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TECHNOSEX
Precarious Corporealities,
Mediated Sexualities, and the
Ethics of Embodied Technics
MEENAKSHI GIGI DURHAM
Technosex
Meenakshi Gigi Durham
Technosex
Precarious Corporealities, Mediated Sexualities,
and the Ethics of Embodied Technics
Meenakshi Gigi Durham
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of Iowa
Iowa, USA
The idea for this book was born, as many ideas are, at the University of
Iowa’s Obermann Center for Advanced Studies. The Obermann Center
is the kind of intellectual haven scholars dream about: it is a beautifully
appointed, secluded old house whose half-timbered walls, quaint office
spaces, irresistible library, and roaring hearth set the scene for deep reflec-
tion and creation. During a residency at the Obermann Center in 2009, I
found myself in conversation with the late chair of the University of Iowa
Department of Classics, Carin Green, who was intrigued by my scholar-
ship on the media, gender, and sexuality because of its resonances with the
Galatea myth. With her characteristic generosity, she invited me to sit in
on her undergraduate class discussion of Pygmalion and Galatea. I came
away provoked and inspired. I knew that somehow, Galatea was the key to
understanding more about our current media environment.
The idea captivated me, but it was years before I could develop my
fascination with Galatea into a research project. During that time, I spent
three semesters in residence at the Obermann Center, and I owe a tremen-
dous debt of gratitude to its dynamic director, Teresa Mangum, and to
the staff members who kept the coffee hot and the paperwork organized,
especially Neda Barrett, Erin Hackathorn, and Jennifer New. The stimu-
lating and congenial discussions and workshops at the Obermann Center
have fine-tuned my thinking in immeasurable ways. I will return as often
as I can.
My research leaves were a benediction of the Faculty Scholar Award I
received from the UI Office of the Provost, and I will be forever grate-
ful for that recognition of my work and the precious time afforded by it
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
for reading, thinking, and writing. Another pleasant and unexpected fillip
came in the form of the Collegiate Scholar Award from the UI College
of Liberal Arts and Sciences that provided me with crucial resources—
especially books—for this project. I am grateful for former Dean Linda
Maxson’s commitment to supporting women and feminist research in the
academy.
This book was also made possible by an Arts & Humanities Initiative
Grant from the UI Office of the Vice President for Research and Economic
Development. The AHI grant fueled the last, intense burst of writing
and editing the manuscript before I submitted it to the publisher. Many
thanks, especially, to Dan Reed and Ann Ricketts for their heartfelt sup-
port of the arts and humanities.
I would be remiss if I didn’t stop to pay tribute here to the University of
Iowa Libraries, an amazing resource we’re lucky to have. Not only could
I always find the materials I wanted, but I’ve never met more helpful,
knowledgeable, and enthusiastic librarians anywhere.
I owe a great deal to my editor at Palgrave Macmillan, Felicity Plester,
whose enthusiasm for this project buoyed my confidence in its worth. And
this book would never have been published without her editorial assistant
Sophie Auld, who put up with my innumerable questions and answered
them with admirable calm and efficiency.
I cannot begin to name the colleagues whose friendship, loyalty, and
support have enriched my life. My wonderful colleagues in the UI School
of Journalism and Mass Communication and the Department of Gender,
Women’s, and Sexuality Studies have energized my work in countless
ways. The same goes for the people I’ve met through various academic
conferences and feminist organizations. Special thanks to Dafna Lemish:
a chance conversation with her at ICA was the genesis for Chap. 3 of this
book, on teens and sexting. I am indebted to her, as well as to Natalie
Foster of Routledge, for granting me permission to use portions of an
earlier version of this chapter that was published in The International
Handbook of Children, Adolescents, and Media (2013).
Carin Green’s influence on my research is unabated, though she is
gone. Her bright spirit and unfailing kindness are keenly missed by so
many. This campus can never be the same without her.
I’m glad the days spent glued to my computer were lightened and
brightened whenever I stopped to spend time with my wonderful daugh-
ters, Sonali and Maya. Their lively and perceptive observations of the
world—especially the media environment—have pushed me to think in
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii
2 Visible Technosexualities 25
3 Sexting It Up 41
Bibliography 135
Index 155
ix
CHAPTER 1
1
Claribel Alegria, “Galatea Before the Mirror,” in Fugues, trans. D.J. Flakoll (in roman)
(Willimantic, CT: Curbstone Press, 1993), p. 85. Reprinted with permission.
