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The Urban Book Series

Christian Obermayr

Sustainable
City
Management
Informal Settlements in Surakarta,
Indonesia
The Urban Book Series
Aims and Scope

The Urban Book Series is a resource for urban studies and geography research
worldwide. It provides a unique and innovative resource for the latest developments
in the field, nurturing a comprehensive and encompassing publication venue for
urban studies, urban geography, planning and regional development.
The series publishes peer-reviewed volumes related to urbanization, sustainabil-
ity, urban environments, sustainable urbanism, governance, globalization, urban
and sustainable development, spatial and area studies, urban management, urban
infrastructure, urban dynamics, green cities and urban landscapes. It also invites
research which documents urbanization processes and urban dynamics on a
national, regional and local level, welcoming case studies, as well as comparative
and applied research.
The series will appeal to urbanists, geographers, planners, engineers, architects,
policy makers, and to all of those interested in a wide-ranging overview of
contemporary urban studies and innovations in the field. It accepts monographs,
edited volumes and textbooks.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14773

Christian Obermayr

Sustainable City
Management
Informal Settlements in Surakarta, Indonesia

123
Christian Obermayr
Institute of Geography
University of Innsbruck
Innsbruck
Austria

ISSN 2365-757X ISSN 2365-7588 (electronic)

The Urban Book Series
ISBN 978-3-319-49417-3 ISBN 978-3-319-49418-0 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-49418-0
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016958978

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission
or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from
the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or
for any errors or omissions that may have been made.

Printed on acid-free paper

This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Foreword

Today, more than half of the world’s population lives in cities and more than 30%
of all urban dwellers live in slums or slum-like marginalized quarters. Against this
background, the provision of decent housing continues to be one of the main
challenges of our urbanizing world. This is internationally recognized by the
Sustainable Development Goals, approved in 2015, which establish as the first
target of its Sustainable Development Goal 11 to ensure, by 2030, access for all to
adequate, safe and affordable housing as well as to ensure access to basic services
and to upgrade slums. In the same sense, Habitat III, the United Nations Conference
on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development, has tried to progress in direction
of a New Urban Agenda in 2016. However, once again it became clear very rapidly
that the urgency of the worldwide deficits in the provision of adequate housing is
not recognized enough as a political priority. This is insofar astonishing as the
shortcomings in housing continue to cause severe conflicts in cities all over the
world. To claim the ‘Right to the City’, as it became a common practice in recent
years, means, above all, to fight against inequality and marginalization on the one
hand, and the struggle for improvement of housing conditions, the access to basic
services and for the guarantee of a self-determined life, on the other. Therefore,
urban policies and urban governance not only have to design and to implement
innovative strategies and measures to alleviate the still existing massive deficiencies
in the housing sector, but also have, in a broader sense, to uncover and to eliminate
the underlying causes of those deficiencies.
This is the context of Christian Obermayr’s work which is based on his out-
standing master’s thesis in urban geography. It is the Indonesian case study
Surakarta, a mid-sized Javanese town, where he studied the dynamics of urban-
ization, housing patterns and, more specifically, measures of slum-upgrading and
inner-urban resettlements during several months of empirical research. Concerning
these issues, Surakarta represents an excellent case study, being internationally
recognized as an example for ‘best practices’ in the fields of urban policy.
Besides the very interesting findings of his empirical study, Christian elaborates a
wider framework on urban development and urban policies in Indonesia as a whole.

v
vi Foreword

This country has run through an accelerated process of urbanization only in recent
years, causing manifold challenges for urban policies and urban planning. In order to
contextualize the specific Indonesian political approaches and answers against this
urban challenge, Christian Obermayr analyses systematically the international
debates on housing strategies for the urban poor, on the treatment of informal
settlements, marginalized quarters and slums, which have changed significantly over
the last decades.
Christian Obermayr’s book does represent an important contribution to the study
of informal settlements, their characteristics and formation processes in general,
highlights important strands of global discourses on adequate housing policies and
gives deep insights into the recent state and developments of housing conditions of
Indonesian settlements. Furthermore, it provides a detailed insight into the structure
and processes of successful housing policies in an Indonesian city. All in all,
Christian’s book is a remarkable contribution to the international and interdisci-
plinary discussion on one of the most challenging topics for our common urban
future.

Prof. Dr. Martin Coy

Institute of Geography
University of Innsbruck
Innsbruck, Austria
Preface

One billion people live in slums. Inadequate housing conditions prevail for a large
part of humankind and efforts to ease the problem seem to be inadequate and not
sufficient. This study contributes to the global debate on adequate housing policies
by the presentation and comprehensive examination of the approach of an
Indonesian city—Surakarta—in managing its informal settlements. The question is
addressed whether Surakarta’s policy in dealing with the informal sector and
marginal settlements can be a role model for other cities and an example for ‘good
governance’.
For this purpose, first, current trends in urban development, as well as interna-
tional discussions on adequate strategies to improve the living conditions in slums
are illustrated on both, a global and a national (Indonesian) scale. Following this
analysis, a detailed examination of Surakarta’s housing policy regarding the poor—
its procedures and mechanisms—is carried out, using four concrete programmes as
examples. For understanding the procedures applied, Surakrta’s resettlement
scheme is analysed in more detail.
The results show that Surakarta’s city government has put in place an effective
and inclusive approach characterized by community-based steering groups for
implementing slum-upgrading and resettlement measures. By involving substantial
parts of the affected residents, a political commitment for improving living con-
ditions of the poor and showing elements of ‘good urban governance’ the examined
policies can be assessed as inclusive and efficient. It can be argued, however, that
the approach is top-down induced and shows also deficits regarding participation
and transparency.
This work is based on Christian Obermayr’s outstanding master’s thesis,
defended in 2013 at the Institute of Geography, University of Innsbruck, Austria.

Innsbruck, Austria Christian Obermayr

vii
Acknowledgements

This book was tricky to compile. When I began to think about doing my thesis in
Indonesia, I heavily underestimated the work lying ahead of me. Interestingly, the
first idea to this study was born on one of the long rides on Argentina’s dusty roads.
Crammed in a car with Martin Coy, enjoying free lectures and his comprehensive
advice, the idea matured to do some field work in an Indonesian city. Martin, thank
you for your guidance! The research would not have been possible without the
financial support of University of Innsbruck which funded a part of the fieldwork. At
the Institute of Geography, I had the possibility to become integrated into a great
working group and I owe special thanks to you, the members of the AGEF, for your
advice and your support with coffee and mate tea. You saved me from desperation…
At this point I want to express my gratitude to all Indonesians, who supported
my work in 2011, endured my questions and made me feel at home. Junun,
Nurhadi, Emma and Utia, Fauzan, Fadilla, Febrisca, Ahmad, Hazan thank you for
your help and your attempts to teach me some pieces of Bahasa Indonesia. A big
matur nuwun goes to my flatmates in Solo’s English dormitory for their advice and
kindness. In particular, I thank Ian who saved me from thieves and introduced me to
his family and his hometown.
I also thank the members of UNS, Pak Gamal and Ibu Winny for their profes-
sional council. In particular, I express my gratitude to Agung, without whom this
work would never have had any chance to be realized. Thanks for your help with the
interviews and for the great discussions! Furthermore, I want to express my thanks to
all the staff of Solo’s government, for their support in all questions and their will-
ingness to provide me with all available information. Thanks for all your efforts!
Thanks are also owed to my parents, Rosemarie and Hans-Otto, who supported
me and made my studies possible. Thanks also go to my sister Alexandra for her
help with the graphics and proofreading. To my flatmates, Jenny and Viola, and all
other friends, thanks for your patience in enduring my absence of social life.
Last but most importantly, I owe thanks to my girlfriend Marina, who did not
only proofread the whole work two times (!), but is also a sorceress in increasing
my mood. Thank you for being there!

ix
Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Purpose and Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.2 Structure and Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

