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THE OXFORD ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF
MODERN CHINA
The twelve historians who contributed to the Oxford Illustrated History of
Modern China are all distinguished authorities in their field. They are:
MODERN CHINA
Edited by
JEFFREY N. WASSERSTROM
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Oxford University Press
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in
Impression:
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
Madison Avenue, New York, NY , United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number:
ISBN ––––
Printed in Great Britain by
Bell & Bain Ltd., Glasgow
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom
. FROM LATE MING TO HIGH QING, –
Anne Gerritsen
. NEW DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, –
Stephen R. Platt
. RESTORATION AND REFORM, –
Robert Bickers
. FELLING A DYNASTY, FOUNDING A REPUBLIC
Peter Zarrow
. THE RISE OF NATIONALISM AND REVOLUTIONARY
PARTIES, –
James Carter
. THE WAR YEARS, –
Rana Mitter
. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC, –
S. A. Smith
. THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION ERA, –
Richard Curt Kraus
. REFORM AND REBUILDING, –
Timothy Cheek
. TIANANMEN AND ITS AFTERMATH, –
Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom and Kate Merkel-Hess
. CHINA RISING, –
William A. Callahan
vi Contents
THE PRESENCE OF THE PAST—A CODA
Ian Johnson
Timeline
Further Reading
Picture Acknowledgements
Index
LIST OF MAPS
Since Chinese uses characters rather than an alphabet, many different systems of
romanization have been developed over the years to help Americans and Europeans
learn to pronounce the Chinese characters. Until the establishment of the People’s
Republic of China in , the Wade-Giles system had been the predominant system,
and it is still used as the official romanization system in Taiwan. In their attempts to
simplify the Chinese language and to increase literacy among the Chinese people, the
People’s Republic of China (PRC) developed a new system, known as the pinyin
system. This system is now used by US newspapers and many book publishers.
The following are a few tricks to pronouncing Chinese words which are romanized
using pinyin:
ei ei ay (as in day)
ao ao ow (as in now)
uo uo oo ( as in too) plus ou (as in ought)
ui, uei ui oo (as in too) plus ay (as in day)
ung ong oo (as in book) plus ng (as in thing)
JEFFREY N. WASSERSTROM
WHEN asked to free associate about China as a country, many people will begin by
referring to it as a large place with a giant population. They may also describe it as a
nation that in recent years has been transformed by an economic boom, seen its status
in the global order rise dramatically, and now is home to some of the world’s most
massive and polluted cities. Some will mention the irony of it still being governed by a
Communist Party, but by one that curiously accepts capitalists into its ranks. They
may also bring up the fact that parts of it now look strikingly modern yet it remains a
country strongly shaped by its past. One thing that many will stress is that China has
an incredibly long history, meaning that to make sense of its present, it is crucial to
keep in mind enduring cultural traditions that began in the era of the country’s great
axial age sage Confucius (– BCE). It is common to assume that the contempor-
ary country needs to be seen as the product of ideas, beliefs, institutions, and practices
that go back to Confucius or even further. A phrase that has recently assumed mantra-
like qualities via its appearance in everything from textbooks and newspaper editor-
ials to speeches by leaders is that “, years of Chinese civilization” lie behind and
inform what goes on in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). For those who teach
and write about modern Chinese history for a living, such as the stellar array of
specialists in different recent periods responsible for the chapters that follow, the set of
widely believed ideas about China just described, especially the notion of China’s
massive size and the longevity of its “civilization,” are both a blessing and a curse.
They are a blessing because the assumption that the country is important and
shaped by history means that we do not have to work as hard to justify our interest
in and passion for our subject as some of our colleagues working on other places.
They are a curse because, when taken together, the constellation of notions just
outlined distorts important things about both the kind of country China was in
previous centuries and the kind of place the PRC is now.
