerdotum mittere contestatur, ut nell'Europa romanica (as note6), 27-33; C. Frison,
scilicet tales sint qui offerunt talia, qualia et illa quae o>Dodone,<< in: Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Vol.
offeruntur. >Et assumet vos<, inquit >secum<, id est 40, Rome 1991, 355-57; L. Simeoni, >I Vescovi Eri-
stercus sollemnitatum vestrarum, ut fetentes facies berto e Dodone e le origini del Comune di Modena,<<
putrida stercoris commixtione turbentur<.<< in: Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Antiche Provin-
31 Placidus of Nonantola, Liber de Honore Ecclesiae, in: cie Modenesi, Atti e memorie, ser. 8, 2, 1949, 77-96.
Libelli de Lite, vol. 2 (as note 15), 613- 35 For a recent edition of the text, see Lanfranco e Wili-
32 Saint Jerome (as note 26), 460. gelmo (as note 2), 757-58.

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Council of Guastalla to be held in October, i io6. lar to the profectio and adventus of Roman
The pope, upon his arrival in Modena, decided to emperors.38 By assigning Saint Geminianus an
permit the revelatio providing that six soldiers imperial stature, his importance is both empha-
and twelve citizens took an oath to guard the sized and elevated. Similarly, in the fourth scene
relics. on the lintel, Emperor Jovianus is shown pre-
While the pope's presence in Modena suggests senting Saint Geminianus with a chalice and
the importance of the city, its new cathedral and a book in gratitude for saving his daughter.
the influence of Countess Matilda, the issues The notion of an emperor giving gifts to a cleric,
negotiated by the Pope and Henry V at Gua- although not the essential ring and crozier, is
stalla, near Piacenza, may also be relevant to the surely central to the Investiture Controversy.39
program of Modena cathedral, for it is exactly On December 12, 1o14, Henry V of Germany
the issues of investiture that would concern had rebelled against his father, Emperor Henry
Paschal II at the Council of Guastalla.36 Here,
IV,I and immediately sent messengers to Paschal
refer to the lintel of the aforementioned Porta II thereby ending, at least temporarily, the defen-
dei Principi on the south flank of the cathedral. sive position held by the papacy in regard to
Dating surely from the first two decades of the Germany. The Council at Guastalla in i io6 was
twelfth century,37 and thus an early example of a intended to address this new political situation
sculpted saint's life, the lintel depicts six scenes and to renew negotiations concerning investi-
from Geminianus's life (fig. 8). Reading from left ture. In this light, the lintel of the Porta dei Prin-
cipi on the south flank of the cathedral at Mo-
to right, the first scene in which Saint Geminia-
nus departs for the East and the fifth scene in dena may be relevant, for it seeks to emphasize
which he returns to Modena, show the saint on the importance of the bishop, an issue central to
horseback advancing majestically as a figure the political climate of the era. The idea ex-
holding his crozier follows behind the horse. In pressed thus parallels those revealed in the pro-
the latter scene, a cleric walks backwards in front gram of the center portal of the west facade
of the horse while censing. Albert Dietl has per- where the duties of the priesthood and the battle
suasively argued that the two depictions are simi- against heresy are emphasized.

36 On the Council at Guastalla, see U.-R. Blumenthal,
The Early Councils of Pope Paschal II, 110oo--Iio.
Toronto 1978, 32-73.
37 Dietl, Defensor Civitas (as note 4), 102 dates the por-
tal to i io6 because he posits that the Modena work-
shop was in Cremona by 10o7. To my eye, the car-
ving, not by Wiligelmo himself, seems somewhat later
and perhaps dates from I Io- I5. Clearly, some
members of the workshop could have gone on to
Cremona while others remained in Modena.
38 Dietl, Defensor Civitas (as note 4), 103 - 39.
39 On this scene, see Dietl, Defensor Civitas (as note 4),
157-61.

Photo credits: i, 6, 7, 8 The Conway Library, Courtauld Institute of Art. - 2, 3, 4, 5 Author.

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