Part I Global Developments and Urban Challenges

2 The Global Development Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.1 Population Growth and Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.1.1 Reasons for Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.1.2 Effects of Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.2 Democratization and Decentralization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.2.1 Democratization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.2.2 Decentralization. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.3 Globalization and Neoliberalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
2.3.1 Neoliberalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2.3.2 Structural Adjustments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2.3.3 Effects on Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2.4 Fragmentation, Inclusion and Exclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.4.1 Fragmenting Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.4.2 Fragmentation in Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.4.3 Challenges for City Administrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
3 Informal Housing and Marginal Settlements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
3.1 Slum, Squatter, Marginal and Informal—What Does It Mean? . . . . 28
3.2 UN-Habitat’s Slum Definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3.3 A Low-Cost Housing Typology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
3.3.1 Central Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
3.3.2 Periphery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

xi
xii Contents

3.4 Formation of Slums . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 37

3.4.1 Invasion and Infiltration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 38
3.4.2 Model of Inner-City Migration and Its Influence
on Squatter Formation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 38
3.5 The Global Housing Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 40
3.5.1 Habitat I and Habitat II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 40
3.5.2 ‘Cities Without Slums’ and the Millennium
Development Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 44
3.5.3 Sustainable Development Goals and Habitat III . . . . . .... 46
3.6 Dimensions of the Challenge of Slums—Recent Data
and Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 46
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 50
4 Global Housing Policies and Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
4.1 Stakeholders of Housing Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
4.1.1 The World Bank . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
4.1.2 UN-Habitat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
4.2 Phases of Housing Policies—A Historic Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . 56
4.2.1 Negligence, Social Housing and Subsidies . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
4.2.2 Eviction and Resettlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
4.2.3 Assisted Self-help . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
4.2.4 Enabling Policies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
4.2.5 Participatory Slum Improvement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
4.3 Constraints for Effective Housing Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
4.4 The Concept of Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
4.4.1 The Evolution of Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
4.4.2 Urban Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
4.4.3 Good Urban Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
4.5 Outlook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

Part II Indonesia
5 Introduction to Indonesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
5.1 Administrative Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
5.2 Socio-economic Disparities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
5.2.1 Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
5.2.2 Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
5.2.3 Poverty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
5.2.4 Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
5.3 Historical Paths. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5.3.1 Struggle for Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5.3.2 Guided Democracy and Authoritarian Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Contents xiii

5.3.3 Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
5.3.4 Consequences for Indonesian Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
5.4 Indonesian Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
5.4.1 Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
5.4.2 Distinctive Elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
5.4.3 A Model of the Indonesian City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
5.5 Dawn of the Urban Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
5.5.1 Population Growth and Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
5.5.2 Contemporary Urban Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
5.6 Indonesia’s Slums and Housing Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
5.6.1 The Kampung Question . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
5.6.2 The ‘Kampung Improvement Programme’ (KIP) . . . . . . . . 101
5.6.3 Current Slum Dimensions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
5.6.4 Recent Developments in the Kampungs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

Part III Case Study: The Indonesian City Surakarta

6 Introduction to Surakarta (Solo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
6.1 Methods Used During the Fieldwork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
6.2 Solo, a City in Central Java . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
6.3 Administrative and Socio-economic Setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
6.4 The Housing Situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
6.4.1 Slums and Squatters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
6.4.2 Pressing Issues and the Lack of Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
6.4.3 An Accurate Slum Map? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
6.5 Spatial and Functional Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
7 Urban Policies in Solo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
7.1 Participatory Planning: Musrenbang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
7.2 Informal Sector Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
7.3 Housing Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
7.3.1 Social Housing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
7.3.2 Slum-Upgrading I: ‘Program RTLH’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
7.3.3 Slum-Upgrading II: ‘Program RTLH Cluster’ . . . . . . . . . . . 145
7.3.4 Programme Relocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
7.4 Case Study: Resettlement of 112 Families . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
7.4.1 Socio-economic Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
7.4.2 Residents’ Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
7.4.3 Comparison Between Old and New Settlement . . . . . . . . . . 161
7.4.4 Successful Relocation? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
xiv Contents

Part IV Conclusion
8 Sustainable City Management–Final Considerations ............. 167
8.1 Slums and Intervention Strategies–Global
and Indonesian Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............. 167
8.2 Surakarta’s Pro-Poor Policies Critically Assessed . ............. 169
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............. 172
Appendix A: Indicators Used for Generating a ‘Slum Map’
for Solo City (cf. Sect. 6.4.3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
Appendix B: The Original Questionnaire Used for the Household
Survey (n = 52) in the New Settlement in Mojosongo . . . . . 183
Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Abbreviations

BAPERMAS, Badan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat, Pemberdayaan Perempuan,

PP, PA and KB Perlindungan Anak dan Keluarga Berencana—Agency of
community and women empowerment, child protection and
family planning
BAPPEDA Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Daerah—Regional
Development Planning Agency
BAPPENAS Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Nasional—National
Development Planning Agency
BLUD—GLH Badan Layanan Umum Daerah—Agency of regional public
service
BPN Baden Pertanahan Nasional Republik Indonesia—National
Land Agency of Indonesia
BPS Badan Pusat Statistik—Central Agency of Statistic
CBD Central business district
CBO Community-based organization
CSR Corporate social responsibility
DPPKA Dinas Pendapatan Pengelolaan Keuangan dan Aset—Office of
Revenue, Finance and Asset Management
DPU Dinas Pekerjaan Umum—Office of Public Works
DTRK Dinas Tata Ruang Kota—Department for spatial planning
GDP Gross domestic product
GNP Gross national product
IDR Indonesian Rupiah
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
KADES Kepala Desa—Head of village administration
KIP Kampung Improvement Programme
KTP Kartu Tanda Penduduk—Identity Card

xv
xvi Abbreviations

LKMD/LPMK Lembaga Ketahanan Mayarakat Desa—Community Residence

Council—part of village administration. Later the name was
changed to Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Kelurahan
(LPMK), mostly to differentiate to the Suhar-to era
MDG Millennium Development Goals
NGO Non-governmental Organization
PPP Public private partnership
RPJMD Rencana Pembangunan Jengka Menengah Daerah—Regional
medium-term development plan
RT Rukun Tetangga—Neighbourhood (smallest administrative
unit), consisting of 10–50 households and headed by the Ketua
RT
RTLH Rumah tidak layak Huni—Sub-standard houses (slum houses)
RTRW Rencana Tata Ruang Wilaya—General spatial plan
RUSI Republik Indonesia Serikat
RW Rukun Warga—Community unit (second smallest administra-
tive unit), consisting of 5–10 RTs and headed by the Ketua RW
SUF Slum Upgrading Facility
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UN-Habitat United Nations Human Settlements Programme
UNS Universitas Sebeles Maret
VOC Vereinigte Oostindische Compagnie—United East India
Company
WTO World Trade Organization
List of Figures

Figure 2.1 Global population development 1950–2050 and share of

urban and rural population (based on data from UN-DESA
2014) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 10
Figure 2.2 Global population growth 1985–2005, summed up for five
year periods (based on data from UN-DESA 2014). . . . . . . .. 11
Figure 2.3 Model of global fragmentation (reproduced from Scholz
2002: 7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 21
Figure 2.4 Fragmentation of Brazilian cities (reproduced from Coy and
Töpfer 2014: 104) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 22
Figure 3.1 Low-cost housing typology (based on Davis 2006: 41–46;
Pacione 2005: 517–524; Samyahardja et al. 2006: 97) . . . . .. 34
Figure 3.2 Exemplary model of migration flows and squatter formation
in Latin-American cities (reproduced from Bähr 1986) . . . . .. 39
Figure 3.3 Urban slum population in developing countries 1990–2010
(based on United Nations 2015b: 6;
UN-Habitat 2016: 203) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 48
Figure 3.4 Urban population and share of slum dwellers in the MDG
regions 1990–2010 (Obermayr 2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 49
Figure 4.1 Changing housing policies in developing countries
(by author). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 57
Figure 4.2 Sectors of society and actors involved in governance
(based on United Nations 2007; Graham et al. 2003) . . . . . .. 66
Figure 4.3 UN-Habitat’s characteristics of good urban governance
(UN-Habitat 2003b: 19–29) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 69
Figure 5.1 Indonesian provinces and capital cities (The Australian
National University 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 76
Figure 5.2 Administrative levels of Indonesia (by author) . . . . . . . . . . .. 78
Figure 5.3 Population density of Indonesia’s regions 2010
(Obermayr 2012c) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 80
Figure 5.4 GDP distribution: share of Indonesia’s regions
(based on BPS 2016b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 81

xvii
xviii List of Figures

Figure 5.5 Indonesia’s poverty rate 1996–2011 (based on Stalker 2007:

