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The Persistence of Voice
National Cultivation of Culture

Edited by

Joep Leerssen (University of Amsterdam)

Editorial Board

John Breuilly – Ina Ferris – Patrick J. Geary


Katharine Ellis – Tom Shippey – Anne-Marie Thiesse

VOLUME 14

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ncc


John Neubauer (Budapest 1933 – Amsterdam 2015)
The Persistence of Voice
Instrumental Music and Romantic Orality

By

John Neubauer

LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover Illustration: Ein Matinee bei Liszt, engraving by Joseph Kriehuber, 1846. (Wikimedia Commons.)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Neubauer, John, 1933-2015 author.


Title: The persistence of voice : instrumental music and romantic orality /
by John Neubauer.
Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2017] | Series: National cultivation
of culture ; Volume 14 | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017010573 (print) | LCCN 2017013282 (ebook) | ISBN
9789004343368 (E-book) | ISBN 9789004343351 (hardback : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Music--19th century--History and criticism. | Music and
language--History--19th century. | Musical criticism--History--19th
century.
Classification: LCC ML196 (ebook) | LCC ML196 .N48 2017 (print) | DDC
780.9/034--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017010573

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.

issn 1876-5645
isbn 978-90-04-34335-1 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-34336-8 (e-book)

Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands.


Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and
Hotei Publishing.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise,
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that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite
910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.


Contents

Preface IX
Words of Thanks X
List of Abbreviations XI
List of Illustrations XII

Introduction 1
Retelling the Fifth 1
Absolute or Emancipated Music? 2
Part 1: The New Discourses 6
Part 2: Romantic Orality 8

Part 1
New Discourses about Music

Introduction to Part 1 17

1 The Music Journals 19


Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung (amz) 22
Friedrich Rochlitz 23
Gottfried Wilhelm Fink 25
A.B. Marx and the Berliner Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung
(bamz) 26
Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris (rgm) 34
Maurice Schlesinger 35
Jules Janin 39
Hector Berlioz 40
Neue Zeitschrift für Musik (NZfM) 45

2 From Poetry to Music Novels 48


Gulden/Fiorino, Hildegard von Hohental, Heinrich von
Ofterdingen 50
Le neveu de Rameau 55
Hegel’s Spirit 58
Ritter Gluck 65
vi Contents

3 Failing Musicians, Failed Education 72


The Berglinger Stories 72
Miseducation or Music Madness 77
“Der Besuch im Irrenhause” (1804) 77
“Der arme Spielmann” 82

4 Serialized Novellas 89
Hoffmann in Germany 91
Hoffmann in France and in Fiction 93
Janin’s Hoffmann 94
Opera Fiction 96
Opera in Balzac’s “Gambara” and “Massimilla Doni” 97
Historical Musicians in Fiction 99

5 Narrating Listeners, Narrating Instruments 104


Listeners Narrate 104
Instruments Narrate 111
Berlioz 116
“Harold en Italie” (1834) 117
“Roméo et Juliette” (1839) 120
Schumann 128

Part 2
Romantic Orality

6 From Journals to Battles 137


Battle Drums at Dresden, Leipzig, and Wellington 139
Waltzing in Vienna 144

7 Music Histories: From Gossip to Nationalism 146


Anecdotes, Gossip, and Obituaries 146
Stendhal – A Biographer? 149
Voice and Instruments in History 151
Thibaut’s Musical Past and Legal Present 153
Schumann and Thibaut 159
F.-J. Fétis: The Glory of the Low Countries? 166

8 Speech and Song 179


Michel Foucault 179
Friedrich Schlegel and Franz Bopp 181
Contents vii

Wilhelm von Humboldt 183


Johann Christoph Adelung 187
The Mother’s Voice and Pestalozzi 189
Der goldne Topf 195

9 Vocal Authenticity? 198


Ossianism 198
Herder on Ossian 200
Forgeries, Opera Adaptations, Plagiarisms, and Copyrights 202
Authentic Folk Songs? 204
Whose Wunderhorn? 208

10 “Write as You Speak” – in Serbian 213


Kopitar, the Networker 213
Karadžić, the Voice of the Volk 215
Jacob Grimm, the Patron 217
Fauriel, the Professor 219
Parry and Bartók: Secondary Orality 222