Consider, for example, the way that a fascination with China’s great size, when
combined with a belief in the shaping power of something called “Chinese civiliza-
tion” stretching back in supposedly continuous form for many millennia, can warp
the geographical imagination. Many people inside and outside of the country find it
natural to assume that when they see a map of the PRC, which was founded in , it
portrays a country that may have grown a bit over time but nevertheless always
looked something like it does now. In terms of the location of its borders, this kind of
Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom
thinking goes, surely they are not so different from what they were back when the
ruler of the Han Dynasty ( BCE– ACE) held power—while the Roman emperor
Hadrian was building a wall at the other end of Eurasia. Or further back still, when
the first emperor of the short-lived Qin Dynasty (– BCE), the celebrated and
infamous unifier (as closely associated with the Great Wall as Hadrian is with his
eponymous one), brought together smaller warring states to form a single great
country. Perhaps, many will acknowledge, the specific locations of some borders
were once not quite the same, but surely the differences were minor rather than
fundamental or just a matter of a specific territory, such as Taiwan in recent times,
being politically part of or separate from China proper.
At least, this powerful though inaccurate logic goes, there are basic things about
China’s territorial spread that have been constant. Is it not true, for example, that the
country has long been and is still defined in terms of the flow through it of three great
rivers: the Yellow River that moves across its northern plain and takes its name from
the color of the rich loess soil that lines it; the Yangzi River that bisects the PRC of
today and connects inland provinces such as Sichuan to the Pacific Ocean via the great
port of Shanghai; and the Pearl River in the South that ends in a delta region that
includes both Guangzhou (Canton) and Hong Kong? And since the first emperor’s
day, hasn’t the Great Wall he built defined the northern edge of China proper, with
land just beyond it alternately being claimed by the Chinese ruler and by nomadic
groups of Mongol and Manchu dwellers on the steppes? The problem is that “no” is
the right answer to both of these questions.
This is because, in reality, what we now think of as “China” has been of wildly
varying sizes and shapes in different eras—and not just because Taiwan has not
always been part of it and that some regions to the far west that are now part of the
PRC (such as Tibet in the far west and north of that Xinjiang) have sometimes,
like Mongolia and Manchuria, been outside of Chinese control. The “China” of
some emperors was many times smaller than that outlined on today’s maps, in some
cases containing only a handful of the more than a dozen provinces that make up the
PRC. Even to speak of a “China” of Confucius’ day is misleading, since that foreign
term and its Chinese language variants would not be coined for centuries, but if one is
said to have existed, only the Yellow River flowed through it. Conversely, during the
last century-and-a-half of the Song Dynasty (–), Chinese emperors governed
the ports that lined the Yangzi and Pearl rivers and their deltas but held no sway over
the Yellow River’s fertile loess plateau.
There are equally significant problems with thinking of the first emperor’s Great
Wall as a symbol of continuity and a marker of an enduring border. The first emperor
was obsessed with large projects, as the massive army of terra cotta warriors built to
accompany him into the afterlife suggests, and he was responsible for the erection of
major fortifications. What we see labeled on maps now as “The Great Wall,” however,
does not trace the location and length of his creations, even if in legend and lore those
are described as having been kept up by each ruler who followed him. Rather, some
of his successors maintained or extended and others ignored the Qin Dynasty walls.
And the lines that read “Great Wall” on current maps trace the path of this famous
Area controlled by Song
Linhuang
Liaoyang
Dading
Xijin
Datong Gaegyeong
XI XIA Zhending
Xingqing r
ve
Taiyuan
Ri
Yidu
w
Yan’an
lo
Yellow
l
Qingyang
Ye
Pingyang Dongping
Sea
Lintao
Jingzhao
JIN Kaifeng
Yang
Xiangyuan Lu
r
Jiankang
Xiangyang ve
Ri
Tongchuan Kui Lin’an
TUFAN
e
tz
n g
Chengdu Ya Shaoxing
Jiangling East
China
Tan Hong Sea
SONG
Fu
Dali
Jingning
NANCHAO
Guang
0 miles 400
Ürümql
Changchun
INNER MONGOLIA
JILIN
AUTONOMOUS REGION
XINJIANG UYGUR Shenyang
AUTONOMOUS REGION LIAONING
NINGXIA Hohhot BEIJING
AUTONOMOUS
REGION Beijing Tianjin
HEBEI TIANJIN
Taiyuan Shijiazhuang
Yinchuan
QINGHAI SHANXI Jinan
TIBET Xining Lanzhou
SHANDONG
AUTONOMOUS
GANSU Xi’an
REGION
Zhengzhou JIANGSU
SHAANXI
HENAN Nanjing
Hefei
Lhasa SICHUAN Shanghai
G
HUBEI
East
IN
Chengdu ANHUI
Q
Wuhan Hangzhou
China
NG
O
Chongqing ZHEJIANG Sea
CH
Changsha Nanchang
GUIZHOU HUNAN JIANGXI
Guiyang Fuzhou
Kunming FUJIAN
GUANGXI
Province YUNNAN ZHUANG GUANGDONG
AUTONOMOUS TAIWAN
REGION Guangzhou controlled by the
Autonomous Region Republic of China;
Nanning HONG KONG S.A.R claimed by the People’s
Municipality MACAO S.A.R Republic of China
Haikou
S.A.R. Special Administrative Region HAINAN 0 miles 500
Opposite: Baizi tu (One Hundred Children). Hanging scroll showing children at play in a courtyard. Qing
dynasty, Qianlong period, c..