7; BPS 2016a, b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 82
Figure 5.6 Human development index of Indonesia’s regions 2010
(Obermayr 2012a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 83
Figure 5.7 Migration balance of Indonesia’s regions 2005–2010
(Obermayr 2012b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 84
Figure 5.8 Indonesia’s rural and urban population 1950–2050 (based on
UN-DESA 2012a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 99
Figure 5.9 Indonesia’s urban and slum population 1990–2005 (based
on UN-Habitat 2008: 178) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Figure 6.1 Applied methods and their connections (by author) . . . . . . . . . 112
Figure 6.2 Sub-districts and selected quarters in Surakarta (Solo)
(Obermayr 2012e) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
Figure 6.3 Surakarta (Solo) and surrounding region (by author) . . . . . . . . 116
Figure 6.4 Impressions from Solo. Photos Obermayr (2011) . . . . . . . . . . 117
Figure 6.5 Solo’s administrative units (modified, based on Solo Kota
Kita 2010a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Figure 6.6 Solo 2010: population density (Obermayr 2012b) . . . . . . . . . . 120
Figure 6.7 Solo 2010: distribution of poverty (Obermayr 2012a) . . . . . . . 121
Figure 6.8 Solo’s metropolitan region—SUBOSUKAWONOSRATEN
(by author). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
Figure 6.9 Middle-class apartment block in Solo 2011. Photo Obermayr
(2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
Figure 6.10 Sub-standard housing areas in Solo.
Photos Obermayr (2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Figure 6.11 Identified slum and squatter areas in Solo 2011
(Obermayr 2012d) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
Figure 6.12 Spatial location of probable slum areas in Solo 2010
(Obermayr 2012c) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
Figure 6.13 Shopping malls and hotels west of the centre. Photos
Obermayr (2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
Figure 6.14 Commercial axis northeast of the centre. Photos Obermayr
(2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
Figure 7.1 One of the newly constructed markets (left) and kiosks
in such a market (right) (Photos Obermayr 2011) . . . . . . . . . . 139
Figure 7.2 The structure of the slum-upgrading programme—program
RTLH (by author) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
Figure 7.3 Inadequate houses in Solo 2006 (RTLH) and upgraded
houses until 2010 (by author) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Figure 7.4 Areas flooded during the 2007 flood event
(Obermayr 2012a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Figure 7.5 The structure of Solo’s relocation programme (by author) . . . . 150
List of Figures xix

Figure 7.6 Relocation of 112 families from the riverbank in Kelurahan

Pucang Sawit to a new settlement in Kelurahan Mojosongo
(Obermayr 2012b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
Figure 7.7 The new village in Mojosongo (Photo Obermayr 2011) . . . . . 155
Figure 7.8 Each family receives one basic house (left); the installed
septic tank is coated with concrete (right)
(Photos Obermayr 2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Figure 7.9 Geographical location of the residents’ working place
(by author). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Figure 7.10 The residents’ monthly household income (by author) . . . . . . 158
Figure 7.11 Residents’ satisfaction with the new settlement
(average of all answers, by author) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Figure 7.12 Resident’s satisfaction with the relocation process
(average of all answers, by author) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
Figure 7.13 Residents’ preferred place to live (by author) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
Figure 7.14 Comparison between old and new settlement (by author) . . . . 162
List of Tables

Table 3.1 UN-Habitat’s characteristics and indicators for slums

(based on UN-Habitat 2003b: 11–12, 2008: 33) . . . . . . . . . . .. 33
Table 3.2 The habitat agenda: important commitments
(based on UN-Habitat 1996b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 43
Table 4.1 Dimensions and activities of the approach ‘participatory slum
improvement’ (based on UN-Habitat 2003a: 164–187, 2009b:
53–54) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 62
Table 5.1 Country profile of Indonesia (if not indicated otherwise based
on BPS 2016b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 77
Table 6.1 Interviewed stakeholders and experts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Table 6.2 Population of Solo 2009 (based on BPS and BAPPEDA
Surakarta 2009: 36) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Table 6.3 Slum and squatter households in Solo 2006 (Astuti 2009;
BPS and BAPPEDA Surakarta 2009) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Table 6.4 Available indicators (Solo) and similar UN-Habitat indicators
for creating a slum map (Solo Kota Kita 2010b;
UN-Habitat 2003, 2008) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Table 6.5 Defined indicators and thresholds for the creation
of a slum map . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Table 7.1 Official criteria for slum houses (RTLH) in Solo
(Perwali 13/2007 art. 5 & 6) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
Table 7.2 Flood event 2007 in Solo: victims and received government
aid (2008–2010) per quarter (data received from Bapermas
Surakarta 2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152

xxi
List of Boxes

Box 2.1 Statistical Issues—What is Urban? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Box 2.2 Defining Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Box 2.3 Decentralization—Explanation Attempts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Box 2.4 Washington Consensus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Box 3.1 The ‘Earth Summit’ (Rio 1992) and Agenda 21 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Box 5.1 Transmigrasi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Box 5.2 Pancasila . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Box 5.3 Origins of the Asian crisis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Box 6.1 Solo Kota Kita . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
Box 7.1 Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Kelurahan (LPMK) . . . . . . 137
Box 7.2 UN-Habitat’s Slum-Upgrading Facility (SUF). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145

xxiii
Chapter 1
Introduction

In political, socio-economic and environmental respects the last few decades of the
twentieth century were characterized by changes without precedents. From a political
view, humanity saw the collapse of the ‘second world’ resulting in the end of a simple
and classifiable world. It was said, history came to an end, and western ideas became
the leading ideology. Democracy in all its variations spread and was adopted by more
and more countries and societies. The victory of western ideas meant also the triumph
of capitalism and liberalization policies were increasingly pursued as the new
economic paradigm. By pushing for open markets and free-trade, this economic shift
was strongly promoted by the Bretton Woods Institutions1 and the World Trade
Organization (WTO). Together with economic globalization, which was accelerated
by advances in information and communication technologies, these developments
brought many benefits and a considerable number of people was lifted out of poverty.
However, the advantages are unevenly distributed since the majority of people and
even entire regions are excluded from globalization or are unable to participate.
Facing these global developments, it became clear that also global solutions are
necessary. Under the aegis of the United Nations, world conferences were organized
in order to find answers to the upcoming problems. The simple recognitions that
every growth has its limits and that sustainable development could bring the ultimate
solution for these global problems was adopted at the Rio conference in 1992—birth
was given to the sustainability agenda.
Since that date sustainable strategies are being developed and increasingly adopted
at all tiers of governments around the world and initiatives are started at the very local
level. The emergence of this discourse, the more and more evident impacts of global‐
ization as well as the changing patterns of political cooperation and governance are

1Bretton Woods Institutions: World Bank (WB) and International Monetary Fund (IMF).

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 1

C. Obermayr, Sustainable City Management, The Urban Book Series,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-49418-0_1
2 1 Introduction

only few examples, which are still shaping an increasingly complex world at the
beginning of the twenty-first century. The plans of action formulated during the
conferences of the 1990s cumulated in the so-called millennium declaration, which
was signed by all 193 United Nation member states. At this millennium summit in
2000, eight broad global goals were agreed to be achieved until the year 2015, the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Among others, these were the eradication
of poverty and the commitment to environmental sustainability. By the set of quanti‐
tative targets with clear deadlines, the international community made a strong commit‐
ment to the world’s poor and to sustainable development (Auclair 2005).
Cities were recognized as those areas most important for reaching the MDGs:
during the 2000–2015 implementation period the world population was growing
daily by approx. 220,000 people, 200,000 of them were urban (UN-DESA 2014,
2015a). Indeed, by the year 2007 for the first time in history the majority of the
world’s population lived in cities. It is estimated that inhabitants of all regions will
be predominantly urban by the year 2030 and around three quarters of all humankind
will live in urban areas (UN-Habitat 2008a).
Cities require vast areas of space, consume most of the resources, are the primary
source of wealth and the centre of innovation, culture and politics. Clearly, they have
become the most important arena of humanity, the places where conflicts are
disputed, decisions are made and where problems and chances are determined (Evans
2005). The process of urbanization, meaning the expansion of cities both in their
population and the area they occupy, is particularly dynamic in the cities of the
Global South.2 The United Nations expect that less developed regions, which still
show low urbanization degrees—40–50% compared to approximately 80% of indus‐
trialized countries—will have to cope additionally with 700 million new citizens
between 2015 and 2025 (UN-Habitat 2016: 196).
This on-going urbanization process puts a lot of pressure on these cities. Well-
known problems are apparent: insufficient supply of infrastructure, public transport,
working opportunities, etc. One of the most significant challenges remains the supply
of adequate shelter for approx. 180,000 new citizens each day. In most cases, there
is no possibility to keep up with an estimated daily demand of 30,000 new housing
units (UN-Habitat 2002b). For this reason, people tend to build their own shelters
and houses frequently in places with unclear tenure rights. The results are the massive
expansion of urban fabric, which is referred to as slums, squatters or marginal
settlements.3 In some cities of developing countries up to 70% of all inhabitants live
in such marginal settlements and the total number of the world’s slum dwellers
amounts nearly one billion (UN-Habitat 2003: 25; United Nations 2014).
The intervention strategies pursued in the past, e.g. social housing, site- and
service schemes or self-help housing initiatives must be assessed as inadequate or
insufficient to cope with the global challenges of urbanization, fragmentation and

2In this work the term ‘Global South’ is used synonymous for ‘developing countries’. Just the same
the expression ‘developed countries’ is frequently replaced with the terms ‘Global North’ or
‘industrialized countries’.
3For a differentiation of the terms slum, informal, squatter etc. see Sect. 2.3.1.
1 Introduction 3

exclusion. Against this background, a quantitative slum target (target 7.D) was
included in the millennium declaration:
By 2020, to have achieved a significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum
dwellers (Target 7.D of the Millennium Development Goals, United Nations 2001).