11 Contrafacts from the British Isles 225


Scott (Re)turns to Ulster 226
Byron on Jordan’s Banks 233
Schumann as Saul 239

12 Vernacular Operas 244

Epilogue 254

References 257
Index 285
Preface

After his benchmark works on music (The Emancipation of Music from Lan-
guage, Yale up 1986) and on the transnational history of literary culture (Histo-
ry of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe, ed. with Marcel Cornis Pope,
4 vols.: John Benjamins 2004–10), John Neubauer tackled the intertwined cross-
currents between music and literary culture in the Romantic 19th century.
The book grew into a rich and varied survey, shot through with sharp single-
case analyses, of little-explored and rarely-connected fields such as musical
criticism, musical novellas, the romanticization of the driven virtuoso, music-
critical historicism in the period of nationalizing states, and the callenges
posed to the Romantic composers by the idealization of the oral bedrock of
vernacular-national cultures.
The book was near completion when the author, until then the ideal type
of robust physical and intellectual vigour, was confronted with a fatal medical
diagnosis: he was suffering from motor neuron disease. With a fortitude than
awed his friends and colleagues, he made preparations to bring the book as
close to completion as possible in the little time that he had left. It proved to be
shorter than anticipated: in October, a mere three months after the diagnosis,
he died.
John Neubauer had entrusted a group of chosen colleagues, who together
covered some of the expertise that he combined in such sovereign polymath
mastery, with the task of curating his book for publication. His instructions
and suggestions reached us until the very eve of his death. Our task was an
honourable one and, given the advanced stage of completion of the book, not
a very heavy one.
Having given the manuscript the few stylistic and bibliographical copy-
editing retouches that it needed, we can present John Neubauer’s final book to
the public. Not only does it provide a ground-breaking survey and analysis of
the complex interactions between music and literary culture in the century of
national romanticism; it also stands as a fitting memory to a great scholar and
an admirable, inspiring friend and colleague.
We dedicate this book to Ursula.

Mieke Bal, Maria Kager, Joep Leerssen, Sabine Lichtenstein,


Vivian Liska1

1 With thanks to Stefan Poland, who corrected and aligned the bibliography and source
references.
Words of Thanks

With Janos’ strength dwindling and his voice already seriously affected by the
rapidly progressing als disease, he literally finished The Persistence of Voice
two days before he died, in an act of sheer willpower and suspension of natural
laws: it was his last great marathon. On the sidelines he was cheered on by his
colleagues and friends, encouraging him with mails, calls and spontaneous vis-
its. Janos died fully trusting their “guardianship” of his last work. Without them
this book would not have appeared.
Infinite thanks are due to Joep Leerssen who volunteered to be the coordi-
nator and principal caretaker. To Maria Kager, who generously agreed to be the
guardian/coordinator for the last version text. To Sabine Lichtenstein who, as
close friend, had been for years an amiable debater of all musical matters. She
was responsible for combing through the manuscript for musicological inac-
curacies. Larger issues of interpretation and content were entrusted to Janos’
most valued friends Mieke Bal and Vivian Liska. By closely reading individual
chapters Maud Peereboom-Engelberts and Krisztina Lajosi offered an imme-
diate echo to his ideas, enhancing his confidence and their mutual friendship.
Endre Bojtar, challenged János during many visits to Hungary on matters of
nation and voice.
These selfless efforts in generosity and time majorly helped to have my
­husband’s voice persist.

Ursula Neubauer
List of Abbreviations

amz Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung


bamz Berliner Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung
cam Correspondance des amateurs musiciens
dm Deutsches Museum
gm Gazette Musicale
mgg Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Laurenz Lüteken (2nd ed.,
29 vols.; Kassel & Stuttgart: Bärenreiter & Metzler, 1994–2008; www.mgg
-onlne.com)
NZfM Neue Zeitschrift für Musik
rgm Revue et Gazette Musicale de Paris
rm Revue Musicale
List of Illustrations

3.1 Musical notation of Karl’s piano playing in the madhouse (Rochlitz, “Besuch im
Irrenhause,” amz 6 (1804): 649–650) 78
7.1 Musical soirée at Professor Thibaut’s, watercolour by Jakob Götzenberger,
c. 1829 161
11.1 Carolan, the celebrated Irish bard, engraving by J. Robins 230
11.2 Beethoven, Irische Lieder nr 1: “Heimkehr nach Ulster” 232
Introduction

Retelling the Fifth

A hilarious pantomime of Sid Caesar and Nanette Fabray enacts a violent mari-
tal clash to the first six-minutes of Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony.1 The alternat-
ingly angry and friendly silent gestures on the YouTube video faithfully follow
the rise and fall of the music, exemplifying thereby how new media open new
possibilities to impose a story on plotless instrumental music. The pantomime
extends a remarkable history of setting to text Beethoven’s instrumental mu-
sic, especially the Fifth symphony. Another example is Balzac’s novel César Bi-
rotteau (1837), which concludes the first part with a narratorial daydreaming:

A radiant fairy springs forward, lifting high her wand. We hear the rustle
of the violet silken curtains which the angels raise. Sculptured golden
doors, like those of the baptistery at Florence, turn on their diamond
hinges. The eye is lost in splendid vistas: it sees a long perspective of rare
palaces where beings of a loftier nature glide. The incense of all pros-
perities sends up its smoke, the altar of all joy flames, the perfumed air
circulates! Beings with divine smiles, robed in white tunics bordered with
blue, flit lightly before the eyes and show us visions of supernatural beau-
ty, shapes of an incomparable delicacy. The loves hover in the air and
waft the flames of their torches! We feel ourselves beloved; we are happy
as we breathe a joy we understand not, as we bathe in the waves of a
harmony that flows for all, and pours out to all the ambrosia that each de-
sires. We are held in the grasp of our secret hopes which are realized, for
an instant, as we listen. When he has led us through the skies, the great
magician, with a deep mysterious transition of the basses, flings us back
into the marshes of cold reality, only to draw us forth once more when,
thirsting for his divine melodies, our souls cry out: “Again!”
balzac, [1837] 1977: 179–180

