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i
A Brief History
Jennifer Ratner-Rosenhagen
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1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgments | ix
Introduction | 1
1. World of Empires: Precontact–1740 | 7
2. America and the Transatlantic Enlightenment: 1741–1800 | 30
3. From Republican to Romantic: 1800–1850 | 51
4. Contests of Intellectual Authority: 1850–90 | 75
5. Modernist Revolts: 1890–1920 | 97
6. Roots and Rootlessness: 1920–45 | 116
7. The Opening of the American Mind: 1945–70 | 133
8. Against Universalism: 1962–90s | 152
Epilogue: Rethinking America in an Age of Globalization;
or, The Conversation Continues | 173
N OT E S | 181
F U RT H E R READING | 195
I N D E X | 205
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AC K N OW L E D G M E N T S
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x
x Acknowledgments
Introduction
The Ideas That Made America is a brief survey of some of the most
compelling episodes and abiding preoccupations in American in-
tellectual history. While I would like to imagine that a book on the
history of American thought can be as straightforward as it is acces-
sible, I have been teaching this material long enough to know that
this is not always the case. With equal parts intrigue and skepticism,
students often ask me: what is American intellectual history?
The official version of American intellectual history goes some-
thing like this: it is an approach to understanding the American past
by way of ideas and the people who made or were moved by them.
Intellectual history seeks to understand where certain persistent
concerns in American thought have come from and why some ideas,
which were important in the past, have faded from view. It can focus
on the very particular: a single concept (say, “freedom” or “justice”)
or a larger body of thought (“democratic theory” or “antislavery”).
Histories of thought can also study a particular field of knowledge,
such as philosophy, psychology, or sociology, and examine how
those disciplines have changed over time. All of these angles into
Americans’ ways of thinking are used with a careful attention to time
and place: Why did they come to those conclusions? Why then?
Why there? For an intellectual historian, the context of the idea is
as important as the idea itself. Intellectual history also concerns it-
self with the myriad institutions that are sites of intellectual produc-
tion (universities, publishing houses, and think tanks), as well as the
1
2
Introduction 3
Introduction 5
Chapter 1
In the beginning was the word and the word was “America.” The
year was 1507, and the place, Saint-Dié-des-Vosges, in the north-
west of today’s France. It first appeared in a book titled, in short
form, Cosmographiae Introductio (the original title was forty-eight
words long). The anonymous author set out to cover the known
world, including new lands unknown to Ptolemy but later discov-
ered by Amerigo Vespucci. Much of the book covered information
familiar to early sixteenth-century readers, such as the knowledge
that the moon, the sun, and the planets all revolved around the
earth. The author also fit new information into familiar frames,
explaining how discussion of Asia, Africa, and Europe must be
updated now that they have “been more extensively explored.” But
then he1 mentioned a little-known “fourth part [that] has been dis-
covered by Amerigo Vespucci.” He suggested, “inasmuch as both
Europe and Asia received their names from women, I see no reason
why anyone should justly object to calling this part Amerige, i.e., the
land of Amerigo, or America, after Amerigo, its discoverer, a man of
great ability.”2 Accompanying the book was a massive folded map—
when opened, it measured four and a half by eight feet—showing
familiar continents and, for the very first time, a new one: a narrow
landmass, impressively long (roughly as long as Africa from north
to south) with its manly appellation “America” on the southern half.
Seventeenth-and eighteenth-century British colonial thinkers do
not appear to have been familiar with this obscure map, though they
knew of Vespucci. But Vespucci’s significance faded for them as they
7
8
Martin Waldseemüller’s 1507 map of the world was the first to use the
name “America” (found on the westernmost portion of the map). Detail,
Universalis Cosmographia Secundum Ptholomaei Traditionem et Americi Vespucii
Alioru[m]que Lustrationes, [St. Dié], Geography and Map Division, Library of
Congress
9
World of Empires 9
World of Empires 11
World of Empires 13
World of Empires 15
The traffic of information about the fauna of the New World sim-
ilarly encouraged European natural philosophers in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries to revise significant portions of their bio-
logical classifications, some inherited from antiquity. Eyewitness ac-
counts and drawings of vegetation, even by those with no credentials
as natural philosophers, forced established authorities to cede some
credit for scientific advancement to New World intellectual novices.
But early modern European philosophers and theologians had more
to worry about than their own intellectual authority. They had to
overcome feeling besieged by the torrent of new information and
figure out how to keep pace. (One measure of the new findings’
scope is that the number of known plants multiplied fortyfold from
the beginning of the seventeenth century to the middle of the eight-
eenth.) In the case of the New World’s botanical bounty, they felt the
urge to account for these new findings not just because the plants
were beautiful, tasty, or promised therapeutic benefits, but because
they held clues to the entire schema of knowledge about the natural
world and man’s place in it.
Wealthy Europeans devised a way to handle the bumper crop of
treasures by curating in their homes curiosity cabinets packed with
exotic seedlings and petrified flowers (as well as speckled shells,
framed insects, and unidentified teeth). But Europeans’ vogue
for exhibiting American oddities did not constitute a long-term
strategy for mastering the new details of their known world or re-
assure them that the existence of the strange new world from which
these curiosities came had no implications for their understanding
of themselves in the cosmic scheme.
Il faut croire d’abord. Il faut croire avant toute preuve, car il n’y a
point de preuve pour qui ne croit rien. Auguste Comte méditait
souvent sur ce passage de l’Imitation : « L’intelligence doit suivre la
foi, et non pas la précéder ; encore moins la rompre. » Si je ne crois
point qu’il dépend de moi de penser bien ou mal, je me laisse penser
à la dérive ; mes opinions flânent en moi comme sur un pont les
passants. Ce n’est pas ainsi que se forment les Idées ; il faut vouloir,
il faut choisir, il faut maintenir. Quel intérêt puis-je trouver dans une
preuve, si je ne crois pas ferme qu’elle sera bonne encore demain ?
Quel intérêt, si je ne crois pas ferme que la preuve qui est bonne
pour moi est bonne pour tous ? Or cela je ne puis pas le prouver,
parce que toute preuve le présuppose. De quel ton Socrate
expliquerait-il la géométrie au petit esclave, s’il n’était assuré de
trouver en cette forme humaine la même Raison qu’il a sauvée en
lui-même ?
Il ne manque pas d’esprits sans foi. Ce sont des esprits faibles,
qui cherchent appui au dehors ; mais il n’y a point d’appui au dehors.
La Nature est trop riche pour nous ; elle dépassera toujours nos
idées. Penser sans hypothèses préalables, raisonnablement
formées, et fermement tenues, c’est combattre sans armes. Cette
misanthropie profonde, qui vise l’homme en son centre, dessèche
celui qui la reçoit, et les autres autour de lui. On ne peut croire en soi
si l’on ne croit en l’Homme ; penser pour soi-même, c’est déjà
instruire. Si vous manquez à l’esprit, l’esprit vous fuira.
Qu’est-ce qu’un auteur ? Du noir sur du blanc, si vous n’osez pas
croire. Platon lui-même se vide de pensée devant ces esprits
chagrins qui font des objections au troisième mot. Jurez d’abord et
par provision que Platon dit vrai ; sous cette condition vous pourrez
le comprendre. Mais sans cette condition vous perdez votre temps à
le lire. Ce serait trop commode si Platon versait ses idées en vous
comme l’eau en cruche. Noir sur blanc, je vous dis. Vit-on jamais un
homme déchiffrer une inscription en prenant comme idée directrice
que cette inscription n’a point de sens ?
Les anciens n’avaient pas tiré au clair cette condition première,
qui est la Foi. Les plus courageux pensaient esthétiquement ; il leur
semblait plus beau de penser. « Beau risque », disait Socrate. Aussi
c’est le sceptique qui termine cette scène de l’histoire, le sceptique
qui veut qu’on lui prouve qu’il y a une preuve de la preuve. Et le Dieu
de Pascal, qui est caché, et qui veut qu’on croie sans la moindre
preuve, est l’héroïque négation de cette négation. Métaphore
violente, qui remet l’homme sur pied, et la Volonté en sa place. Ce
grand moment domine la pensée moderne, et, en ce parti
désespéré, la vraie Espérance se montre, et nos pensées
s’ordonnent à partir du serment initial. Ainsi, devant le regard Positif,
toute religion finit par être vraie.
XXXVII
LES VERTUS THÉOLOGALES