The official endorsement of this target provided an impulse for cities and organ‐
izations to address the challenge. Marking a turning point, the millennium declara‐
tion was reinforced by the flagship report The Challenge of Slums compiled by the
Human Settlement Programme (UN-Habitat) of the United Nations (UN). For the
first time a comprehensive overview on the topic, an attempt to estimate the number
of slum dwellers and most importantly, guidelines and recommendations on how to
cope with the challenge were available. Countries and cities have undertaken
increased efforts to reach the MDGs. Devolution of political power to local govern‐
ments and the increasing recognition of the importance of local and participative
policies have led to bottom-up strategies focusing on capacity building and the
development of suitable institutions (UN-Habitat 2002a).
Despite all challenges city administrations around the world are now in a unique
situation: in the majority of cases they possess increasing political power through
decentralization, giving them the possibility to carry out new sustainable and compre‐
hensive approaches. A framework of good governance is widely recognized as a
precondition to a sustainable housing policy characterized by more democratic
decision-making and implementation processes. Many countries have already put in
place well formulated and comprehensive housing strategies, but there is often a wide
gap between these statements and the locally applied measures. In general, most cities
carry out ambitious efforts to solve the problem and a lot of progress has already been
made. However, until now, it was not possible to reverse the global trend: the number
of people living in marginal areas is increasing each and every day.
This importance of cities and also the universal right to adequate housing for all
is increasingly acknowledged since the adoption of the sustainable development
goals (SDG) in 2015. For the first time a stand-alone urban goal was endorsed high‐
lighting the importance of cities and targeting to make cities safe, inclusive, resilient
and sustainable (goal 11). As a follow-up to the slum-target of the MDGS, a similar,
but more ambitious target was subordinated to the new urban goal (goal 11):
By 2030, ensure access for all to adequate, safe and affordable housing and basic services
and upgrade slums (United Nations 2015a).

Now it is the role of the upcoming 3rd conference on human settlements in 2016—
Habitat III—to accept the challenge and set the normative principles for a ‘New Urban
Agenda’ operationalising the target of providing adequate housing for all.
Progress in fulfilling the MDGs and especially the ‘slum target’ are already
reported for many countries of the Global South (United Nations 2015b). Although
the absolute number of slum dwellers is increasing, some Asian countries have
achieved a noticeable reduction in the proportions of citizens living in slums. One
of these countries is Indonesia. According to the UN (UN-Habitat 2008a: 39–40) the
country managed to improve the living standards of 21.2 million slum dwellers
4 1 Introduction

between 2000 and 2010. This progress was made despite the effects of the devastating
economic crisis (the Asian crisis) of the late 1990s, which was followed by food-
shortages, unemployment and a spread of poverty. Like most other countries of the
developing world, Indonesian cities have to cope with rapid urbanization. The
proportion of people living in urban areas is still very low and it was not until the
year 2011 that Indonesia reached the point where more people live in urban than in
rural areas. The urbanization degree is expected to increase to 63% until 2030,
leaving Indonesian cities with the task to cope with approx. 56 million new citizens
(UN-DESA 2015b). Considering this background, the achieved improvements in the
housing sector are a fortiori impressive.
The reasons for this results are diverse: in 1999 Indonesia’s highly centralized
government introduced reforms initiating the processes of decentralization and
democratization. Now competences, responsibilities and resources became suddenly
available for the local authorities in the districts and the cities. This situation caused
many problems (e.g., lack of capacities), but also opened up new opportunities. The
shift in the mode of governance was accompanied by changing planning approaches.
While before 1999 top-down approaches, commonly initiated by Jakarta, were
favored, now more bottom-up approaches with participatory elements are increas‐
ingly introduced by local authorities. Many of these developments in the governance-
field contributed to the successful policy with respect to the MDGs and were often
termed as good practices by the United Nations.
One of these good practice examples can be found in the city of Surakarta
(commonly referred to as ‘Solo’ by its residents) situated in Central Java, Indonesia.
Between 2005 and 2012 the city’s policy was substantially shaped by the mayor
Joko Widodo (known as ‘Jokowi’). Soon after his inauguration, he became known
for his people-oriented policies. In close collaboration with relevant stakeholders
(e.g. UN-Habitat, NGOs, the private sector) and the citizens, new programmes and
measures were implemented, particularly addressing the informal sector and
informal settlements. One example is the formalization of large parts of the city’s
street vendors. In more than 50 meetings with their representatives a peaceful relo‐
cation to newly built market places was achieved. The project is widely seen as very
successful and was rewarded as ‘good practice’ by the United Nations (UN-Habitat
2008b). For this reason, it appears reasonable to conduct a comprehensive analysis
of Surakarta’s policy concerning its innovative strategies of coping with the informal
sphere.

1.1 Purpose and Research Questions

The main interest of this study is to examine and analyze the governance strategy of
Surakarta’s government concerning informal settlements. Due to the limited scope
of this work the main focus was set on the city’s housing policy. The purpose is to
1.1 Purpose and Research Questions 5

describe and critically assess this policy, particularly concerning informal

housing.4 The city’s street vendors and the municipality’s measures for dealing with
them are also briefly addressed (cf. Sect. 7.2). Several approaches, programmes and
measures implemented by the city administration are examined and evaluated with
respect to their level of sustainability and good governance. Thus, the two main
research questions are:
• Which approaches, programmes and measures concerning informal settlements
are applied in Surakarta?
• Are these measures and the implementation process sustainable and an example
for ‘good governance’?
Although Surakarta’s policy is the centre of this research, it is important to put
the findings also in a national and global context. Urban development trends, espe‐
cially urbanization as a driving force for the formation of marginal settlements, have
specific impacts on urban areas. Furthermore, every city faces explicit constraints
and possibilities influenced by national and global actors and developments. Cities
are, for instance, embedded in a national framework of regulations limiting their
actions and also subject to the forces of global economic developments. Similarly,
concepts of how to govern cities are discussed globally and can strongly shape the
applied policy of cities. For these reasons the following additional research questions
were formulated:
• What are the global and Indonesian trends in urban development?
• What are the characteristics of the informal sector and marginal settlements?
• Which approaches and concrete policies concerning informal settlements are
applied on a global and Indonesian level?
• Which concepts and models served as orientation for Surakarta’s government?
• Is Surakarta’s governance model recognized as an example for other cities?

1.2 Structure and Scope

The study is structured in three parts. First, some theoretical approaches and concepts
as well as the global discourse on housing issues are addressed. The second part
introduces Indonesia in general and in particular the urban (housing) situation of the
country. The third part analyses applied policies in the city Surakarta.
The first part provides an overview about the world’s urban situation—facts and
discussions on the world’s housing issues are addressed. This includes urban devel‐
opment processes, which are caused by specific forces, the housing situation and
trends of the world’s urban population, emerging approaches and concepts in
managing urban areas as well as concrete policies concerning informal settlements.

4For a definition of informal housing cf. Sect. 3.1.

6 1 Introduction

A special thematic interest is set on the definition, characteristics, formation

processes and future projections of slum settlements around the world.
The second part focuses on the housing situation in Indonesia. All framework
conditions influencing housing issues, e.g. the historical background, the adminis‐
trative framework as well as the democratization and decentralization processes are
briefly compiled. Particular attention, however, is given to the actual condition, the
formation and the future development of the country’s slum and squatter settlements.
Subsequently, national policies with the objectives to improve the slum settlements
or simply to ‘clean up’ the cities by eviction are also described.
The third part comprehensively illustrates the housing situation and governance
policy of the Indonesian city Surakarta. In the first section a broad overview of some
physical and socio-economic aspects of the city are provided and a detailed descrip‐
tion of the empirical methods used for gathering information is presented. Based on
these empirical data, the strategies and programmes introduced by the municipal
government are described. Finally, in a concluding remark, a detailed interpretation
and evaluation to answer the main research questions is provided.

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ment/cities/. Accessed 29 Jan 2016
United Nations (2015b) The millennium development goals report 2015, New York
 Part I
Global Developments
and Urban Challenges
Chapter 2
The Global Development Context

Abstract Global development trends are substantially shaping today’s cities. This
chapter presents a brief overview about some of the most dominant development
trends influencing the appearance of cities in the Global South and the way they are
governed. To start with, the current prospects of population growth and urbanization
are discussed as well as their temporal and spatial manifestation. This section is
followed by a brief introduction of the on-going processes of democratization and
decentralization. Devolution of power and responsibilities from national to local
levels has become a dominant approach to satisfy local demands for more autonomy
and participation in decision-making. The third section describes the framework
conditions characterized by economic globalization and neoliberal policies in which
all cities are embedded. The impacts and implications of these trends for urban areas
in less-developed countries are discussed in a last section: increasing inequalities,
exclusion of significant parts of society and poverty has created fragmented and
spatially expanding cityscapes increasingly shaped by segregated spaces for the rich
and the poor. These developments pose new challenges for the governance of cities,
new obligations for local authorities, but also new possibilities.