The “rare moment in the glorious finale” of Beethoven’s Fifth is to convey the
victorious intoxication that César and his wife experienced after the conclu-
sion of a grand ball, which they considered as immensely successful. Alas, the
ball inaugurates César’s slide to bankruptcy, from which he recovers only at the

1 https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_detailpage&v=9QSvGnDd4m4 Published
on May 12, 2012.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi 10.1163/9789004343368_002


2 Introduction

end of the second part. The call for “again” ironically materializes at the end of
the novel, when family and friends reunite to greet César salvaged from bank-
ruptcy. As he reenters his home, “the heroic measure in the finale of the great
symphony rang forth in his head and heart. Beethoven’s ideal music echoed,
vibrated, in many tones, sounding its clarions through the membranes of the
weary brain” (311). The grand finale now marks the end of the merchant, who
collapses and dies.
Balzac may have been familiar with E.T.A. Hoffmann’s first great verbaliza-
tion of the Fifth, which reads the dramatic transition to the last movement
with a shift from terrifying sounds to brilliant light:

Why Beethoven continued the kettledrum C to the end despite its disso-
nance with the chord is explained by the character he was striving to give
the whole work. These heavy, dissonant blows, sounding like a strange
and dreadful voice, arouse a horror of the extraordinary, of ghostly fear.
[…] With the splendid, exultant theme of the final movement in C major
we hear the full orchestra, with piccolos, trombones, and contrabassoon
now added, like a brilliant shaft of blinding sunlight suddenly penetrat-
ing the darkness of night.
hoffmann, 1989: 247–248

Sid Caesar and Balzac provided fiction to music, whereas Hoffmann wrote a
path-breaking piece of music criticism and analysis. Do narration and music
criticism overlap? Music scholars Jean-Jacques Nattiez and Carolyn Abbate
think so. When Nattiez noted in “The Concept of Plot and Seriation Process in
Music Analysis” (1985) that musical analyses must be embedded in some his-
torical sequence, Abbate responded that musical analysis itself may have been
born of a narrative impulse to create fictions about music, “to explain where no
other form of explanation works” (1989: 228). One of my aims is to trace these
two remarks to their historical foundations and to show that musical analysis
and narrative readings of instrumental music are roughly coeval. They both
reacted to the opacity of the new instrumental music, an abstract art form that
preceded abstraction in the fine arts by more than a century.

Absolute or Emancipated Music?

Narrative and metaphorical interpretations of pure instrumental music have


been vigorously opposed, however, by some advocates of “absolute music,”
who believe that the primary meaning of sonatas, symphonies, and chamber
Introduction 3

music lies in their form, and reading it via stories or emotional histories den-
igrates them. Peter Kivy, for example, rejects all verbal, emotional, or visual
representations of instrumental music. For him, music is a “cognitive object”
that asks for a “purely musical experience” (1990: 91). While he regards even
“mindless” tapping as a conceptual response, he sneers at narrative or visual
translations of pure music:

[…] to put an interpretation on a piece of music alone is to close oneself


off from one of the most satisfying and engrossing experiences the arts
have to offer us. … there are many people who cannot enjoy pure instru-
mental music without making up stories, without interpreting it, which,
of course, is to say that they cannot enjoy pure instrumental music at all,
since what they enjoy is not the work of pure music but another work, a
work of interpreted music, which they have produced in collaboration
with the composer.
kivy, 1990: 200–201

Kivy takes the motto of his book from E.M. Forster’s Howards End, in which
Mrs. Munt, her nieces Margaret and Helen, and her adolescent nephew, Tibby,
attend a performance of (what else?) Beethoven’s Fifth, which Forster regard-
ed as “the most sublime noise that has ever penetrated into the ear of man.”
Mrs. Munt surreptitiously taps with her feet when she hears a tune, Helen sees
heroes and shipwrecks in the first movement, and Margaret “can only see the
music.” Versed in counterpoint and perhaps recalling Hoffmann, Tibby holds
a score on his knee and implores the others to watch out for the drum in the
transition to the last movement. However, Helen, who saw goblins and ele-
phants in the third movement, hears the transition as Beethoven’s personal
intervention. Her vision, like that of César Birotteau, is told by the narrator in
free indirect discourse:

[…] the music started with a goblin walking quietly over the universe,
from end to end. Others followed him. They were not aggressive crea-
tures; it was that that made them so terrible to Helen. They merely ob-
served in passing that there was no such thing as splendour or heroism
in the world. After the interlude of elephants dancing, they [the goblins]
returned and made the observation for the second time. Helen could not
contradict them, for, once at all events, she had felt the same, and had
seen the reliable walls of youth collapse. Panic and emptiness! Panic and
emptiness! The goblins were right. Her brother raised his finger: it was
the transitional passage on the drum. For, as if things were going too far,
4 Introduction