A Confucian ritual being performed in contemporary China.
some readers may be tempted to assume, has long been a place where order is prized
and chaos feared, where family relations are at the heart of all important stories,
where reverence for seniority, respect for ritual, and the pursuit of harmony are woven
into the fabric of daily life.
Only in truly exceptional moments, such as the wildest days of Maoist extremism,
this logic suggests, have these characteristics of “Chineseness” been temporarily
forgotten, to terrible effect.
If the only great novel from Ming times that remained known and had proved
steadily popular were Hong Lou Meng, then fiction could be invoked to support this
misleading idea. The fact is, though, that Xi You Ji, which celebrates disruption and a
form of playfulness far removed from staid ritual, has been and continues to be
enjoyed by the same populace that is drawn to the placidity and wistfulness of
Hong Lou Meng. Just as any account of Western civilization that pays attention to
Greece but not to Rome is bound to be flawed, so, too, the reader should keep in mind
that Chinese civilization has always had more than one strand. Readers should
proceed through the chapters to come ready to encounter a China of varying sizes
and shapes, which has a cultural heritage that has been marked by change as much as
by continuity and which has room for not just Confucian solemnity but also the
mischievous irreverence of the Monkey King.
Opposite: Illustrated scene from Journey to the West, with the lustful part human, part porcine character Pigsy
shown at the the bottom left.
A poster from the Cultural Revolution calling for all symbols of the “old world” to be destroyed so that a glorious “new world”
can come into being.
From Late Ming to High
Qing, –
ANNE GERRITSEN
THE early life experiences of a man named Zhu Yuanzhang (–) had a lasting
impact on the dynasty that would become known as “Great Brightness” (Da Ming)
and lasted from to . Also known as the Hongwu emperor after the first
reign period (–) of the dynasty he founded, Zhu Yuanzhang came from a poor
peasant background. As a youth, he spent time in a Buddhist monastery, and later
joined a religious-inspired rebel force that eventually spelled the end of the preceding
Mongol-Yuan dynasty (–). His first-hand experience of poverty and the
hardships of peasant life, together with his understanding of the potential power of
temple organizations, religious groups, and rebel armies, shaped the policies he
formulated. Under the guidance of scholarly advisers, the Hongwu emperor estab-
lished a political regime that made agriculture the mainstay of the economy and
sought to impose strict controls over temples and monasteries. He tolerated no
opposition, and ruthlessly exterminated all critics, rebels, and their extended families.
The laws and institutions of the Ming, some inherited from previous dynasties, some
formulated under the authoritarian regime of its first emperor, remained in place,
more or less unchanged until the end not only of the Ming dynasty but also the Qing
dynasty, which lasted from to .
The legal and institutional continuity between the Ming and Qing dynasties, to
some extent the legacy of Zhu Yuanzhang’s early life experiences, is one of the reasons
why the period under discussion in this chapter, sometimes referred to simply as “late
imperial China,” is usually described as a single epoch. The period begins with the
economic growth and socio-cultural developments of the late sixteenth century. It
covers the fall of the Ming, the transition to the Qing, and ends in the late eighteenth
century. Despite the very significant changes that took place during this period,
including the shift from Han Chinese to Manchu leadership and the roughly tripling
in size of both population and territory under the empire’s control, the legal and
institutional foundations laid by Zhu Yuanzhang remained more or less intact.