Keywords Urban challenges · Urbanization · Decentralization · Neoliberalism ·

Fragmentation

2.1 Population Growth and Urbanization

One of the most significant global trends of the last century was population
growth. While in 1950 only 2.5 billion people lived on our planet, this number has
nearly tripled to more than seven billion people in 2015. According to the United
Nations population prospects (UN-DESA 2015b) the world population will likely
increase by another two billion until the year 2050. This demographic growth is
unevenly distributed. Nearly the entire population growth is occurring in the less-
developed regions, while the population of the developed regions is hardly
changing (cf. Fig. 2.1).

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 9

C. Obermayr, Sustainable City Management, The Urban Book Series,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-49418-0_2
10 2 The Global Development Context

Urban Population (less developed regions*)

10
Urban Population (more developed regions**)
9 Rural Population
8

6
Billions

0
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050

* Less developed regions: all regions of Africa, Africa, Asia (excluding Japan), Latin America, the Caribbean
plus Micronesia and Polynesia

** More developed regions: Europe, Northern America, Australia / New Zealand and Japan

Fig. 2.1 Global population development 1950–2050 and share of urban and rural population (based
on data from UN-DESA 2014)

Furthermore, as illustrated in Fig. 2.1, population growth increasingly happens

in urban areas (= urbanization). The world’s share of people living in urban areas
(= urbanization degree) has steadily climbed from only 29.4% in 1950 over 37.9%
in 1975 and 46.7% in 2000 to 50% sometime during the year 2008. In that year, for
the first time in human history, more people lived in urban than in rural areas. Today
the urban population is clearly growing, reaching 3.9 billion people living in cities
and 3.3 billion in rural areas in the year 2015. This trend is expected to continue: the
global urbanization degree is predicted to rise over 60% until the year 2030, meaning
1.5 billion additional citizens in the next 20 years (UN-DESA 2015a).
Looking at absolute numbers, global population growth has decreased slowly over
the last few decades (cf. Fig. 2.2). However, in the same time period urban population
growth has intensified, while rural growth has significantly declined. Between 2000
and 2005 the share of urban growth was above 88%, stressing the dominance of
urbanization processes. The number of the world’s rural population stagnates and
will reach its tipping point around the year 2020 with approximately 3.4 billion
people. Thereafter the absolute number of rural inhabitants will decline, and global
population growth will be absorbed solely by cities.
Similar to population growth also urbanization degrees are unevenly distributed.
Most developed nations and also the Latin American countries already show high
urbanization degrees ranging from 70 to 80%, but the less developed regions, partic‐
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little Una Manners and her nurse, Nanny Gray, who were standing directly
outside.

Nanny was a cherry-cheeked, middle-aged woman, whose open countenance

expressed a kindly disposition and an even temper.

"Good morning, ma'am," she said to Mrs. Maple, who knew at once who her
visitors must be. "We have called to know if you can supply us with milk and
butter. We live at Coombe Villa. This," indicating her with a smiling nod, "is
little Miss Manners, my master's only child."

"Pray come in," Mrs. Maple responded hospitably. "I guessed at once who you
were, because in a country place like this, one soon gets to hear all about
strangers who come into the district."

They entered the kitchen at Mrs. Maple's invitation, and Una glanced curiously
at the old man on the settle, who turned his eyes upon her and regarded her
gravely.

"Father," said Mrs. Maple, "this is the little lady who has come to live at
Coombe Villa, and this is Mrs.—"

"Gray," Nanny said as she shook hands with Mr. Norris. "I hope you are quite
well, sir?"

"Quite, thank you," he answered. "And how do you like this part of the world,
little Missy?" he asked, turning his attention to Una.

"Oh, so much!" she replied promptly. "I love the country, and it is so very
beautiful here! May I sit down with you on that long seat? I never saw one like
it before!"

"It is a settle," the old man informed her, with a smile that somewhat softened
the hard lines of his face.

"It is very comfortable," the little girl remarked, "and so cosy, with its high
back!"

"I take it you do not know much about country life and country things?" he
hazarded. "Perhaps you have always lived in town?"

"Yes, in London mostly; but I have been to Paris and Rome, and to many
foreign places, with my father."
"Have you, indeed? You are quite a traveller, then. Now I have never been to
London in my life. I always held no good came of running about."

Una looked puzzled at this view of the subject. She glanced at the old man's
face with bright, interested eyes, and then she caught sight of his open Bible.

"What have you been reading about this morning?" she enquired.

"About the Israelites and the Philistines," he answered briefly, surprised at her
question.

"Is that your favourite part?" she next asked.

"I don't know that I have a favourite part. It's all good reading, because it's
God's Word."

"Yes, of course it is; but I think I like the New Testament best, for it is all about
Jesus, you see. I have the Bible that used to belong to mother. Father gave it
to me as soon as I could read. My mother is dead, you know; she died soon
after I was born."

"How long since was that?"

"Eight years ago."

"Ah, then you are not quite so old as our Bessie, but very nearly."

"Are Nellie and Bessie your grandchildren?"

"Yes. They call me 'Granfer,'" the old man explained, smiling.

"Do they? What a funny name, but I think I like it! I don't believe I've got a
grandfather; I wish I had," Una said thoughtfully and regretfully. "I suppose you
love Nellie and Bessie very much, don't you?" she added.

"Certainly; they are both of them good children. You have already made their
acquaintance, I hear?"

"Yes, and I should like so much to be friends with them if they will let me. Do
you think their mother will let them come to Coombe Villa sometimes?" she
asked, glancing at Mrs. Maple, who was by that time deep in conversation
with Nanny.
"I have no doubt that she will. I hope your father will like this neighbourhood. I
suppose he is a Londoner?"

Mr. Norris was a very curious old man, who liked to be well informed about his
neighbours, for he took a lively interest in every one.

"Father was not born in London," Una explained. "He has often told me he
was brought up in the country, and he knows all about country things—
animals, and birds, and flowers! Oh, no, father is not a Londoner!"

There was a moment's brief silence, during which Una regarded the old man
earnestly, her soft, dark eyes fixed on his somewhat grim face with eager
interest.

"I wonder if you would think me very rude if I asked you a question?" she
enquired presently in doubtful tones.

"That would depend what the question was," he answered cautiously, but with
an amused twinkle in his eyes which the little girl was quick to notice.

"It is only that I should like to know how old you are," she said frankly; "that is,
if you are quite sure you do not mind telling me!"

"I am seventy-nine. Ah, that is a great age, little lady!"

"It is indeed!" she agreed. "Seventy-nine! But a great many of the Bible people
lived much longer than that! You must be very wise, Mr.—, I don't know your
name. Should you mind if I called you Granfer, like Nellie and Bessie do?"

"No," he answered, in evident surprise, "I do not mind; but perhaps your father
would not like it, my dear?"

"Oh, yes, he will! Father always likes what I like if it's right; and if it's wrong, he
tells me, and then, of course, I don't like it any longer!"

Mr. Norris smiled amusedly at this somewhat involved explanation.

"You are very fond of your father, I suppose?" he remarked enquiringly.

"I love him better than any one else in the whole wide world! He's so good and
kind, and so clever! You should see what beautiful pictures he paints!"

"Is your father an artist?" Mr. Norris asked with keen interest.
"Yes. He paints landscapes, and people give him lots and lots of money for
them. Last year he had a lovely picture in the Royal Academy, and after it was
hung, he took me to see it; and do you know there was such a crowd round
father's picture that he had to lift me up to look!"

Una spoke with loving pride, but without a thought of boastfulness.

"I suppose you know a great many artists?" questioned the old man anxiously.
"Did you ever meet one called Norris?"

The little girl shook her head, wondering at her companion's suddenly agitated
manner, for he alternately clasped and unclasped his hands, whilst his brows
were knitted, and his lips were tremulous.

"Ah!" he muttered, "it would not be likely!"

"No," said Una, "I don't know any one called that. Is he a friend of yours?"

"Not exactly. He is my son!"

The child lifted a pair of puzzled eyes to the old man's countenance, and, as if
in reply to their questioning look, he continued:

"My only son! I've not seen him for fifteen years—ay, fifteen long years! Maybe
he's dead by now!"

"Was he lost?" she enquired softly.

"Ay, lost!"