Beethoven took hold of the goblins and made them do what he wanted.
He appeared in person. He gave them a little push, and they began to
walk in a major key instead of in a minor, and then – he blew with his
mouth and they were scattered! Gusts of splendour, gods and demigods
contending with vast swords, colour and fragrance broadcast on the field
of battle, magnificent victory, magnificent death! Oh, it all burst before
the girl, and she even stretched out her gloved hands as if it was tangible.
forster, [1910] 1989: 46–47

Helen has a glowing imagination. Ought she to be reprimanded for envision-


ing an animation that has no objective meaning even if she invokes the au-
thority of Beethoven? Kivy regards her vision as an inadequate “collaboration
with the composer,” but I suggest that creative responses to the loss of text in
pure instrumental music vitally contributed not only to the development of
journalistic, critical, and philosophical discourses about music, but also to the
emergence of narrative listening experiences, music biography, music history,
and, last but not least, music fiction. Even ideas about “absolute music” con-
tributed to the discourses about instrumental music that filled the void of the
alleged “absolute.”
What did emerge at the end of the eighteenth century was not absolute
music but the idea that the arts, above all music, were autonomous. However,
autonomy did not mean, as Dahlhaus claims, a dissociation from extra-musical
functions and programs (Dahlhaus, [1978] 1989: 5). Ludwig Tieck’s essay
“­Symphonien” (1799), one of the early standard texts about pure music, hap-
pens to exemplify it with lengthy paraphrases of compositions by Johann
Friedrich Reichardt, who never fully grasped Beethoven’s last sonatas and
quartets. Dahlhaus should have perhaps titled his impressive book “ideas
about absolute music,” for it convincingly shows that each new German text
meant something new with the term.
While certain forms of pure instrumental music were composed throughout
all of music history, the sonatas, symphonies, and chamber music of the late
eighteenth century challenged traditional aesthetic, moral, and educational ex-
pectations. The ensuing theoretical debates finally led to the inversion of the in-
herited hierarchy, giving music without words the highest rank, and establishing
it even as a model for all the other arts. Nevertheless, it was seldom understood
as absolute. In spite of repeated formalist objections, most composers, critics,
philosophers, historians, and dilettante listeners stubbornly continued to at-
tribute metaphors, similes, allegories, plots, and religious ideas to instrumen-
tal music, reassigning thereby referential meaning to wordless music. The new
music was “instrumental” also in furthering verbal and visual interpretation.
Introduction 5

It was Richard Wagner who casually and backhandedly introduced in 1846


the catchy phrase “absolute music” when he praised as an epitaph the “recita-
tive” of the cello and the double bass at the opening of the last movement in
Beethoven’s Ninth for “almost abandoning absolute music” (Wagner, 1983, ix:
24). Six years later, in Oper und Drama, he wrote that the Ninth revived the
voice after Beethoven “blundered” with instrumental music, as Columbus did
by misidentifying the new continent: “The boundless riches of music are now
revealed to us via Beethoven’s mighty mistake” (ix: 72). Of course, Wagner re-
garded Beethoven’s reintroduction of the voice in the Ninth as an anticipation
of his own later concept of Gesamtkunstwerk, but this conveniently ignored
that Beethoven went on to compose his last string quartets, some of the most
superb instrumental music ever.
Since Wagner frequently redefined but never abandoned the term absolute
music, Dahlhaus came to regard it as the leading idea of “the classical and
­romantic era in music esthetics,” and as the “esthetic paradigm of German
musical culture in the nineteenth century” ([1978] 1989: 9). Though my
­Emancipation of Music from Language (1986) profited much from Dahlhaus
(who wrote a kind review of it shortly before his death), I did not regard ab-
solute music as “the dominant idea of the classic-romantic age” or as a new
paradigm in Thomas Kuhn’s sense. To an imaginary interlocutor I replied:

[T]he history of music aesthetics, and intellectual history in general, is


not constituted of epochs defined by a single paradigm. […] In general
the flux of ideas on any subject cannot be forced into longer cohesive pe-
riods separated by shorter revolutionary upheavals. Models of this kind,
whether indebted to the notion of zeitgeist in Geistesgeschichte, Kuhn’s
theory of paradigms, or Foucault’s notion of epistèmes, fabricate coher-
ent systems by excluding or ignoring whatever resists coercion and by
paying undue attention to ruptures. In a more comprehensive and accu-
rate vision, the homogeneous and cohesive structures of history dissolve
into groups of conflicting ideas, resilient competing strands of tradition
that reach across the presumed revolutionary ruptures by undergoing
­frequent transformation but seldom, if ever, disappearing completely.
neubauer, 1986: 8–9

As Claudio Guillén writes, a historical period “should not be monistically un-


derstood as an undivided entity, a bloc, a unit, but as a plural number or ­cluster
of temporal processes, ‘currents,’ ‘durations,’ rhythms or sequences.” If we
­conceive of history as a succession of periods, it should not be difficult to ­accept
the idea of split periods (Guillén, 1971: 464). In this sense, this book tells two
6 Introduction

stories about the “classic-romantic age”: the first part gives an account of the
printed new discourses on instrumental music in music journals, while the sec-
ond one shows that the resurgence of vocal music was part of a revival of orality.