It is important to understand the implications of that institutional continuity. Take
for example the size of the administration. Zhu Yuanzhang determined the number of
provinces in which the Ming empire should be divided, the number of prefectures in
which each province should be divided, and the number of counties in each prefecture,
From Late Ming to High Qing
with a single centrally appointed administrator at the head of each unit. Territorial
expansion under the Qing regime meant that a few new provinces were created, but
despite the very substantial growth of the population, especially in the pre-existing
provinces, the number of units and the size of the administration remained unchan-
ged. In other words, by the late eighteenth century, county governors ruled over far
larger populations than their predecessors had in the fourteenth century. Similarly, the
standardized examination system and the classic Confucian texts it was based on,
which served to select the administrators of the empire, remained in place for the
duration of the Ming and Qing empires, despite the fact that the late thirteenth-
century civil servants were confronted with an entirely different geopolitical reality
from those of the late eighteenth.
During his reign as first emperor of the Ming, Zhu Yuanzhang changed his vision
of government numerous times and his laws were subject to constant revisions.
Throughout the reigns of his immediate successors, however, the social and legal
instructions of the “first emperor” became institutionalized. Zhu had divided the
population into separate social groups; families had to register as farming or
military families, as craftsmen or as scholars. That registration conferred a precise
social status, but also identified a family unit’s address as well as its tax and labor
duties. The system of taxation throughout the empire was based on agricultural
production, and most of the population paid taxes in kind (e.g. in bushels of grain
and bolts of silk). It was not until the last years of the Ming that the system was
adjusted to allow single tax payments in silver instead of the complex combinations
of silk, grains, and labor duties.
While Zhu Yuanzhang’s palace had been in Nanjing, in the south of the empire, his
grandson and successor, who would become known as the Yongle emperor, shifted
his capital to the north, to Beijing. There he established a palace complex surrounded
by high walls, where he housed an extensive palace bureaucracy, populated by
numerous palace women and a vast staff of eunuchs. The palace grounds were out
of bounds for the general population, and it henceforth became known as the
Forbidden City. Its hierarchically organized spaces, where the emperor ruled hidden
behind closed walls, located in the far north of the empire, served as the seat of
political power throughout the Ming and Qing regimes. Together with the thousands
of miles of the Great Wall, erected in brick to the north of Beijing, along pre-existing
lines of defense against the threat of invading nomadic forces, the Forbidden City
came to symbolize what was assumed to be the political character of the Ming and
Qing dynasties: autocratic, seemingly isolated, static, and unresponsive to the changes
that were happening in the wider empire and in the world.
It will become clear from what follows, however, that these characteristics and
continuities coexist with dynamic changes, social diversity, and political openness. It
is precisely by the start of our period, the late Ming dynasty, or around , that
Opposite: Zhu Yuanzhang, founder of the Ming dynasty, reigned as the Hongwu emperor from – AD.
Anne Gerritsen
significant changes began to shake the foundations laid by the first Ming emperor.
While the political center of the empire remained located in Beijing in the north, the
economic growth was all located in the southern parts of the empire. Economic
growth was especially vibrant in the region known as Jiangnan, a highly fertile region
in the southeast of the empire, where the Yangzi River forms a delta and flows into the
East China Sea. It was here, in what became the economic heart of the empire, that the
old taxation and status registration systems of the early Ming completely broke down.
Despite Zhu Yuanzhang’s vision for an agricultural land-empire, the economic
growth in the south came from manufactures, interregional trade, and export. Market
towns became flourishing urban centers, small-scale manufactures became near-
industrial size production centers, and the mercantile activities of late Ming traders
grew to encompass trade and exchange patterns that circumnavigated the entire
globe. In the south, well beyond the reach of the imperial administrators, many of
those previously registered as peasants or scholars opted to participate in the far more
lucrative manufacture and trade activities, leading to a social blurring on a scale
never seen before. Where farming or a life devoted to study might have seemed a safe
option before, opportunities for making money tempted people away from stability,
lured them into towns and away from their family networks, and opened vast
swathes of the population to the benefits but also the risks of trade and business.