"But how could that be?"

He made no reply, and Una felt with the quick, true instinct of childhood that
he did not wish to be questioned further, so she sat very quiet for a few
minutes. At last she said:

"Perhaps you will find him again some day! I suppose you pray to God about
him, don't you?"

At that moment Nanny broke in upon their conversation.

"Come, Miss Una," she said, "we must be going, for I know we must be taking
Mrs. Maple away from her household duties!"
"I am ready," Una replied as she rose to her feet; then she turned to Mrs.
Maple and asked coaxingly: "May I see the little lamb whose mother died?"

"Surely, my dear," was the ready answer. "Father, will you show them the
lamb, or shall I?"

"I will, Mary."

The old man arose, and after a few farewell words to Mrs. Maple, Nanny and
Una followed him into the yard. He led the way to an outhouse, and on
opening the door the little lamb skipped out. It was quite tame, and Una was
delighted to pat its curly back and stroke the inquisitive nose it pushed into her
hand.

It was with difficulty that Nanny at last bore her young charge away, insisting
that she really must go home.

After their departure, Mr. Norris returned to his daughter, and found her eager
to talk of their visitors.

"Mr. Manners is an artist!" she exclaimed. "Mrs. Gray—Nanny as they call her
at Coombe Villa—has been telling me all about him. She says he is a very
popular, successful man, a good father, and a kind master. He lost his young
wife soon after little Miss Una was born. Doesn't she seem a sweet little
thing?"

"Yes," the old man agreed, smiling, "she does. She asked if she might call me
Granfer."

"What a strange idea! I heard her chattering away to you; she is not in the
least shy!"

Mr. Norris sat down in his accustomed seat again, whilst his daughter flitted in
and out of the kitchen. He was thinking how Una had said: "I suppose you
pray to God about him, don't you?" And realising for the first time that though
he called himself a Christian, he had harboured angry, bitter thoughts against
his only son for fifteen long years, had spoken of him with hard words, had
blamed him as undutiful, and had never once mentioned his name to the great
Father of all.

Granfer turned over the leaves of his Bible with a trembling hand, and finding
the fifteenth chapter of St. Luke's Gospel, slowly read the parable of the
Prodigal Son; then he closed the Holy Book, and his heart was uplifted in a
fervent prayer that he might be allowed to see his only son, David, once
again.

CHAPTER IV
THE BOOK-MARKER

Six weeks had elapsed since the day when Una had become acquainted with
Granfer, and she now saw him often, for she had become very friendly with all
the inmates of Lowercoombe Farm.

Mr. Manners, who was a quiet, reserved man, had never paid a visit himself to
the farm, but he allowed his little daughter to go there whenever she was
asked, and was pleased to see Nellie and Bessie at Coombe Villa.

One beautiful May morning found the artist at his easel in his studio, and Una
busily employed at a small table with pencils and colour-box of her own.

"What are you about, Una?" her father asked, noticing how absorbed the child
appeared in what she was doing.

"I'm making a book-marker for Granfer's Bible: I promised him I would paint
him one. Do you think you could sketch in the letters for me, father?"

"I dare say I could," he answered, smiling, "if you explain what you want."

Una held up the narrow strip of cardboard which she had been engaged in
cutting out.

"I thought I would put a verse from the Bible on it," she said.

Her father nodded, and taking the book-marker from her hand waited for
further instructions; but the little girl looked undecided.

"Could you help me to think of a good verse, father?" she asked.

"A suitable verse I suppose you mean." He thought a moment. "How would
this do: 'As thy days, so shall thy strength be'?"

"Oh, I think that would do beautifully!" she cried, and she drew near and
watched, whilst he carefully pencilled the words on the card.

"I shall paint the letters in blue and gold," she told him. "Granfer will be so
pleased!"

For the next half hour there was silence in the studio, both father and
daughter working industriously.

At last Una exclaimed, in tones of satisfaction:

"There! It's finished! Won't Granfer be surprised to see how neatly I've done
the lettering! Look, father!"

"Yes, you have done it very nicely, Una. You seem to be extremely fond of that
old man?"

"Oh, yes! I thought he was rather stern at first, but he isn't a bit now! You
remember all I told you about his son who was lost, don't you, father?"

"Yes."

"Nellie says he went away to be an artist like you, and no one ever heard of
him again! That's why Granfer was angry with him! Granfer wanted him to be
a farmer, but he couldn't, because of his talent!"

"His talent?" Mr. Manners repeated in questioning tones.

"Yes, his talent for painting, you know. Nellie says it wouldn't have been right
for him not to have been an artist."

"What do the people at the farm think has become of him?"

"Mrs. Maple thinks he may be living still, and Nellie and Bessie keep on
hoping he will come home. They never saw him, because he went away
before they were born, but their mother has told them all about him. Granfer
thinks he must be dead."

"Perhaps he hopes he is, if he was such a trouble to the old man."

"Oh, no, indeed, father! He would dearly love to see his son; he told me so
himself! He says that he prays to God to let him live to see his boy again! Of
course he isn't a boy now! Mrs. Maple says he may be a married man, and
have little children of his own. I should like to run down to Lowercoombe Farm
this morning, and give the book-marker to Granfer. May I go, father?"

"Certainly you may, my dear; but tell Nanny where you are going."

Una flitted away, and found Nanny in the kitchen.

"Off to the farm again!" the good woman cried. "Why, you almost live there!
That old man seems to be wonderfully attractive to you, Miss Una. I can't think
what you see in him to like so much, for my part; he seems rather cross-
grained, I fancy!"

"You think that because you don't know him as well as I do," the little girl
responded promptly. "His manner is rather stern perhaps, but it is only his
manner, and you know, Nanny, you always say that one should never judge by
appearances. I think he is really a very good old man!"

"You told me yourself that he drove his only son away from home, Miss Una,
and folks in the village say he has never forgiven him!"

"Oh, they are wrong, indeed they are! He has forgiven him! You don't
understand Granfer a bit!"

"And I suppose you do," Nanny said, laughing. "Well, run along to the farm
then, and give the old man your present. I'm sure he ought to be pleased!"

Una felt sure he would be. With Crack at her heels, she went out into the
bright May sunshine, and passed through the garden gate into the road. The
hedges were full of wild flowers, and the air was sweet with their delicate
scents, the perfumes of hawthorn and wild hyacinths. But Una did not pause
to gather herself a nosegay to-day, though her soft brown eyes dwelt
admiringly on the wealth of flowers, for the artist's little daughter possessed a
beauty-loving soul, and her quick glance took in all the glory of the May
morning.

Presently she heard a deep bark, and in another moment, Mr. Maple's sheep-
dog bounded towards her in a transport of joy at the meeting. She put her
arms around his woolly neck, and gave him a loving hug.

"Oh, you dear old Rags!" she cried. "Good fellow! Good doggie!"
Rags approved of these terms of endearment; his brown eyes were brimful of
affection as he stood by Una's side, his big body wriggling with excitement
and pleasure. Crack jumped about barking and whining, for though he was on
friendly terms with Rags, he did not wish Una to make too much of him. So the
little girl patted Crack too, that he might not be jealous, and with a dog on
either side of her went on her way. At the turn of the road she met Mr. Norris,
who was looking about for Rags.

"Well, little Missy," he said, smiling, "I suppose this fine morning has enticed
you out-of-doors. I wondered why Rags had deserted me, and I guessed
some one he knew must be coming down the road!"

"Are you going for a walk, Granfer?" Una enquired.

"No. I have been to look at the sheep in this field for my son-in-law," he
explained, indicating a meadow adjoining the road, "and now I'm going home."

"Are you in a hurry? Please sit down here," pointing to a log of wood close to
the hedge. "I have something for you, Granfer."

The old man willingly complied with her request, and Una seated herself by
his side. She had wrapped the book-marker in tissue-paper, and she now
handed him the little packet, saying:

"It is for you, for your Bible. I cut it out this morning, and painted it myself!
Father sketched the letters for me, but he did not do anything else towards it! I
wonder if you will like it?"

By this time Mr. Norris had taken the book-marker from its wrapping, and was
regarding it with a pleased smile.

"Yes, I do indeed like it," he said heartily. "Thank you, my dear. I feel quite
touched that you should have taken so much trouble for me!"

"It was no trouble; I liked doing it! What do you think of the verse?"

"'As thy days, so shall thy strength be.' It is a grand promise—a blessed truth!"

"Father thought of it," Una told him complacently. "I asked him to think of a
verse, because I knew he would be more likely to think of a good one than I
should. I shall tell him what you say about it."

"I have never seen your father except in church on Sundays," Mr. Norris
remarked.
"Why don't you come to see him, Granfer? He would be very pleased if you
did, I am sure; but you see he has not much time for visiting, that's what he
always tells people; he has so much work to do."