Part 1: The New Discourses

Music performances gradually shifted in the eighteenth century from churches


and courts to public opera houses and concert halls. While opera houses had a
longer architectural history (the Teatro San Cassiano in Venice, opened already
in 1637), urban concert halls were relatively new. The famous Leipzig Orchestra
started in 1743 with performances in private homes, then moved to the tavern
“Three Swans,” and finally, in 1781, to the Leipzig Gewandhaus, a former gar-
ment market.
Next to physical spaces, music around 1800 also opened new discursive ones.
Who wrote these discourses? Rameau and Gluck were the only major com-
posers who wrote about music in the eighteenth century. According to Carl
Philipp Emanuel Bach, overwhelming obligations prevented his father, Johann
Sebastian, from indulging “in lengthy written exchanges” (David and Mendel,
[1972] 1998: 400). C.P.E. and others like Johann Joachim Quantz wrote perfor-
mance manuals. Even the “Viennese Classics” wrote little: Haydn left a few pro-
fessional and amorous letters behind, as well as a diary about his second visit
to London; Mozart was a sharp and witty correspondent but he made mostly
aphoristic comments on music performances and his own work; Beethoven
wrote some remarkable personal letters and comments, but he was reluctant
to expose his inner life and wrote no major interpretations of music.
In contrast to their predecessors, Schumann, Liszt, Berlioz, Wagner, and
other nineteenth-century composers felt a need to communicate about music
in writing and speaking, even through fiction. Their thoughts filled the music
journals, not unlike twentieth-century art found its forum in the “artworld” of
the art journals (Danto, 1964). As Dahlhaus recognizes, the critical, fictional,
historical, and theoretical discourses were so important that musical romanti-
cism belongs “to the history of composition and to the history of ideas. It was
a holistic cultural phenomenon, which was formed almost as much by the aes-
thetic theories, or theoretical fragments, of Wackenroder and E.T.A. ­Hoffmann
[…] as by the works of Schubert and Weber” (Dahlhaus, [1980] 1989: 170; em-
phasis in text).
The development of an autonomous (but not absolute) musical idiom
was part of a general trend towards independent artistic and philosophi-
cal ­expressions. The emergent concept of “literature” advocated that poetic
Introduction 7

­discourse should be emancipated from science, religion, morality, and histo-


ry, while Kant liberated aesthetics, moral philosophy, and epistemology from
metaphysics. The fledgling fields of music criticism, history, theory, and philos-
ophy rapidly filled the allegedly absolute space of instrumental music with in-
terpretations that attributed autonomy to it. Paradoxically, issues pertaining to
music’s autonomy generated new music disciplines. However, while the texts
in vocal music provided a priori meanings, these a posteriori discourses tended
to shift from statements to dialogues, stressing thereby music’s interpretability.
Part 1 of this book follows the new narrative and fictional discourses in
the music journals, which attempted to attract readers also with music anec-
dotes, reports on musicians, performances, and other mundane information
from all over Europe. Though instrumental music asked for new approaches
to music and the arts, it never dominated the period, and the new music jour-
nals did not advocate it exclusively. Writers like Novalis, Wackenroder, Tieck,
Hoffmann, Balzac, and Stendhal had deep affinities with vocal music. Next to
commercial items and gossipy news about the stars, the journals churned out
reviews of opera performances in the cities, as well as essays on the clashing
national operatic traditions and the pedagogy of singing.
The model journal became the Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung (amz), pub-
lished in Leipzig between 1798 and 1848 – roughly the historical period covered
in this book. The first important French music journals were launched in the
new commercial environment of the July Monarchy. Most important among
them was Maurice Schlesinger’s Revue et Gazette Musicale (rgm), which aimed
at introducing the Parisian public to the instrumental music of Haydn, Mozart,
and Beethoven but, for commercial reasons, it tended to devote even more at-
tention to vocal music, especially to the Italian opera and the emerging French
Grand Opéra of Meyerbeer, Halévy, and Auber. Schlesinger commissioned
Janin, Berlioz, Dumas, Balzac, Sand, and even Wagner to write music fiction.
Chapter 1 gives an overview of these musical journals, their editors and
contributors. The early decades were dominated by German publications like
the amz. Robert Schumann launched in Leipzig his Neue Zeitschrift für Musik
(NZfM) in 1834, the same year that Schlesinger started the Gazette musicale,
which, after merging with François-Joseph Fétis’s Revue musicale, became the
rgm in 1835.
The brief second chapter is devoted to the music novels that initiated the
fictional approach to music in the last decade of the eighteenth century but
virtually disappeared with the rise of the music novellas. While artistic and in-
tellectual novels could readily adopt the Bildungsroman as a genre, music and
musicians were apparently found unfit for such a novelistic ­treatment. The
novellas adopted, however, aesthetic and rhetorical elements from the novels.
8 Introduction