2
Ted Hughes, “Pygmalion,” in Tales from Ovid (London: Faber and Faber, 199),
pp. 144–150.
3
Mary Innes, “Pygmalion and Galatea,” in The Metamorphoses of Ovid (London: Penguin,
1955), p. 232.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 3
4
Julia Cream, “Out of Place” (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association of
American Geographers, San Francisco, California, March–April 1994).
4 M.G. DURHAM
Indeed, bodies are neither starting points nor endpoints. Rather, they
are constituted through their dynamic relationships with the discourses
and vectors of identity and social location. They are always in a state of
flux, their meaning and impact a function of complex interactions of
materiality and discourse. As the philosopher Elizabeth Grosz explains,
“It is not simply that the body is represented in a variety of ways according
to historical, social, and cultural exigencies while it remains basically the
same; these factors actively produce the body as a body of a determinate
type.”5 Corporeality, as I use the concept in this book, speaks to the reci-
procity of the body and its cultural context, where the body is a site of
practice—an interface between representation and materiality. Grounded
in phenomenology, with “its emphasis on the lived experience of inhabit-
ing a body,”6 my framework for corporeality considers the material out-
comes for the body of its particular engagements with the technologies of
representation.
I argue here that the fantastical seductions of technosex are teth-
ered to the materiality of social relations—to the intensifying inequities
of gender, class, race, and region—via recursive and iterative dynamics.
Understanding the workings of technosex in the contemporary “info-
sphere” brings us to a reckoning with embodiment as it is entwined with
axes of power. In some ways, technosex offers thrilling possibilities for
resisting repressive sexual norms, for eluding the regulatory moralities that
have worked to marginalize and stigmatize sexual difference. Thus, tech-
nosex can be rebellious, pioneering, nonconformist; but it is important
to remember that any conduit of power has the potential for violence,
dysfunction, and social harm. Thinking about technosex pushes us toward
a digital sexual ethics that acknowledges the historicized tensions and dif-
ferences of the politics of location, recognizing them to be as vital and
relevant to the infosphere as they were to the conditions that preceded
and formed it. The philosopher Luciano Floridi notes the urgency of for-
mulating “an ethical framework that can treat the infosphere as a new
environment worthy of the moral attention and care of the human inforgs
inhabiting it.”7 Such an ethical framework, he writes, “must address and
5
Elizabeth Grosz, Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1994), p. x.
6
Sara Ahmed, Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2014), p. 2.
7
Luciano Floridi, The Fourth Revolution: How the Infosphere is Reshaping Human Reality.
(Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 219. For Floridi, the infosphere “minimally …
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 5
denotes the whole informational environment constituted by all information entities, their
properties, interactions, processes, and mutual relations. It is an environment comparable to,
but different from, cyberspace, which is only one of its sub-regions, as it were, since the
infosphere also includes offline and analogue spaces of information. Maximally, infosphere is
a concept that can also be used as synonymous with reality” (p. 41). The inhabitants of the
infosphere are inforgs, beings that are “mutually connected and embedded in an informa-
tional environment (the infosphere), which we share with other informational agents, both
natural and artificial, that also process information logically and autonomously” (p. 94).
8
Ibid.
9
Floridi, p. 218.
10
Donna Haraway, “A Manifesto for Cyborgs,” in Feminism/Postmodernism, ed. Linda
Nicholson (New York: Routledge, 1990), p. 191.
11
Haraway, ibid., p. 205.
12
Haraway, ibid.
6 M.G. DURHAM
through each other.”13 While a vast array of technologies, from the vibrator
to gender reassignment procedures, is engaged in the production of gen-
ders and sexualities, many are strategically deployed to enforce dominant
meanings about gender and sexuality, while others have the potential to
disrupt them. Media technologies tend to delineate ideal bodies for each
socially defined gender category and regulate, as well as capitalize on, the
practices for achieving them. Certain somatechnologies—breast augmen-
tation or rhinoplasty, for example—are pointedly designed to help human
bodies mimic technologically generated media ideals. Yet the easy move
toward a technologically determined body would be simplistic: technolo-
gies don’t spontaneously self-generate; they are developed and created
by human inventiveness. As the historian Rosalind Williams points out,
“technological determinism is a non-issue, because there are no techno-
logical forces separate from social ones … The real question to ask, then,
is not “Is technological determinism true?” but “What are the historical
forces shaping the construction of the technological world?”’14
Technologies of the body operate within dynamic matrices of culture,
temporality, politics and economics; they can be seen as a consequence
of the ethos of an era as well as a factor in shaping it, and they must be
understood as historicized, for body technologies and their utility, like all
technologies, change with the times. In other words, they are profoundly
engaged with human evolution. All technologies have the capacity to alter
our notions of time, space, perception, location, identity, mobility, power
and possibility; technologies of the body, by interacting with our very
flesh, our cytoplasm and corpuscles, our flesh and bones, make radical
interventions into our very reality, our sense of being in the world.