"Painting?" queried the old man.

"Yes. He is at home this morning; but generally when it is fine, he is out-of-

doors, because he is painting a picture of a little bit of the wood at the back of
our garden. It is to be called 'A May Morning,' and it looks as though you could
pick the hawthorn and the bluebells! Oh! it will be a lovely picture when it is
finished," Una declared with enthusiasm. "I am sure he will show it to you, if
you would care to see it!"

"I should not like to intrude," the old man said gravely; "but I should much like
to know your father."

"I will tell him what you say!"

"It is possible he may have met my son. I could explain to him what David was
like!"

"David!" cried Una. "How strange! Father's name is David too!"

"Is it, indeed?" Granfer's voice was full of interest. "I suppose there are
hundreds of Davids in the world!" he added.

"Father and I were talking of your son this morning," Una said, "and I am sure
if father could help you to find him he would. You must come to Coombe Villa,
and see us; or, perhaps father will call at the farm. I will ask him."

"Pray do so!" The old man rose to his feet. "My birthday comes next week," he
remarked; "I shall be eighty years old. I shall look on this pretty book-marker
as a birthday present from you, and I shall value it as long as I live."

CHAPTER V
UNA LEARNS A SECRET
"GRANFER was very pleased," Una informed her father on her return home.
"I met him on my way to the farm, so I gave him my present then. He liked the
verse so much, and I told him it was you who thought of it. And oh, father, he
so much wants to see you!"

"Why?" Mr. Manners asked quickly.

"He wants to speak to you about his son. I asked him to come here, but he
said he would not like to intrude. Then I said, perhaps you would go and see
him at the farm. Will you, father dear?"

Una was leaning against the arm of the easy chair in which Mr. Manners had
settled himself comfortably to read the daily newspaper; now she rested her
head upon his shoulder, and lifted her brown eyes pleadingly to his face as
she added in coaxing tones:

"He does want to see you so much!"

"I am very busy at present—you know that, Una," her father reminded her.

"Oh, yes, but some evening perhaps you will be able to call at the farm. We
might go together."

"Well, I will not promise, but I may go some day!"

"Oh, thank you, thank you! I know Granfer will be glad! It is his birthday next
week; he will be eighty. Isn't that very old, father?"

"It is a great age, certainly. By the way, I'm going to walk into the village after
dinner, Una; will you care to go with me?"

"Yes, indeed, father!"

So after their midday meal, father and daughter started off together, with
Crack in attendance as usual. The little girl chatted all the way about the many
objects of interest they came across during their walk—a bird's nest in the
hedge with five blue eggs in it, which Mr. Manners' sharp eyes caught sight of,
and the many flowers which blossomed everywhere.

"How kind of God to make the world so beautiful!" she exclaimed, when her
father called her attention to the view visible through a gateway—a sweep of
fair meadow-lands dotted with sheep and lambs busily engaged in cropping
the grass. They stood a few minutes watching a group of lambs at play,
skipping around each other, and jumping one by one on the top of a little
hillock, and down again. Una laughed to see the pretty creatures so happy,
clapping her hands with enjoyment of the scene.

Their destination was the village shop, which was also the post-office; and
while Mr. Manners was transacting his business Una stood in the doorway
looking up and down the street. Presently she uttered a little exclamation of
mingled joy and surprise, and ran back to her father.

"Granfer is coming!" she cried. "He will be passing here in a minute! Won't you
come and speak to him now?"

She caught hold of her father by the hand, but he gently disengaged the
clinging fingers as he answered kindly but firmly:

"No, Una, I cannot speak to him now."

"But father—"

"You hear me, my child, I say no; I cannot do as you wish. Remain where you
are. There is not the least necessity for you to stop Mr. Norris now, as you
have already seen him to-day."

Mr. Manners turned again to the counter to conclude his business, and Una
realised that she must say no more; but she was so disappointed that it was
with difficulty she kept back her tears.

When they left the shop, Granfer had disappeared from sight. Mr. Manners
took his little daughter's hand and pressed it softly, glancing affectionately at
her sober face.

"What an impetuous child you are!" he said. "Why do you so much want me to
know your old friend?"

Una was silent, because she did not want to show how near she was to
crying, and she was afraid if she spoke her father would notice her emotion.

"I have a very good reason for not wishing to see Mr. Norris yet," he
continued. "I wonder if my little daughter can keep a secret?"

She looked up with a rather watery smile as she answered quietly:

"I think I can, father!"

"It has to do with Mr. Norris' only son."

"Oh!" Her voice full of great excitement.

"I think he is coming back, Una. I believe one of these days he will go home to
his father, and ask for forgiveness for the long years that he has kept away,
but I do not wish to see Mr. Norris before I am quite certain."

"Will he come soon?" the little girl asked anxiously. "Will he be here by
Granfer's birthday, next week?"

"Yes, I think he will. Can you keep the secret, my dear?"

"Oh, yes, indeed I can! I will not tell any one, not even Nanny!"

"No, not even Nanny. It is a secret between you and me."

"I feel so thankful!" Una cried, "So very thankful! But I did not know you had
ever met Granfer's son!"

"Very likely not; but nevertheless, I know him quite well."

"Is he a good man, father?"

"Not nearly so good as he ought to be, my child. He has done wrong in

keeping away from his own people all these years, but his father was hard on
him and he determined never to return till he was a successful man. He did
not think his father would grieve for him; he believed himself still unforgiven, or
he would not have stayed away. He forgot that God would soften his father's
heart."

"How pleased they all will be at the farm!" Una exclaimed in bright, glad tones,
"Mrs. Maple, and Nellie and Bessie, and the farmer! As for Granfer—well, I
really cannot think how he will feel when he knows God has answered his
prayers at last!"

Una stepped lightly along by her father's side; all traces of her recent
disappointment were gone; her heart danced with joy, and her whole
countenance shone with pleasure as she thought of the great happiness in
store for her friends.

The knowledge of the secret between her father and herself filled the little girl
with a sense of importance, and she was delighted to think that her father
trusted her.
"I don't know what has come across you, miss," Nanny declared when she
was putting Una to bed that evening; "you're in such high spirits that one
would think you had heard good news!"

"So I have, Nanny, but I must not tell you what it is, because it's a secret—only
father and I know it yet, and one other person, I suppose. By-and-by you and
every one in the neighbourhood will know as well."

"Dear me, is it a very wonderful secret, then?"

"Yes, very wonderful; but you must not ask me what it is."

"I don't mean to, dearie."

"It's an answer to prayer, Nanny, I may tell you that much. I feel so happy and
thankful to-night that I don't believe I shall be able to sleep a wink!"

"Oh, yes, you will. Have you thanked the good Lord for the cause of your
happiness, Miss Una?"

"Yes, over and over again!"

"That's right! Sometimes when folks are very happy they forget to thank God,
and that seems so ungrateful, just as though they only went to Him when they
remembered something they wanted. Ah, we're ready enough to ask, but
we're not always so ready to give thanks; we're too apt to take the good things
as if they were our due."

Nanny tucked the bed-clothes around her little charge, and, after kissing her
affectionately, put out the candle and drew up the blind to allow the moon to
flood the room with its pale, peaceful light. Then she said, "Good-night," and
went downstairs, smiling to herself as she thought of Una's secret, and
wondering what it could possibly be.

Una lay awake for some time watching the moonlight and a little twinkling star
that peeped at her through the window; but by-and-by her eyelids grew heavy,
and she was soon wrapped in a sweet, dreamless sleep.
 CHAPTER VI

UNA'S ACCIDENT

THE garden which surrounded Coombe Villa was what is generally called a
wilderness garden, because plants and flowers of all descriptions and colours
grew together, and flourished unchecked. On the morning following that day
when Una had been told the secret which had given her so much joy she
arose early, and went into the garden to have a run before breakfast with
Crack. The little girl and her dog raced round the garden paths together till
both were tired, and presently Mr. Manners joined them.

"Come and look at the flowers, Una," he said, "and gather a bouquet for the
breakfast table. We will have some of these pansies to begin with. I believe
there are some lilies of the valley in that shady corner!"

Una darted away to look, and returned with a few sprays.

"How sweet they are!" she exclaimed. "Father, I do love flowers, don't you?"

"Yes, my dear, certainly I do. Some one once called them the 'poetry of the
Creator'; was not that a beautiful thought?"

"Granfer does not care for flowers much," Una remarked; "that seems strange,
does it not?"

"To you, no doubt; but there are a great many people who do not like flowers,
just as others do not like poetry or music. By the same rule, there are those
who cannot admire a fine view, but I am glad my little girl loves beauty and
can appreciate the crowning works of God."