Chapter 3 reads Hegel’s Phenomenology and Hoffmann’s “Ritter Gluck”


as “Illegitimate Children” of Diderot’s Le neveu de Rameau – illegitimate be-
cause they did not acknowledge their debt to the French work that appeared
in Goethe’s translation in 1805. The nephew in Diderot’s work was only meta-
phorically a bastard, but he became literally one in Jules Janin’s La Fin d’un
monde et du “Neveu de Rameau” (1861).
The fictive nephew had, however, also a larger legitimate line of descen-
dants, consisting of musicians who deviate for personal, aesthetic, or religious
reasons so much from the social norms that they are regarded as oddballs and
even lunatics. The mad musician became something of a cliché. I am more fas-
cinated by two remarkable and apparently unrelated stories, Rochlitz’s Besuch
im Irrenhause (Visit in a Madhouse; 1804) and Grillparzer’s Der arme Spielmann
(The Poor Minstrel; 1847), which invert the premises: usually, artistic brilliance
isolates the musician from society, but in these stories the miseducation of
youngsters leads to a passionate religious love for music that they are unable
to express on their instruments.
Chapter 5 offers a chronological and thematic survey of music novellas,
shows the paramount popularity – not just in Germany – of the Hoffmann
stories. His stories, and the fictionalization of his allegedly intoxicated figure,
stimulated the emergence of the French music-oriented contes fantastiques. By
the mid-1830s, the generic designation went out of fashion. In the last temporal
phases of the genre, realistic and historical stories became dominant.
The final chapter of the first part puts two kinds of texting of instrumental
music next to each other. The first broadens the examples given in the intro-
duction with material from the amz and with George Sand’s remarkable tex-
ting of a Liszt composition in the rgm. The second explores how two of the
most important composers-writers of the period, Berlioz and Schumann, tried
to introduce forms of narration into instrumental music. While Beethoven
sought to structure his music by means of the sonata form and other purely
musical structures, both Berlioz and Schumann turned to words and images to
propel the sounds, though they tried to avoid literal mimesis.

Part 2: Romantic Orality

The revival of vocal music in a broader European social, political, and nation-
alist context is the subject of the second part of this book. Reform pedagogy,
historical linguistics, folksong revivals, and language renewals (based on the
slogan “write as you speak”) – they all participated in the new cultivation of
spoken and sung words.
Introduction 9

The new orality flourished within a print culture. Aleida Assmann’s article
on the medial history of cultural memory, “Zur Mediengeschichte des kulturel-
len Gedächtnisses” (2004), helps clarify the social and historical perspectives
on the oral and musical revivals, by outlining the broader historical dimen-
sions of “cultural memory” – a concept developed by Aleida and her husband
Jan, among others. Cultural memory can acquire an active, structuring func-
tion in religion, history, and the arts:

At issue are texts, actions, and artefacts from much earlier epochs, which
either had remained valid over changing historical contexts or have been
preserved beyond their period of validity for an unspecified future. In
this dimension of culture, individuals grow beyond their own time by
reaching back for former messages, artefacts, and practices.
assmann, 2005: 47

Materials preserved in archives may be revived and turned into a function-


al memory (Funktionsgedächtnis) that differs from mere stored memory
(Speichergedächtnis). Memory engages in selection, mediation, animation,
and adoption, via individuals who actively remember rather than passively
adhere to tradition. One of Assmann’s three cases shows how scholarly reflec-
tion participated in the revival of cultural memory around 1800: new interest
in the distinctions between oral and written cultures led to discomfort about
printing technology and a “writing crisis” (Schrift-Krise), which resulted in a re-
newed interest in utopian concepts of oral culture (49). Assmann’s main refer-
ent is Robert Wood, whose Essay on the Original Genius and Writings of Homer
(1769), an early proponent of the idea that the Homeric epics emerged from an
oral culture (49–50).
The second part of my book may be read as a refashioning of functional
memory (in Assmann’s sense). The Napoleonic wars and romantic oral-
ity constitute the framework for my cultural approach to music. As in
­Assmann’s article (49), my memory sites will be family, school, theater, and
concert hall, all of which fueled the revival of national oral cultures. Instru-
mental and vocal music cohabited a European cultural-political space that
gradually became divided by national trends. Kiesewetter, an important
early music historian, labeled the period 1800–1832 the “epoch of Beethoven
and ­Rossini” ([1834] 2010: 98–101), while Dahlhaus distinguishes a “duality
of styles” that emerged from a deep rift between Italian opera and German
instrumental music ([1980] 1989: 8). Indeed, instrumental music came to be
regarded as a German and Austrian national product, while vocal music was
unanimously attributed to Italy. Stendhal and other French critics tended to
10 Introduction