And while Zhu’s vision had been for a dynasty ensconced behind a Great Wall, safe
from invaders and protected from foreign visitors, the presence of foreigners became
ever more noticeable in the late Ming. Missionaries became a regular presence, on
the southern coast, but also in Beijing, and foreign traders hovered in each coastal
port and on each accessible island off the southern coast, keen to access the wealth of
manufactures produced in the empire. And again, far from the watchful eye of the
governing powers in the capital, southern administrators and residents both partici-
pated actively in this trade.
In , years of Ming rule came to an end when the Qing, who would rule
until , created a new political unity. Unsurprisingly, the dramatic chain of events
that took place in that year tells only a small part of the story. The decline of the Ming
dynasty had started long before , when several related social, economic, and
political developments had begun to weaken the regime and seriously threatened its
longevity. Similarly, for the Manchu invaders who founded the Qing dynasty,
was the endpoint of a longer period of growth that originated in the steppe lands north
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he, too, intended for an innocent dupe. The fate of every rich and
lonely woman!
It was under the Christmas tree at Lakemere that Harold Vreeland
learned for the first time why the Queen of the Street had held him
for months in a glittering quiescence in the rapidly built-up firm.
The merry guests were already assembled on the other side of the
curtain when the breathless Justine drew Vreeland into a dark
corner.
The French woman’s panting bosom heaved as she whispered: “She
wants to see you in there, first of all. Now is your time, but don’t
forget me, Harold.”
There was the pledge of an infamous pact in the meeting of their
guilty eyes. Justine now stood, with flaming sword, between her
secret lover and those who would approach the woman who held
both their fortunes. Her dark fidelity was doubly bought.
It was a robed queen who stood waiting there by the fragrant
Christmas tree and held both her hands out to Harold Vreeland. The
Lady of Lakemere at her very best!
With beaming eyes, she handed him an envelope and whispered:
“The time has now come when you will have your own part to play,
under my sole orders.
“I know your whole record. You have been my own faithful knight.
“Listen! All these merrymakers will go away with the old year. Judge
Endicott brings me the firm’s settlement papers on New Years. I will
then send for you and make you my secret representative in a
momentous affair.
“To protect my interests you must at once leave the Waldorf.
“Trust to me!” she smiled. “I will have your bachelor apartments
ready. And no one, not even Wyman, must ever learn of your ‘secret
service.’ Silence and obedience, and your fortune is assured. You
alone shall battle for me and drive this fool Hathorn forever from the
Street.
“Go now! You will leave with the first departing guests, but await my
telegram at the Waldorf to come to me here. And so, I have your
plighted word. Never a whisper to a living soul. You are to be still
only the office partner—to the world!”
Vreeland snatched her trembling hand and kissed it.
It was burning in fever.
But he sped away, and before the curtain rose to a chorus of happy
laughter and shouts of delighted surprise, a glance in a corner of the
hallway where Justine awaited him showed him a check for twenty-
five thousand dollars as his Christmas gift. His patroness had
handed him the precious envelope in silence.
In a low whisper he opened the gates of paradise to the French
woman, who watched her lover with flaming eyes. “Five thousand
dollars of this to you, if you find out for me the secret of that child.”
And he left her, panting with the thrill of a sated avarice.
“I will go through fire and water to serve you,” she faltered. “I will
steal the secret from her midnight dreams.”
That night, after the gay dances were done, when the house was
stilled, Elaine Willoughby sat before her fire, while Justine laid away
the regal robes.
There was the glitter of diamonds and the shimmer of pearls
everywhere. With her hands clasped, the lonely mistress of
Lakemere gazed into the dancing flames.
“I must crush him—to leave the past buried—that I may yet find the
path trodden by those little wandering feet.
“Ah, my God!” she moaned, “it is not revenge that I want. It is love—
her love—I burn to know her mine alone. And the past shall be kept
as a sealed book, for her dear sake. It must be so. It is the only way.
For, Vreeland is brave and true!”
The handsome hypocrite was even then dreaming of a “double
event,” a duplicated prize, one beyond his wildest hopes.
“By heaven! I’ll have both her and the fortune!” His busy, familiar
devil “laughed by his side.”
BOOK II—With the Current.
CHAPTER VI.