For all consciousness is necessarily incarnate, formed in and through
the body and via lived corporeal experience: identities are bound up in
corporeal events and performances. As Merleau-Ponty noted:
13
Michael O’Rourke and Noreen Giffney, “Originary Somatechnicity,” in Somatechnics:
Queering the Technologisation of Bodies, eds. Nikki Sullivan and Samantha Murray (Farnham,
UK: Ashgate, 2012), p. xii.
14
Rosalind Williams, Retooling: A Historian Confronts Technological Change (Boston:
MIT Press, 2003), p. 116.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 7
of the world, and because the subject that I am, when taken concretely, is
inseparable from the body and this world.15
Our physicality, our body images and schemas, our relationships with
our bodies, are all part of our sense of who we are, yet our bodies, too, are
shaped and reshaped by our environments and our engagements with the
cultures in which we live, by the discourses that ascribe social meanings to
our bodies through such descriptors as skin color, size, age, and sex, and
by our internalizations and enactments of these discourses. The philoso-
pher Elizabeth Grosz uses the metaphor of a Mobius strip to represent the
dynamic torque of the relationship between bodies and minds:
The Mobius strip has the advantage of showing the inflection of mind into
body and body into mind, the ways in which, through a kind of twisting
or inversion, one side becomes another. This model also provides a way
of problematizing and rethinking the relations between the inside and the
outside of the subject, its psychical interior and its corporeal exterior, by
showing not their fundamental identity or reducibility but the torsion of the
one into the other, the passage, vector, or uncontrollable drift of the inside
into the outside and the outside into the inside.16
15
Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception, trans. Colin Smith (New York:
Routledge, 1962), p. 408.
16
Elizabeth Grosz, Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1994), p. xii.
17
Moira Gatens, Imaginary Bodies: Ethics, Power, and Corporeality (New York: Routledge,
1996), p. vii.
8 M.G. DURHAM
18
Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1983).
19
Karen Barad, Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of
Matter and Meaning (Raleigh, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), p. ix.
20
Mark B.N. Hansen, Bodies in Code: Interfaces with Digital Media (New York: Routledge,
2006).
21
See, for example, Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Palo Alto:
Stanford University Press, 1990); Rosi Braidotti, Metamorphoses: Toward a Materialist Theory
of Becoming (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1996); Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and
the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990); Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter:
On the Discursive Limits of ‘Sex’ (New York: Routledge, 1993); Michel Foucault, Discipline
and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1977); Michel
Foucault, The History of Sexuality: Volume I, An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley
(New York: Vintage); Michel Foucault, “Technologies of the Self,” in Ethics, Subjectivity,
and Truth, ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: New Press, 1997), pp. 223–252.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 9
22
Judy Wacjman, “Feminist Theories of Technology,” Cambridge Journal of Economics
34:1 (2010), 145.
23
Ibid., p. 149.
24
Sullivan, Nikki. “Transsomatechnics and the Matter of ‘Genital Modifications’,”
Australian Feminist Studies 24:60 (2009), 275–286.
25
Roger Silverstone, Media and Morality: The Rise of the Mediapolis (New York:
Polity, 2010), p. 5.
26
Nick Couldry and Anna McCarthy, “Orientations: Mapping Mediaspace,” in Mediaspace:
Place, Scale, and Culture in a Media Age (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 1.
10 M.G. DURHAM
Our engagements with the media are perhaps the most veiled of our
relationships; we dismiss them as “guilty pleasures” or “distractions”; we
publicly deny that they have import or impact in our lives; we acknowl-
edge that others may be affected by the seductions of smartphones or
iPads, but we invariably see ourselves as active and decisive managers of our
media consumption; we balk at spending any time or serious thought on
our interactions with the media.
Yet we live in an era where media pervade our existences. This is most
true of Western societies, those of the global North, but it is increas-
ingly becoming typical of the global South/“third World.” As Hansen
has noted, “technology affects our experience first and foremost
through its infrastructural role … effectively, technologies structure
our lifeworlds.”27 If we acknowledge this, then we are faced with two
choices. We can accept and ignore the media and culture industries as
aspects of a taken-for-granted environment, or we can radically rethink
their function as cultural-historical structures that work, along with
such power formations as phallogocentrism and heteronormativity, as
defining symbolic institutions that make specific interventions into the
body-sex-gender-desire matrix, rearticulating these concepts in ways
that impinge upon our own imaginations of these key vectors of inti-
macy and identity.
No longer, then, do we premise our understanding of personhood or
subjectivity on a Cartesian dualism between mind and body, instead rec-
ognizing the fluid and continuous synergies that constitute the self as well
as the social. In fact, our embrace of body transformations appears to be
predicated on a rather sophisticated understanding that bodies are not
fixed, stable, or natural. But this recognition stands in an uneasy tension
with a concept of the self, which is a contradictory and paradoxical one
where the self is regarded as simultaneously split off from, and closely
aligned with, the body. People engaging in online sex seem to recog-
nize that a transformation into a virtual self is the conduit for physical
pleasure. “My life was so damn normal, straight, vanilla, with such high
integrity. Now I have a Dom. ‘Safe, Sane, Consensual.’ So, how does one
have a sexual D/s online relationship? You take it into your life. Dom/
me says ‘do’ and you do,” as one cybersex participant explained her life
27
Mark Hansen, Embodying Technesis: Technology Beyond Writing (Ann Arbor, MI:
University of Michigan Press, 2000), p. 4.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 11
28
Jennifer P. Schneider, “A Qualitative Study of Cybersex Participants: Gender Differences,
Recovery Issues, and Implications for Therapists,” Sexual Addiction and Compulsivity 7:4
(2000), 263.
29
Cleo Odzer, Virtual Spaces: Sex and the Cyber Citizen (New York: Berkeley Books,
1997), p. 43.
30
Shannon McRae, “Coming Apart at the Seams: Sex, Text, and the Virtual Body,” in
Wired Women: Gender and New Realities in Cyberspace, eds. Lynn Cherney and Elizabeth
Reba Weise (Seattle, WA: Seal Press, 1996), p. 261.
31
“The Face-Off,” People (May 17, 2004), pp. 122–123.
32
Ann Oldenburg, “Swan Ready for Its Close-Up,” USA Today (May 24, 2004), p. 5D.
33
Simon Houpt, “Amid the Wannabe Swans, Envy and Despair,” The Globe and Mail
(November 6, 2004), p. R1.
34
Alice Marwick, “There’s a Beautiful Girl Under All of This: Performing Hegemonic
Femininity in Reality Television,” Critical Studies in Media Communication 27:3
(August 2010), 251–266.
12 M.G. DURHAM
For these women, the self is predicated on the body; self and body
are mutually dependent variables, and technological interventions into the
body can release “the real me” trapped inside the unwanted, unattractive
corporeal shell; an existential rift between the body and the self is healed,
and “the women come to understand their preoperative body as accidental
and their current, more ‘normative’ appearance as a more accurate indica-
tor of who they really are.”35 This version of the body as a representation
of the self is also present, in some transsexual narratives and among people
undergoing sex reassignment surgeries: in the past this has involved a feel-
ing of being trapped in the “wrong body” or being somehow out of align-
ment with one’s body36—“the mysterium tremendum of deep identity
hovers about a physical locus”37—but reconfigured transgender bodies,
as Sandy Stone has pointed out, have immeasurable progressive potential,
disrupting traditional gender binaries and inserting new narratives of the
body-subject, with radically different histories of coming into being, into
our social consciousness.
Yet the conventions of the contemporary “makeover” culture valorize
the notion that valid selfhood is attained through transformations: “make-
overs intervene with class, race, and gender-inflected ‘improvements’ that
gain legitimacy by speaking through the idiom of identity,”38 such that suc-
cessful selfhood is attained through the manipulation of the body toward
normative ideals. The makeover phenomenon tells a story “of coherent and
stable subject-positions, located in and expressed through the made-over
body. Before-bodies quite often lack valid me-ness and After-bodies mark
the zone of celebrated selfhood where subjects rejoice, ‘I’m me, now!’”39
The notion of a mismatch between body and subject suggests an
organic or intrinsic misalignment, yet any interrogation of such incon-
gruities points to culturally constructed logics as their source and site.
Without the imposition of a cultural logic of physical normalcy or even
perfection, there would be no sense of a slippage between self and body,
no need to take corrective action. As Judith Butler, following Foucault,
35
Deborah Gimlin, Body Work: Beauty and Self-Image in American Culture (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2002), p. 146.
36
Henry Rubin, Self-Made Men: Identity and Embodiment Among Transsexual Men
(Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2003).
37
Sandy Stone, “The Empire Strikes Back: A Posttransexual Manifesto,” Camera Obscura
29 (1992), 151–176.
38
Weber, Brenda R. Makeover TV: Selfhood, Citizenship, and Celebrity (Durham, NC:
Duke University Press, 2009), p. 5.
39
Weber, p. 7.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 13
has emphasized, “bodies only appear, only endure, only live within the
productive constraints of certain highly gendered regulatory schemas.”40
MEDIATING GALATEA
The allure of the Pygmalion myth lies in the fantasy that precedes the
advent of the real woman, and in the transformation that offers the seduc-
tive vision of a libidinal wish come true. The original Pygmalion dream is
that of a male artist, a visionary, who acquires the power to realize, indeed
to reify, his image of a perfect woman, the embodiment of an ideal sexual
partner. In the myth, Pygmalion “claims to have produced through art
a beauty superior to anything created by nature.”41 The image is purely
corporeal: he is a sculptor—a “plastic artist” as Bernard Baas puts it42—so
his creation is material, carved out of ivory, an inanimate body without a
spirit or soul, yet the latter are projected by the creator onto his creation;
the physical defines and determines the spiritual: “Yet he still dreamed of
a woman … The perfect body of a perfect woman—.”43
No longer working with ivory, modern-day Pygmalions apply their art-
istry and vision to create “perfect women” through a variety of sophis-
ticated technologies that are revolutionizing the sexual landscape. The
men’s soft-core porn magazine Playboy has featured computer-generated
images of women, taking representations of “perfect bodies” a step beyond
the routinely digitally manipulated images common to the contemporary
publishing world.44 Adult video games starring nubile computer-generated
women in sexual situations are produced mainly by male programmers and
artists for male audiences.45 An Italian entrepreneur named Franz Cerami
40
Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of ‘Sex’ (New York: Routledge,
1993), p. xi.
41
Bernard Baas, “Pygmalion’s Gaze,” trans. Chris Semk, S: The Journal of the Jan van Eyck
Circle for Lacanian Ideology Critique 1 (2008), 5.
42
Ibid., p. 4.
43
Ted Hughes, ibid., p. 146.
44
“Playboy Goes Digital — With Its Models,” Associated Press, September 7, 2004,
accessed October 19, 2010 from http://today.msnbc.msn.com/id/5933462
45
Jess Fox and Wai Yen Tang, “Sexism in Online Video Games: The Role of Conformity
to Masculine Norms and Social Dominance Orientation,” Computers in Human Behavior 33
(2014), 314–320; Robin Johnson, “The Digital Illusio: Gender, Work and Culture in Digital
Game Production” (Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 2010); Mike Z. Yao, Chad Mahood,
and Daniel Linz, “Sexual Priming, Gender Stereotyping, and Likelihood to Sexually Harass:
Examining the Cognitive Effects of Playing a Sexually-Explicit Video Game,” Sex Roles
62: 1–2 (2010), 77–88.
14 M.G. DURHAM
46
Franz Cerami, “Miss Digital World,” last modified November 10, 2008, http://franzce-
rami.blogspot.com/2008/12/miss-digital-world.html
47
Jennifer Garcia, “Obsessed with Being Perfect,” People (January 25, 2010), pp. 80–88.
Liz Kelly, “The Scoop on Heidi Montag’s Plastic Surgery,” Celebritology/The Washington
Post, April 6, 2010, accessed October 19, 2010 from http://voices.washingtonpost.com/
celebritology/2010/04/the_scoop_on_heidi_montags_pla.html. “Heidi Montag’s 10
Plastic Surgery Procedures,” The Huffington Post, January 14, 2010, last modified March 18,
2010, accessed on October 19, 2010 from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/01/14/
heidi-montags-10-plastic_n_423855.html
48
Sandra Lee Bartky, “Foucault, Femininity, and the Modernization of Patriarchal Power,”
in Feminism and Foucault: Reflections on Resistance, eds. Irene Diamond and Lee Quimby
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1988), pp. 71, 76.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 15
beauty pageant contestants, noting the way that both modes of femininity
are achieved through similar practices of cosmetic surgery, body modifica-
tion, make-up, and performativity, and produced in citational relation to
the same mediated ideologies of feminine beauty. As she writes,
She situates her findings in the Venezuelan context, but the reach of
global media impacts and homogenizes ideals of femininity and sexuality
almost everywhere. Modifying and imaging one’s body is now unremark-
able; our understanding of our corporealities is firmly rooted in the notion
of bodies as “cultural plastic,” mutable and transmissible. But as Susan
Bordo has pointed out, there are hidden philosophical currents lurking
beneath the notions of liberty, renewal, and self-determination invoked
by this view. People are, indeed, increasingly free to physically or virtually
sculpt their own bodies to fit their ideals. Yet as Bordo argues, it is crucial
not to lose sight of “the normalizing power of cultural images, and the
continuing social realities of dominance and subordination” at work in
these physical transformations.50 She draws attention to the social direc-
tives that drive such transformations—directives that reinforce hierarchies
of race, ethnicity, class, and gender under an ingenuous postmodern rheto-
ric of diversity and empowerment; directives that are most often transmit-
ted via the mass media. The ideals are not only distributed via the media,
they are media fabrications, partially if not wholly constructed by digital
imaging and other technologies. For women, a mediated standard of the
culturally desirable body—inevitably thin, yet voluptuous; tending toward
the Aryan fantasy of the blue-eyed blonde—underpins and motivates the
creation of both virtual and flesh-and-blood female physiques. Power is
thus infused into our corporeal reshapings. Importantly, cisgender trans-
formations tend to reassert gendered power hierarchies, while transgender
transformations challenge and disrupt them. The technologies of physical
49
Marcia Ochoa, Queen for a Day: Transformistas, Beauty Queens, and the Performance of
Femininity in Venezuela (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014), p. 4.
50
Susan Bordo, Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture, and the Body (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993), p. 275.
16 M.G. DURHAM
51
Rubin, ibid., p. 11.
52
Rubin, ibid., p. 12.
53
Rubin, ibid., p. 15.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 17
Indeed, all body projects can be seen as a quest for authenticity and
social recognition in this sense. Carl Elliott interprets Americans’ feverish
use of “enhancement technologies,” from psychotropic drugs to breast
augmentations, as a quest for an authentic sense of self. “We need to
understand the complex relationship between self-fulfillment and authen-
ticity, and the paradoxical way in which a person can see an enhance-
ment technology as a way to achieve a more authentic self, even as the
technology dramatically alters his or her identity,” he writes, underscoring
the dialectical movement at work in these practices.54 The “all-consuming
project of the body,” echoes the historian Joan Jacobs Brumberg, is “cen-
tral to definitions of the self.”55 The sociologist Debra Gilman concurs:
“Body work is in fact work on the self. By engaging in body work, women
are able to negotiate normative identities by diminishing their personal
responsibility for a body that fails to meet cultural mandates.”56 Bodies,
then, are signifying systems; they are media of communication.
Gimlin correctly points out that cultural meanings “are embedded in
those institutions where culture and individual effort meet,” and, indeed,
references to the media—to cinema, photographs, videos, and so on—
permeate most studies of the body; yet media significations of the body
are rarely acknowledged as central to the self–body transaction in the con-
temporary media-saturated moment, and certainly the reciprocative trans-
lation of sexuality to the ever-more accessible virtual realms is still loosely
theorized. In fact, contemporary lives are continually engaged with the
media, in both public and private spaces; advertising, entertainment, news,
cell-phone interactions and social networking occupy significant portions
of everyday experience, and all of these contain frequent and insistent ref-
erences to the body; it would be ingenuous to discount our engagement
with the media from any understanding of the contemporaneous sexual
body-subject, yet the media’s role in the articulation of corporealities and
sexual identities remains largely unacknowledged and undertheorized.
The central question I will pose here, then, stems from this seemingly
willful elision: How can we understand our desiring corporealities in rela-
tion to a media-saturated environment?
54
Carl Elliott, Better than Well: American Medicine Meets the American Dream (New York:
Random House, 2003), pp. xx–xxi.
55
Joan Jacobs Brumberg, The Body Project: An Intimate History of American Girls (New
York: Vintage, 1997), pp. xvii, xxiv.
56
Debra L. Gimlin, Body Work: Beauty and Self-Image in American Culture (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2002), p. 6.
18 M.G. DURHAM
57
Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 31.
58
Jacques Lacan, “The Mirror Stage as Formative of the Function of the I as Revealed in
Psychoanalytic Experience,” in Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan (London: Tavistock,
1977), pp. 1–7.
INTRODUCTION: GENDER TROUBLE IN GALATEALAND 19
to it, in the universal, its function as subject.”59 “The ego sees itself in
its relations with others,” as Elizabeth Grosz explains it. “Its fascination
with specular reflections will forever orient it in an imaginary direction.”60
From a Lacanian theoretical perspective, not only are sexuality and subjec-
tivity risky and unstable, but once the subject comes into being at the mir-
ror stage, it “is forever after haunted by images—ideal image, ego ideal,
self-image, copy, imago, double, alter ego.”61
The mirror image catalyzes a baby’s imagination, leading to visions of
the future self; and in an analogous move, the media offer images that
provoke similar visions, fictitious ideals of bodies and selves, fabricated
possibilities of impending fulfillment. Media messages offer “windows to
a future self” that “appear all the more attainable because they urge the
viewer to link the fantasy to … everyday life.”62 Media images ignite our
imaginations with pleasurable pictures of perfection that represent feasible
idealizations of our future selves. The enticements to seek these future
self-ideals are everywhere—on billboards and Jumbotron screens, airport
TVs and sports-arena signboards, shopping-mall window displays, and
mobile phone apps; they pervade our lives, brilliant, colorful, vibrant,
alluring, enlivening our landscapes, energizing our banal, anxious exis-
tences. Technologies catalyze our urge to harness these fantasies and turn
them into realities: we can use our handheld phones, webcams, digital
imaging apps, to create versions of ourselves that replicate these ideals;
we can download them, enlarge them, animate them; and in doing so, we
can engage in desiring acts and sexual adventures that involve only cyber
creations.
Media images, then, make up a kind of architecture of our lives, scenic
elements of our habitats, interlinked with the built environment as well
as with the everyday technologies that facilitate and mobilize our daily
routines. They are thus landscapes of a sort. The media have reconfig-
ured social space; media theorists recognize that media are components
of the physical environment as well as active shapers of our understand-
ings of space and time: “Mediaspace … at once defines the artefactual
59
Lacan, ibid., p. 2.
60
Elizabeth Grosz, Jacques Lacan: A Feminist Introduction (New York: Routledge, 1990),
p. 43.
61
Barbara Creed, “General Introduction,” The Sexual Subject: A Screen Reader, eds. John
Caughie and Annette Kuhn (New York: Routledge, 1992), p. 1.
62
Ellen McCracken, Decoding Women’s Magazines: From Mademoiselle to Ms (New York:
St. Martin’s Press, 1993), p. 13.
Another random document with
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ERICA pyramidalis.
CHARACTER SPECIFICUS.
DESCRIPTIO.
REFERENTIA.
1. Calyx, et Corolla.
2. Calyx, lente auctus.
3. Corolla.
4. Stamina a Pistillo diducta.
5. Anthera una lente aucta.
6. Pistillum, lente auctum.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
Heath, with beardless tips, within the blossom; flowers grow in umbels
mostly of four; blossom pyramid-shaped and flesh coloured, the segments
very large, and upright; leaves grow generally by fours, linear, hairy and
blunt ended.
DESCRIPTION.
REFERENCE.
1. The Empalement, and Blossom.
2. The Empalement, magnified.
3. The Blossom.
4. The Chives detached from the Pointal.
5. A Tip, magnified.
6. The Pointal and Seed-bud, magnified.
ERICA radiata.
CHARACTER SPECIFICUS.
DESCRIPTIO.
REFERENTIA.
1. Flos.
2. Calyx, lente auctus.
3. Stamina, et Pistillum.
4. Stylus, et Stigma, lente aucta.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
Heath, with beardless tips, within the blossom; shaft without; flowers
terminate the branches in horizontal whorls; blossoms nearly cylindrical, an
inch long, with the segments of the border rolled back; leaves grow by fours,
smooth and spreading.
DESCRIPTION.
Stem shrubby, upright, grows near a foot high, and branching; the
branches nearly simple, spreading upright and smooth.
Leaves grow by fours, linear, spreading, furrowed on the under part, flat
on the upper part and smooth; the foot-stalks pressed to the branches.
Flowers grow in whorls at the ends of the smaller branches, standing
horizontally; the foot-stalks the length of the leaves, having three awl-shaped
floral leaves.
Empalement. Cup four-leaved, the leaflets are awl-shaped, and pressed to
the blossom.
Blossom almost cylinder-shaped, thrice the length of the cup; the
segments of the mouth are rolled back.
Chives. Eight hair-like threads. Tips beardless, and within the blossom.
Pointal. Seed-bud club-shaped, and furrowed. Shaft thread-shaped and
without the blossom. Summit four-cornered.
Native of the Cape of Good Hope.
Flowers from August, till November.
REFERENCE.
1. The Flower.
2. The Empalement, magnified.
3. The Chives, and Pointal.
4. The Shaft and Summit, magnified.
ERICA ramentacea.
CHARACTER SPECIFICUS.
DESCRIPTIO.
REFERENTIA.
1. Calyx, et Corolla.
2. Calyx lente auctus.
3. Stamina, et Pistillum.
4. Stamina a Pistillo diducta, anthera una lente aucta.
5. Stylus, et Stigma, lente aucta.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
Heath, whose tips are crested, and within the blossoms, which are globe-
shaped, growing in close bunches, of a reddish-purple colour, having very
long foot-stalks coloured; the leaves grow by fours.
DESCRIPTION.
Stem upright, a span high, very much branched; the larger and smaller
branches are thread-shaped, and spread into various directions.
Leaves grow by fours, are linear, furrowed, underneath, smooth, and
pointed.
The Flowers are numerous, terminating the branches in close bunches;
the foot-stalks are purple, very long, hair-like, and have three floral leaves.
Empalement. Cup four-leaved, which are awl-shaped, and coloured.
Blossom globe-shaped, of a reddish purple, the mouth contracted, the
segments of which are very small, and bent back.
Chives. Eight hair-like threads fixed into the receptacle; the tips crested,
and within the blossom.
Pointal. Seed-vessel globe-shaped, and furrowed. Shaft thread-shaped,
just without the blossom. Summit four-cornered, and downy.
Native of the Cape of Good Hope.
Flowers from August till December.
REFERENCE.
CHARACTER SPECIFICUS.
DESCRIPTIO.
REFERENTIA.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
Heath, with beardless tips, within the blossom; the leaves grow by fours, are
rolled back, having bristles at their points, and fringed at their edges; the
flowers grow in bunches, are clammy, flesh coloured, and flask-shaped.
DESCRIPTION.
Stem shrubby, grows about a foot high, and upright; the branches are
crooked, and thread-shaped.
The Leaves grow by fours, are rolled back, terminating with an awn-like
bristle, fringed at the edges, smooth, flat on the upper and furrowed on the
under part, having short foot-stalks pressed to the branches.
The Flowers are numerous, nearly terminal, mostly by fours, in whorls,
and clammy; the foot-stalks are long, having three floral leaves.
Empalement. Cup four-leaved, which are each terminated by a bristle, the
ends fringed, nearly oval, clammy, and pressed to the blossom.
The Blossom is swelled out at the base, and tapers to the point, the lower
part is of a flesh colour, the upper deep purple, straightened at the mouth,
whose segments are egg-shaped, and bent back.
Chives. Eight hair-like threads fixed into the receptacle. The tips are
within the blossom, beardless, and covered with hairs.
Pointal. Seed-vessel club-shaped; shaft without the blossom, and purple;
summit four-cornered.
Native of the Cape of Good Hope.
Flowers from July, till October.
REFERENCE.
CHARACTER SPECIFICUS.
DESCRIPTIO.
REFERENTIA.
1. Calyx auctus.
2. Flos.
3. Stamina, et Pistillum.
4. Stamina a Pistillo diducta.
5. Anthera una, lente aucta.
6. Stigma, auctum.
7. Germen, auctum.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
Heath, with beardless tips, without the blossom, and very long; blossom
club-shaped, turned inwards and orange coloured; segments blunt, turned
inwards; flowers grow by threes at the ends of the branches; cup double,
tiled; leaves grow by threes, are curved, and reflexed; the branches are quite
covered with little branches.
DESCRIPTION.
Stem sturdy, upright, grows a foot high; branches few, covered by little
branches which are crowded together.
Leaves grow by threes, linear, arched, crowded, nearly three-sided,
reflexed, sharp-pointed, very small foot-stalks.
Flowers grow by threes at the end of the small branches, hanging down;
very short, naked, foot-stalks.
Empalement. Cup double, the outer three-leaved, leaflets broad egg-
shaped and skinny, pressed to the stem, tiled; the inner four-leaved, with
larger leaflets.
Blossom club-shaped, turned inwards, orange colour, and twice the
length of the cup; the segments of the mouth blunt and turned inwards.
Chives. Eight linear, flat threads; tips beardless, without the blossom,
very long, linear, and tapered into the threads.
Pointal. Seed-bud oval, appearing cut off at the end and furrowed. Shaft
thread-shaped, a little longer than the chives. Summit slightly four-cornered.
Native of the Cape of Good Hope.