a­ ssign an intermediate position to the Grand Opéra. English music culture


acquired a German hue via enthusiastic receptions of Händel, Haydn and
Mendelssohn.
Hoffmann’s dialogue between a poet and a composer (“Der Dichter und der
Komponist,” amz 15: 793–806, 809–817) excellently illustrates the shift from in-
strumental music to the broader historical, cultural, and political perspectives
of vocal music. Written in Dresden during the months following Napoleon’s
victory there, the essay weaves a military pandemonium into aesthetic issues.
The composer Ludwig, who is completing in the attic a symphony that will
speak the “divine language” of Beethoven, is oblivious to the explosions out-
side, until a cannonball rips the roof and he must follow his screaming prop-
erty owner into the cellar, clutching his score under his arm. Forced to share
with others the crowded cellar, the isolated instrumental composer rejoins
a human community. When he finally exits, he recognizes his old friend, the
poet Ferdinand, in the troops marching towards the front. The formerly soft
and quiet poet of romantic songs is in uniform now, and, lashing out with his
sword, he greets his friend with ferocious shouts. The timid composer is taken
aback, but he reluctantly accepts his friend’s proud nationalism and readiness
to die for the fatherland, which he had already displayed when he was wound-
ed in a battle. After a pleasant meal, the friends engage in a dialogue that sets
the aesthetics of symphonic music against the idea of a romantic opera. Since
I will discuss the aesthetics issues later, I note here only that Ludwig submits in
the end to Ferdinand’s views on voice, fairy-tale opera, nationalism, and war,
though he still believes that the “wonderful mystery of music” releases its “in-
exhaustible stream of expressive resources” only “when our clumsy words dry
up” (Hoffmann, 1989: 206). He is willing to participate in Ferdinand’s plan for a
romantic opera based on a folk tale.
The conclusion of this fictional discussion anticipates Hoffmann’s own op-
era Undine (1816), the first German romantic opera, based on a libretto that
Motte Fouqué adapted from his own fairy tale. Neither Undine nor Hoffmann’s
other works adopted Ferdinand’s military disposition, but the dialogue shows
that just a few years after his “ode” to Beethoven’s Fifth Hoffmann became pre-
occupied with writing a German opera. He was aware that the Direction of the
Viennese Opera announced on March 22, 1812 a competition for a dramatic and
a comic German opera that could entertain even educated people (­ Hoffmann,
1967–69, I: 334; for recent studies on Hoffmann’s ideas for a German opera,
see Markx 2015 and van Kooten 2016). The announcement implied that foreign
(especially Italian) works were trivial entertainments; the competition was to
save the honor of the German genius in opera. German operas had to become
“the most perfect work of the performing arts.”
Introduction 11

In accordance with this turn from printed text to voice and context, I devote
Chapter 7 to music in war and peace during the years 1810–16. Musical culture
resonated in these years with Napoleon’s Russian campaign, his demise in the
Völkerschlacht of Leipzig (October 16–19, 1813), and his hundred-day “resurrec-
tion” that ended with the battle of Waterloo on June 18, 1815. The Viennese
Congress (1814–1815) was supposed to establish a new European order, but as
Charles Joseph, Prince de Ligne sarcastically quipped, Le congrès danse beau-
coup, mais il ne marche pas: the congress did much social waltzing instead of
marching forward. The post-Napoleonic bickering between the allies finally
led in Paris to the First and Second Treatises (Zamoyski, 2007: 197, 524) and
the founding of the Holy Alliance between the Austrian Emperor, the Russian
Tsar, and the Prussian King on September 26, 1815. Beethoven was the only
major composer who directly contributed music to the political and diplo-
matic events, but Vienna was in these years a key site of national vocal cul-
ture. Schubert set Ossian’s poetry to music, some of Körner’s patriotic songs,
as well as a short play Der vierjährige Posten; Beethoven arranged Irish songs;
and Karadžić worked from the city, together with his mentor, the Slovenian
­philologist Jernej [Bartolomäus] Kopitar.
Chapter 8 divides the early music histories into “bottom up” and “top down”
variants. The first part is devoted to anecdotes, gossip, and obituaries that filled
many pages of the music journals and provided unreliable material for the first
biographies of composers. The second half presents two case studies on con-
structing music history from “top down.” Thibaut became the main representa-
tive for integrating the widely differing German codes in the post-Napoleonic
period, losing the battle with the deeply traditional and national Berlin law
professor Friedrich Karl Savigny. While Thibaut pleaded for a future law, he
was deeply engaged in reviving older church music, which he credited with
greater purity than the music of his own age. My other case study, on the 1824
prize competition of the Royal Netherlands Institute, exemplifies the role of
nationalism and theory in constructing music history. I suggest that the com-
petition was announced to establish that the Dutch played a glorious role in
developing modern polyphony, and it shows that Fétis, who won the second
prize, developed in the aftermath a four-stage theory of music history, which
foresaw the emergence of atonal music. The scheme undermined the alleged
Dutch glory in music history and ultimately clashed with Fétis’s own theo-
retical conservatism that made him blind to Berlioz, Wagner, and others. The
­related national issues of music history remained highly controversial ­until
deep into the twentieth century.
Chapter 9 gives an account of the new linguistic and pedagogical theories
that gave foundations to romantic orality. In linguistics, I show that two major
12 Introduction

trends attributed new, fundamental significance to spoken language. The first


case is related to the interpretation of Sanskrit, which opened up the field of
comparative linguistics. The ancient Sanskrit rules of morphology, syntax and
semantics survived in Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyī, a foundational text of the auxiliary
scholarly disciplines of Vedic religion. It established almost 4000 sutras (rules).
Franz Bopp, the leading Sanskrit scholar of the early nineteenth century, con-
fronted the formalized and permanent linguistic rules with the dynamics of a
spoken vernacular. He attributed the beauty of ancient Sanskrit to everyday
spoken language rather than to the written texts of scholar and priests: “the
beauties of the Sanskrit language are not the work of the learned or of the
priesthood, as some might be inclined to suppose; … they really were in daily
use in the mouth of the people, and were so strongly impressed upon their
minds, that they did not forget them in their transmigrations beyond distant
mountains and seas” (Bopp, [1820] 1974: 14).
This perspective on Sanskrit strongly parallels Johann Christoph Adelung’s
adage “write as you speak” (1782: 34), which became the guiding idea of Vuk
Karadžić new Serbian grammar based on the living spoken language. The Ser-
bian reform wanted to revitalize clerical and scholarly writing. Spelling and
grammar had to be freed from the formal but dead linguistic rules and be guid-
ed by the living spoken language of the common people. Karadžić adopted
Adelung’s adage and this became exemplary for Jacob Grimm.
A similar shift from written to spoken language occurred in early nineteenth-
century pedagogy. As Kittler has shown in his Discourse Networks ([1985] 1990:
25–69), Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi, Heinrich Stephani, and other reform
pedagogues advised that mothers should use their own voice to teach their
children to speak and write. Hans Georg Nägeli used the theory for a new
pedagogy of singing.
Chapter 10 deals with the reviving of ancestral voices. Search for a vernacu-
lar and its poetry propelled national unification in Germany, Italy, and East-
ern Europe, whereas it encouraged revivals of dialects and regional cultures
in Great Britain and France, which were already centralized. These culturally
and politically motivated revivals of orality searched for lost authentic tra-
ditions, always raising questions about the allegedly authentic findings. As
the fake Ossian songs, reconstructions of ancient “authentic” languages and
songs were precarious. They often yielded adaptations, hybrids, and forgeries
with p­ rofound aesthetic, cultural, and social impacts. The last section shows
that notions of the folk song were controversial and differed from country to
country.
My account of the South-Slavic folk-song collecting and language re-
form in Chapter 11 first introduces Jernej Kopitar, Karadžić’s mentor and
Introduction 13

“­ publicity manager.” The central section is devoted to Karadžić’s work in both


­folksong-collecting and language reform, followed by an account of the sup-
port that Jacob Grimm gave to him, especially in underwriting the priority he
gave to the spoken language of everyday life. The final section is devoted to
Claude Fauriel and his Sorbonne lectures of 1831–32, devoted to a comparison
of Greek and Serbian folk songs. Fauriel’s university lectures, like those of his
contemporary Hegel, were orally delivered and only later recuperated in print.
An epilogue to the chapter shows how Bartók transcribed the music that Parry
had recorded.
In Chapter 12 I take Beethoven’s arrangements of Irish folk songs (1814),
Byron’s and Isaac Nathan’s two-volume Hebrew Melodies (1815–16), and
Schumann’s song “Mein Herz ist schwer” (1840) to show that folk-song melo-
dies and texts were seldom authentic or ancient. Of the three, only the Byron/
Nathan songs originated in a search for genuine ancient songs, and the authen-
tication failed even here. Beethoven’s arrangements were deprived of all ethnic
authenticity, because the editor, George Thomson of Edinburgh, stripped most
Irish songs of their original texts and replaced them by poems of contempo-
rary poets. In my example, Walter Scott contributed the poem “Return to Ul-
ster” and Beethoven composed an arrangement for an original Irish song, of
which he only knew the title.
The final chapter reviews the extended international debates on vernacular
operas. Given their slow birth, I had to go beyond my time frame of 1798–1848:
I start with the famous Querelle des Bouffons of 1752–53; and I give an account
of the extensive Austrian and German efforts to create vernacular Singspiels
and operas, which culminated in the staging of Hoffmann’s Undine (1816) and
Weber’s Der Freischütz (1821). I see the so-called “national” operas of Eastern
Europe as the final products of a multi-phase European move towards vernac-
ular operas. Language, rather than allegedly national musical forms, defines
national operas.
How much romantic orality survives in the secondary orality of the new
media that McLuhan (1962) and Ong (1982) have outlined? Are we not living,
after all, in another visual culture, as most people believe? Film, television, and
computer have so immensely expanded the range, possibility, and manipula-
bility of images that our daily life has become saturated with them. However,
foregrounding these images tends to understate the equally crucial verbal and
musical cultures that these media have made possible. The screen images and
their derivatives usually portray communication and are seldom without ver-
bal explanation. In contrast, music can easily dispose of words and images,
and is more readily capable of accompanying us while we engage in other ac-
tivities. While Benjamin questioned the appreciation of auratic art by pointing
14 Introduction

to the divided attention that pedestrians pay to a­ rchitecture, the division in


our post-modern attention is perhaps better indicated by the ­radios that blast
music at construction sites or the ear buds and headphones that ­embellish
the heads of pedestrians, runners, or just idle loafers. Surrounded by images,
writing has remained essential and the technologies of the new media have
revived and even privileged the voice as speech and singing. Today’s aural cul-
ture is rooted in the early nineteenth century, which did not yet benefit from
the new media and technologies but displayed the voice in fields ranging from
national and ethnic consciousness, through pedagogy and linguistics, all the
way to the very heart of the arts.
part 1
New Discourses about Music


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