Una glanced up into her father's face, and, meeting his smile with one equally
bright and loving, she cried:

"Oh, father dear, I am so happy to-day! I can't help thinking of Granfer, and of
how glad he will be when his son comes home! I hope he will come very
soon!"

Mr. Manners was silent, but he kissed his little daughter's upturned face
tenderly; and then they went indoors to see if breakfast was ready, and Una
busied herself in arranging her flowers in the little glasses that always
ornamented the table at meal times.

The morning passed uneventfully. Una learnt her lessons as usual, and in the
afternoon went for a long walk with Nanny, returning by way of Lowercoombe
Farm, where they found only Mrs. Maple at home, Granfer having gone to the
village, and the little girls not having as yet returned from school.

Mrs. Maple and Nanny enjoyed a long chat together, during which Una was
allowed to wander where she pleased. She inspected the fowl-houses and
cowsheds and stables, finally venturing to climb a few rungs of the ladder
which led to the hay loft. But she was unaccustomed to climbing, and grew
dizzy when she looked down and realised she was some feet from the
ground. She commenced to retrace her way, feeling rather nervous and shaky,
when suddenly she made a false step, missed her footing, and fell upon the
hard stone floor of the stable, with one foot doubled back under her.

At first she was too faint to utter a sound, but presently when she tried to
move, and a sharp twinge of pain in her foot told her she had injured it, she
called aloud for assistance. Mrs. Maple and Nanny came running to her
immediately, the latter in a terrible fright when she caught sight of the little
girl's pale face.

"Oh, my darling!" cried the faithful woman. "What has happened?"

"I fell off the ladder, Nanny," Una responded faintly, her lips quivering with
pain, "and I have hurt my foot!"

Nanny lifted the child in her strong arms and forthwith carried her into the
house, followed by Mrs. Maple, and placed her on the settle in the kitchen
whilst she proceeded to draw off the boot and stocking from the injured limb.
The foot was already beginning to swell, and Nanny's face was full of concern
as she examined it, and poor Una winced at every touch.

"It is a bad sprain, I fear," Mrs. Maple said. "She cannot possibly walk home!"

"And she is too heavy for me to carry!" Nanny exclaimed. "What is to be

done?"

"Why, she must stay here with us," Mrs. Maple answered promptly. "We will do
the best we can for her!"
"Oh no, no!" Una cried; then, fearing she appeared rude and ungrateful, she
looked appealingly at Mrs. Maple and exclaimed: "I would so much rather go
home, please, because father would be so lonely without me. If Nanny would
go and tell him that I have hurt my foot, and cannot walk, he would come and
carry me back."

"Yes, I think that would be the best plan," Nanny agreed. "Is the pain very bad,
dearie?"

Una nodded. Her eyes were full of tears, but she bravely tried not to cry, and
to smile cheerfully.

"I will start at once," Nanny continued. "Keep up your spirits, Miss Una, I shall
not be long!"

After her nurse had gone Mrs. Maple brought Una a glass of milk and a slice
of home-made cake. The little girl sipped the milk and tried to eat the cake, but
she was in too much pain to do more than nibble a small bit, and Mrs. Maple,
seeing the state of the case, did not press her to eat, but talked to her in her
bright, cheerful fashion till Una smiled in spite of her suffering. Then, Nellie
and Bessie returned from school, and were much concerned to find their little
friend had met with an accident, and asked her scores of questions.

"Why, I've been up and down that ladder ever so many times," Nellie declared,
"and I never fell off once! It's not in the least difficult to climb!"

"Ah, but Miss Una is not used to climbing, I expect," Mrs. Maple put in kindly.

"No," Una agreed with a rueful smile, "and I wish I had never tried!"

Nanny was as good as her word, and was not long absent. She returned in
less than half an hour with her master. At the sight of her father all Una's
fortitude gave way, so that when he sat down on the settle and lifted her upon
his knee she laid her head upon his shoulder, and burst into a flood of tears.

He consoled her as best he could.

"Don't cry, my darling," he whispered, "you'll make yourself ill if you do, and
though you have given your foot a nasty twist, I dare say you'll soon be
running about as well as ever again."

Una tried to suppress her sobs, and Mr. Manners turned to Mrs. Maple with a
smile.
"It was good of you to offer to keep my little girl here," he said courteously,
"and I am most deeply grateful to you for your kindness; but I think I had better
carry her home. She is not used to being away from me, for you see she is my
only child, and we have never been parted."

"That I can understand, sir," Mrs. Maple replied. "I know she must be very
dear to you."

"Perhaps you will allow Nellie and Bessie to come and see her every day until
her foot is better?"

"Yes, certainly, sir!"

"Thank you. Now Una, my darling, you must try to be brave, because I am
going to carry you home, and however gentle I am, I fear I shall hurt your poor
foot a little. Say good-bye to your friends now!"

Una lifted her face from her father's shoulders, and turned it towards the
motherly countenance of Mrs. Maple. The kind woman kissed the little girl
affectionately.

"I hope you will soon be well again, my dear," she said gently. "Good-bye!"

"Good-bye," Una answered, "and please give my best love to Granfer!"

Then she was borne off in her father's arms, whilst Nanny hurried on in front
to make preparations for the little invalid. Mrs. Maple, with Nellie and Bessie at
her side, stood at the door watching the retreating figures.

"Isn't he a nice gentleman, mother?" Bessie said. Then, receiving no reply,

asked: "What are you thinking about, mother?"

"I was thinking that Mr. Manners is very like someone I used to know years
ago," she answered with a sigh. "When he spoke, I declare the sound of his
voice gave me quite a shock, and I could have almost thought it was my
brother David, especially when he was talking to his little girl!"

"Is Mr. Manners really like Uncle David?" Nellie enquired eagerly. "If so, I think
I should love Uncle David dearly!"

Mrs. Maple smiled, but her face remained thoughtful, and all that evening she
was puzzling over the wonderful likeness between Una's father and her lost
brother. She was unusually silent, and said but little about Mr. Manners to
Granfer; but when she was alone with her husband she told him how she had
been struck by the artist's appearance and voice.

The farmer listened in surprise.

"Why surely, Mary, you do not mean to say you think this Mr. Manners is your
brother David?" he exclaimed in incredulous accents.

"I do not know what to think," she replied; "perhaps I am foolish and fanciful,
but he was so like what David might be if he were alive! Oh, if God would only
send David home!"

CHAPTER VII
GRANFER'S HEART'S DESIRE

IT was the evening before Granfer's birthday, and Mr. and Mrs. Maple had
gone for a stroll together, leaving the house in the charge of Nellie and Bessie,
with instructions that they were to wash up the tea things and feed the poultry
during their parents' absence.

Granfer sat in his accustomed seat, for though it was May, and the weather
quite mild, there was a cheerful log fire on the hearth, and the old man was
glad of the warmth.

When the children had finished their duties, they joined their grandfather, and
Nellie commenced a conversation by saying:

"Your birthday cake in the larder looks delicious, Granfer! Mother has baked it
beautifully!"

"She showed it to me," he replied. "Ah! I had hoped the little lady from
Coombe Villa would have been here to tea, to taste it; but I suppose it will be
some days before she will be able to walk as far as this?"
"Yes," Bessie answered, "though her foot is much better. Mr. Manners called
us in to see her when we were coming home from school to-day, and she can
walk a little; but Mrs. Gray says the sprain will pass quicker if she rests her
foot a bit longer."

"Oh, Granfer," Nellie cried, "we saw the picture Mr. Manners is painting; he
showed it to us; wasn't it kind of him?"

"Very kind," Mr. Norris agreed; "he seems a nice gentleman."

"He is indeed! Mother says he is like Uncle David!"

"Eh? What?" cried the old man.

"Like Uncle David, Granfer, and he's called David too!"

"Yes, yes!"

He gazed thoughtfully into the fire, and presently two big tears gathered in his
eyes and rolled slowly down his withered cheeks. The little girls looked at him
in mingled surprise and awe, and Bessie crept to his side and laid her soft
cheek against his shoulder.

"Don't cry, dear, dear Granfer," she whispered. "Oh, don't cry!"

"Ah, child," he answered sadly, "if I could but have my heart's desire, and see
my boy once more; and if that is too much to ask of God, I wish I could know
that my harshness did not spoil David's life!"

"Why, here come mother and father back already!" Nellie cried in
astonishment as the door opened, and her parents crossed the threshold.
"They cannot have gone far!"

The children noticed at once that their mother looked agitated and flushed,
but, though her eyes were full of tears, they shone with a bright, glad
expression. She came to her father's side, and took one of his hands in a firm
clasp.

"Father, can you bear news—blessed news?" she asked simply. "Oh, my dear
father!"

He looked at her doubtfully, and she continued in hurried accents very unlike
her usually calm tones: