The Chronicle of Arnold of Lübeck

Graham A. Loud
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 THE CHRONICLE OF ARNOLD
OF LÜBECK

The chronicle of Arnold, Abbot of the monastery of St John of Lübeck, is one

of the most important sources for the history of Germany in the central
Middle Ages, and is also probably the major source for German involvement
in the Crusades. The work was intended as a continuation of the earlier chron-
icle of Helmold of Bosau, and covers the years 1172–1209, in seven books. It
was completed soon after the latter date, and the author died not long after-
wards, and no later than 1214. It is thus a strictly contemporary work, which
greatly enhances its value.
Abbot Arnold’s very readable chronicle provides a fascinating glimpse into
German society in the time of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa and his
immediate successors, into a crucial period of the Crusading movement, and
also into the religious mentality of the Middle Ages.

Graham A. Loud is Professor of Medieval History at the University of Leeds,

where he was Head of the School of History 2012–15. He holds a Leverhulme
Major Research Fellowship 2017–19, during which he is working on a book
about the social history of the principality of Salerno, c.1020–1300, as
revealed by the charters of the abbey of Holy Trinity, Cava. Among his previ-
ous books are The Age of Robert Guiscard. Southern Italy and the Norman
Conquest (Harlow 2000), The Latin Church in Norman Italy (Cambridge
2007), Roger II and the Creation of the Kingdom of Sicily (Manchester 2012),
and The Origins of the German Principalities, 1100–1350, edited with Jochen
Schenk (Routledge 2017). He has also translated The Crusade of Frederick
Barbarossa for the series ‘Crusade Texts in Translation’ (2010).
 Crusade Texts in Translation
Editorial Board

Malcolm Barber (Reading), Peter Edbury (Cardiff), Norman Housley

(Leicester), Peter Jackson (Keele)

The crusading movement, which originated in the 11th century and lasted
beyond the 16th, bequeathed to its future historians a legacy of sources
which are unrivalled in their range and variety. These sources document in
fascinating detail the motivations and viewpoints, military efforts and spir-
itual lives of the participants in the crusades. They also narrate the internal
histories of the states and societies which crusaders established or sup-
ported in the many regions where they fought. Some of these sources have
been translated in the past but the vast majority have been available only
in their original language. The goal of this series is to provide a wide-ran-
ging corpus of texts, most of them translated for the first time, which will
illuminate the history of the crusades and the crusader-states from every
angle, including that of their principal adversaries, the Muslim powers of
the Middle East.

Titles in the series include

Graham A. Loud
The Chronicle of Arnold of Lübeck

Carol Sweetenham
The Chanson des Chétifs and Chanson de Jérusalem

Anne Van Arsdall and Helen Moody

The Old French Chronicle of Morea

Keagan Brewer
Prester John: The Legend and its Sources

Martin Hall and Jonathan Phillips

Caffaro, Genoa and the Twelfth-Century Crusades

Denys Pringle
Pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the Holy Land, 1187–1291
The Chronicle of Arnold of
Lübeck

Translated by

GRAHAM A. LOUD
First published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2019 Graham A. Loud
The right of G.A. Loud to be identified as author of this translation has
been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record has been requested for this book

ISBN: 978-1-138-21178-0 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-0-429-05324-5 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman

by Swales & Willis, Exeter, Devon, UK
 Contents

Preface vi
Abbreviations vii
Maps viii
Genealogical charts x

Introduction 1

1 Prologue 38

Book I 39

2 Book II 63

3 Book III 92

4 Book IV 132

5 Book V 164

6 Book VI 227

7 Book VII 261

Appendix: Frederick II recognises Lübeck as an imperial city and

lists its special privileges (June 1226) 303
Bibliography 307
Index 316
 Preface

My interest in the Chronicle of Arnold of Lübeck began with a casual con-

versation many years ago with Bernard Hamilton, the former president of
the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East. This led me
to read the chronicle for the first time, if rather too hurriedly. Much later, I
looked at this text in greater depth when searching for primary sources to
present to the students taking my third-year option at the University of
Leeds on ‘Emperor and Authority in Medieval Germany’, for whom I
translated Arnold’s account of the downfall of Henry the Lion. I returned
to his chronicle once again while working on my previous translation in
this series, The Crusade of Frederick Barbarossa, and it was while complet-
ing that work that I decided to produce a complete translation of Arnold’s
chronicle as a companion volume. The attentive reader will note that I
have called this work simply ‘the Chronicle of Arnold of Lübeck’ – for
reasons that are explained in the introduction the traditional title of ‘the
Chronicle of the Slavs’ is inappropriate and unjustified.
I am grateful to John Smedley of Ashgate publishers, who originally
commissioned the book, and to Routledge for honouring the contract
when Ashgate was taken over. Over the several years that I have been
working on this book many others have assisted me, often by patiently
answering importunate questions, or advising on problematic passages.
Among them have been Oliver Auge, Julia Barrow, David D’Avray, Susan
Edgington, Bill Flynn, Thomas Förster, John Gillingham, Sebastian
Modrow, Alan Murray, Guy Perry, Tom Smith, Olivia Spencer (a graduate
student who kindly assisted with the translation of a particularly confusing
chapter), and Helmut Walther. Above all, my retired colleague at Leeds
Ian Moxon has been an unfailing source of advice on translation, the scan-
sion of verse and classical literature in general, as he was also for The Cru-
sade of Frederick Barbarossa. David Crouch and (once again) Bernard
Hamilton kindly commented on drafts of the introduction. It has been a
particular pleasure to collaborate with Oliver Auge (Kiel) and Sebastian
Modrow (Griefswald), who are preparing a German translation of this
same work. Finally, I am as ever most indebted to my wife, Kate Fenton,
and for so much more than just her work on the maps and genealogical
charts, and patient nursing of malfunctioning computers, although she has
done all this, as she has for my previous books.
Leeds and Lyme Regis,
September 2018
 Abbreviations

Arnoldi Chronica Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum, ed. Johannes M. Lap-

penberg, with Georg Heinrich Pertz (MGH SRG,
Hanover 1868)
AV Authorised Version [of the Bible]
Crusade of FB Graham A. Loud, The Crusade of Frederick Barba-
rossa. The History of the Expedition of the Emperor
Frederick and Related Texts (Crusade Texts in Trans-
lation 19: Farnham 2010)
Dipl. Fred. I. Die Urkunden Friedrichs I, ed. Heinrich Appelt (5
vols., MGH Diplomatum Regum et Imperatorum
Germaniae 10, Hanover 1975–90)
Helmold, Cronaca Helmoldi Presbyteri Bozoviensis Cronica Slavorum,
ed. Bernhard Schmeidler (MGH SRG, Hanover
1937)
MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica, following the
usual conventions (SRG = Scriptores Rerum Germa-
nicarum; SS = Scriptores, etc.)
MPL Patrologia Latina, ed. J-P. Migne (221 vols, Paris
1844–64)
Urkunden HL Die Urkunden Heinrichs des Löwen, Herzogs von
Sachsen und Bayern, ed. Karl Jordan (MGH,
Weimar 1949)

Note: Classical texts in the footnotes that are available in multiple editions
are referred to by the usual book and chapter divisions, but without editor-
ial details.
 Maps

I North Germany (Schleswig-Holstein and Eastern Saxony)

II The Holy Land
 Genealogical charts

(1079 – 1105)

(King 1138 – 52)

(King 1152 – 90)

(d. 1187 – 8)

(1190 – 7) (King 1198 – 1208)

(1212 – 50)
(c. 1130 – 95)
1142–80
1156–80

(1184–1213)

(1204–52)
(1174/5–90)
(1172–1208/9)
1241–65
 Sven II
King 1047–76

King 1080–6 King 1095–1103 King 1104–34

King 1134–7

King 1157–82 King 1154–7

King 1182–1202 King 1202–41

1180–1223
 Introduction

The Chronicle of Arnold, Abbot of the monastery of St John at Lübeck, is

one of the most important and interesting contemporary sources for the his-
tory of Germany in the central Middle Ages. The early thirteenth century saw
something of an efflorescence of historical writing in that kingdom, and espe-
cially in its monasteries, but of all the narrative texts written during that
period Arnold’s chronicle is the most ambitious and sophisticated. While the
main focus of his work was on northern Germany, and especially Holstein
and eastern Saxony, our author was also deeply concerned with the Crusade,
not least because of the deep shock induced by the fall of Jerusalem to Saladin
in 1187, which he discussed at length. Arnold’s chronicle is the principal
source of our knowledge concerning the pilgrimage to Jerusalem of Duke
Henry the Lion of Saxony in 1172 and of the German Crusade of 1197–8. He
also provides an important account, albeit not as an eyewitness, of Frederick
Barbarossa’s expedition to the Holy Land in 1189/90, and he furnished the
first contemporary account of the Livonian Crusade at the beginning of the
thirteenth century. While this last is relatively brief, it was written no later
than 1210 and thus antedates the much better-known chronicle of Henry of
Livonia by at least fifteen years. Given the extent of English-language scholar-
ship on the Crusades, and increasingly on that movement in the Baltic region
as well as in the eastern Mediterranean, it is, therefore, surprising that
Arnold’s chronicle is not better known among the Anglophone scholarly com-
munity. But, in addition, his chronicle is a crucial contemporary source for
the history of Staufen Germany. It provides the fullest contemporary account
of the downfall of Henry the Lion in 1179–81 and of the disputes that
wracked Saxony in the years immediately after that. There is much informa-
tion about the problems within the German Church in the wake of the long
papal schism caused by the double election of 1159. The chronicle is also
a key source for the German civil war after the disputed election to the king-
ship in 1198, as well as for the relations between Germany and Denmark in
the time of Waldemar the Great and his sons. For Arnold, writing in Lübeck
at the foot of the Schleswig-Holstein isthmus, the kings of Denmark were just
as much a factor in the politics of the region as were the German rulers, who
only rarely intervened directly in the north. Furthermore, Arnold saw himself
as continuing the work of the earlier chronicler of Holstein and the German-
Slav frontier Helmold of Bosau. His chronicle therefore began its coverage in
the year when Helmold’s work ceased, 1172. Given that Helmold’s chronicle
has long been available in English translation, and is (rightly) seen as a crucial
2 Introduction

source for the advance of Christianity across the German frontier and along
the Baltic during the twelfth century, a translation into English of the work of
his successor is certainly overdue.1

The life and work of Abbot Arnold

We are fortunate that, in contrast to many other medieval authors, we know

at least a certain amount about Arnold’s career beyond what can be gleaned
from his writings. While some of his ‘biography’ can only be inferred, and
quite a lot of what is suggested here remains hypothetical, there is at least
a little evidence on which one can base the discussion. Unfortunately some of
this evidence, particularly for his early life, remains ambiguous. Thus
a cleric called Arnold first appears at Lübeck in November 1170 as
a witness to a charter of its bishop, Conrad, where he was described as
custos (perhaps treasurer), presumably of the cathedral chapter. The name
Arnold was a relatively unusual one, and it seems to be generally agreed
that this custos was the future chronicler.2 After the death of Bishop
Conrad in the Holy Land in 1172, Arnold the custos was one of the canons
who chose as his successor Abbot Henry of the monastery of St Giles,
Brunswick, and then persuaded Henry the Lion to agree to their choice.3
Then, when in 1177 Bishop Henry founded a new Benedictine monastery,
dedicated to St John, in Lübeck, we are told by the chronicler that: ‘the
solemn consecration took place on St Giles’s day [1st September], with the
bishop being assisted by Ethelon the provost of the cathedral, along with
Otto the dean, Arnold the custos and the other canons’. These same capitu-
lar officials were named as witnesses in the foundation charter of the mon-
astery issued by the bishop.4
Yet here we have a problem. There is a brief later account of the founda-
tion, contained within a list of the abbots of the monastery of St John, which
states that Abbot Arnold and certain other brothers were summoned by
Bishop Henry from the Benedictine monastery at Brunswick to man the
new monastic house at Lübeck, bringing with them books and relics to
equip this foundation. This notice was then copied into a chronicle from
Cismar (to which the monastic community had by then moved), the
Historia de Duce H(e)inrico, itself heavily dependant upon Arnold the

1
The Chronicle of the Slavs by Helmold, Priest of Bosau, trans. Francis
J. Tschan (New York 1935).
2
Urkundenbuch des Bistums Lübeck, i, ed. Wilhelm Leverkus (Codex Diplomat-
icus Lubecensis, Ser. II(i), Oldenburg 1856), p. 14 no. 9. Arnoldi Chronica, p. 2.
3
Below, Bk. I.13.
4
Bk. II.5, below p. 67. Das Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i (1139–1470)
(Codex Diplomaticus Lubecensis, Ser. I(i), Lübeck 1843), 7–8 no. 5.
 Introduction 3

chronicler’s work.5 There can be no doubt that Arnold was the first
abbot of the new foundation, for this is expressly stated in a charter of
Henry’s successor, Bishop Dietrich, from May 1201, which confirmed
a sale to the abbey by Count Adolf III of Holstein.6 Arnold was also
named as abbot in an early, although undated, charter of the abbey,
which was probably drawn up c.1183.7 Furthermore, in the closing para-
graph of his other known literary work, the Deeds of Gregory the
Sinner, he said that he had been educated from boyhood at Brunswick.8
The problem is clear. Were Arnold the custos and Abbot Arnold one
and the same person, and, if so, how can one explain this apparently dis-
cordant evidence? That the chronicler had been educated at Brunswick
does not, of course, mean that he could not have been a member of the
cathedral chapter at Lübeck – particularly since that see was only a decade
old in 1170. Nor do the two mentions of Arnold the custos in the third
person in the chronicle obviate him being its writer – such a practice was
common among medieval authors, and at one later point in the chronicle
Arnold neutrally mentions the abbot of the monastery of St John without
specifying that this was indeed him.9 The fact that Arnold the custos was
mentioned twice in the chronicle might even be taken as a subtle signal
that he was the author. But, if he was still a cathedral canon in 1177 when
the monastery was founded, how can he have become its first abbot? Fur-
thermore, the chronicler showed some interest in, and knowledge of, the
monastery of St Giles at Brunswick, which might be taken as an indication
that he had indeed once had some connection with that community.10
Any attempt to reconcile this seemingly discordant evidence must be
extremely tentative – and, assuming that the two were the same man, no
solution is wholly satisfactory. It may be that at some stage after 1173, and
under the influence of the former abbot and now bishop, Henry, Arnold
the custos became a monk at St Giles, from whence he was recalled to
become the first abbot of the new house at Lübeck. Could he have retained
his position in the chapter, as perhaps an honorary canon, in the mean-
while? Alternatively, Bishop Henry chose him directly from the chapter as
a suitable person to become the first abbot of his new foundation, to head

5
Series Abbatum Sancti Iohannis Lubicensis et Cismariensium, MGH SS
xiii.348; the Historia is quoted by Schilling in his introduction to Arnold von Lübeck,
Gesta Gregorii Peccatoris. Untersuchungen und Edition, ed. Johannes Schilling (Göt-
tingen 1986), p. 13.
6
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i.13–14 no. 9.
7
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i.8–9 no. 6.
8
Gesta Gregorii Peccatoris, p. 177.
9
Bk. II.21.
10
Bk. VI.4.
4 Introduction

a community, probably to begin with very small, drawn from the monks of
Brunswick. In that case, he must have been tonsured as a monk and then
immediately appointed abbot. If that were so, then the compiler of the late
thirteenth-century list of abbots must have assumed that he had been
a monk at St Giles, since the other monks had come from there. One small
indication that this latter case may be the more probable is that Arnold
himself said that he had been educated at Brunswick (which could well
have been at the monastery of St Giles), but did not say that he had
become a monk there. And since Lübeck in 1177 was in a region only
recently Christianised, and the new monastery was the first Benedictine
house to be established north of the Elbe,11 might the bishop have been
more prepared to install a secular cleric as abbot than in other, more
‘normal’ circumstances?
Nothing is known for certain about Abbot Arnold’s family background,
although it has been suggested that, like so many inhabitants of Holstein
at this period, he was an immigrant, the son of a minor nobleman from
Dorstadt in Frisia, also called Arnold, who served as Barbarossa’s podestà
(governor) in Piacenza in northern Italy from 1162 to 1168/9. Should this
identification be correct, then three of his brothers can also be identified.
The case remains, however, no more than plausible supposition, based
once again on the coincidence of a relatively uncommon personal name.12
Apart from the charter of Bishop Dietrich in 1201, there are a few other
documentary references to our abbot. In that same year he and his monas-
tery received a charter from Archbishop Hartwig II of Bremen, similarly
confirming Count Adolf’s sale of the vill of Kühresdorf to it.13 During his
long abbacy, his monastery received no less than four papal privileges, the
earliest of which was from Celestine III in May 1191, which may be taken
as a sign of its growing prosperity and importance. Arnold also acted as
a papal judge delegate to decide a disputed election to the bishopric of
Schwerin in 1193/5.14 Otherwise we know of him only from his appearances
as a witness in several charters concerning the cathedral chapter at Lübeck

11
Volker Scior, Das Eigene und das Fremde. Identität und Fremdheit in den
Chroniken Adams von Bremem, Helmolds von Bosau und Arnolds von Lübeck (Berlin
2002), p. 238.
12
Berndt U. Hucker, Kaiser Otto IV (Hanover 1990), pp. 405, 432–3. Scior, Das
Eigene und das Fremde, pp. 223–4, sounds a note of caution here. For Arnold the
podestà, Das Geschichtswerk des Otto Morena und seiner Fortsetzer, ed. Ferdinand
Güterbock (MGH SRG, Berlin 1930), pp. 162, 177.
13
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i.15 no. 10.
14
Germania Pontificia, vi Provincia Hammaburgo-Bremensis, ed. Wolfgang See-
grün and Theodor Schieffer (Göttingen 1981), p. 151; Scior, Das Eigene und das
Fremde, p. 244.
 Introduction 5

between 1197 and c.1210.15 He was therefore abbot of the monastery of St

John for about thirty-five years, before his death on 27 June of an
unknown year, but which may well have been 1212.16 It may be significant,
and not simply a matter of scribal omission, that no abbot was named in
a charter of King Waldemar II of Denmark, confirming gifts to the monastery
by his son-in-law Count Albrecht of Orlamunde, on 23 May 1213.17 Certainly
by the next year Arnold had been succeeded by the second abbot, Gerhard.18
The last event described in the chronicle was the coronation of Otto IV as
emperor in October 1209, and it is probable that the work was completed
within a few months of that ceremony, and at the latest in the summer of
1210. There is no mention in the chronicle of the breach between emperor
and pope that developed within a few months of the coronation, and cul-
minated in Otto’s excommunication in November 1210, nor of the pope’s
translation of Bishop Gerhard of Osnabrück to the archbishopric of Bremen
in the autumn of that year, or of the papal judgement in October 1210
which decided the dispute between the bishop of Riga and the Swordbrothers
to which Arnold alluded in the chronicle.19 Perhaps even more notable is that
the chronicle made no mention of the death of Bishop Dietrich of Lübeck,
not only his own diocesan but a prelate of whom Arnold thought well, on
21 August 1210. The assumption must be, therefore, that it was finished
before that date.20 Similarly there is no allusion to the expedition to Livonia
in 1211 by Bishop Philip of Ratzeburg, to whom the chronicle was dedicated,
having taken place, although if preparations for that expedition were already
underway this may well explain the choice of dedicatee.21 Given the length
and complexity of his chronicle, it is quite possible that Arnold had begun
writing it some years earlier. The only other indication of this comes with the

15
Urkundenbuch des Bistums Lübeck, i.21–2 no. 18, 25–8 nos 20–1, 31–2 no. 36
(this last document undated, but c.1210).
16
Scior, Das Eigene und das Fremde, p. 224.
17
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i.21 no. 14.
18
Urkundenbuch des Bistums Lübeck, i.32–3 no. 28.
19
Bk. V.30, p. 226 below.
20
The year is given by the Annales Stadenses, MGH SS xvi.355, the day by the
necrologies of Cismar and Bremen cathedral, B.U. Hucker, ‘Die Chronik von
Arnolds von Lübeck als “Historia Regum”’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des
Mittelalters 44 (1988), 111–15 offers an exhaustive review of this evidence.
21
The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia. Henricus Lettus, trans. James
A. Brundage (2nd ed., New York 2003), pp. 96, 109, 114. Hucker, ‘Die Chronik von
Arnolds’, p. 113, points out that Bishop Philip was in Italy at the emperor’s court in
May 1210, and cannot have returned home before mid-July at the earliest. He cannot
therefore have received a presentation copy of the chronicle before then, but this cir-
cumstance is hardly sufficient to invalidate the arguments above concerning its date
of completion.
6 Introduction

lengthy report by Frederick I’s ambassador to Saladin of his journey in

the Middle East in 1175, which was inserted quite out of its correct
chronological place in the seventh and last book of the chronicle, amid
the events of the year 1207.22 This was presumably because this docu-
ment had only just come to Arnold’s attention, and he copied it into
his chronicle as soon as he could, even though it interrupted his discus-
sion of changes within the German episcopate in 1207. This is not to
suggest that this section was written in that year – indeed since it came
towards the end of the work he may have here been writing not long
before 1209/10. But the chronicle was clearly already complete up to
that point, and Arnold chose to insert this tract here, and not to
attempt to incorporate it earlier in the work where it would more logic-
ally have been placed, perhaps at the end of Book I.
Apart from his chronicle, Abbot Arnold wrote one other work, a transla-
tion into Latin verse, with the title The Deeds of Gregory the Sinner, of the
Gregorius of Hartmann von Aue, a German poem by one of the great ver-
nacular poets of the time. This translation was dedicated to William of
Brunswick, the fourth and youngest son of Henry the Lion, who appears to
have shared the literary interests of his parents and their patronage of
Minnesänger.23 William died on 13 December 1213, so the Latin poem must
have been completed before that date – this terminus ante quem fits with the
probable date of Arnold’s death. The modern editor of this text suggests that
the translation was made after the completion of the chronicle. The main
basis for this opinion comes in the dedication, where Arnold referred to the
‘little work’ (opusculum) in which he had described the ‘deeds of courage
and works of piety’, and death, of William’s father.24 This would seem to
be an unequivocal reference to the chronicle. But Arnold did not expressly
state here that he had presented a copy of the completed work to the duke’s
son; given what has already been suggested about the time involved in writ-
ing, he could have been referring to a work in progress, albeit substantially
advanced (up to at least book V, where Henry the Lion’s death was reported).
We should also note that if Arnold did indeed die in June 1212, rather than
1213, the time period for writing this further work after the completion of the
chronicle was tight, particularly since, as Arnold admitted in his introduction,
‘this work which you have enjoined upon us, to translate from German into
Latin, is extremely burdensome for us, because we are not accustomed to
reading such things and we are made apprehensive by the unknown form of

22
Bk. VII.8, see pp. 272–83.
23
For this patronage by his parents, Karl Jordan, Henry the Lion, trans. P.S.
Falla (Oxford 1986), pp. 208–13; Joachim Ehlers, Heinrich der Löwe. Eine Biographie
(Munich 2008), pp. 294–302. For William, see below Bk. VI.15, and note 61.
24
Gesta Gregorius Peccator, p. 177.
 Introduction 7

speech’.25 Since the German original was written c.1190 it seems quite possible
that this translation was actually made, or at least commenced, somewhat
earlier, although presumably only during William’s adulthood – after his mar-
riage to the sister of the king of Denmark in 1202 (William was born in 1184).
The poet Hartmann was apparently still alive c.1210; this Latin translation
may well, therefore, have been begun during his lifetime.
The Gregorius is a lurid, not to say unlikely tale of a nobleman born of an
incestuous union, brought up by fishermen, who eventually marries his own
mother and, on finding out the horrible truth, has himself chained to a rock
on the seashore there to do penance for his sins in perpetuity. He not only
survives this ordeal, but is eventually and miraculously elected pope. He then
proves an exemplary pontiff, ‘a doctor of souls’, kind to the poor, gently
reproving sinners and hearing the confession of his penitent mother.26 We
cannot know whether the earlier and more scandalous parts of this poem
were to Arnold’s taste, but as one whose conscience was troubled by his own
sins he must have concurred with the moral of the tale, that ‘So with purity of
heart you will find the Lord, and the clear light of God will put the darkness
of sins to flight, and the sun of justice will give unto you full understanding’.27
Without making significant changes to the story, Arnold did anyway subtly
alter Hartmann’s poem to give a more clerical and theological slant to
a layman’s work, emphasising the significance of God’s grace and also toning
down the specifically ministerial standpoint of the German text and the criti-
cism there directed towards the higher nobility.28
For all his protestations of modesty here, which were anyway directed at his
source material rather than his own lack of expertise, it is clear that Arnold
was an accomplished versifier. The octosyllabic rhyming couplets of the Gre-
gorius were a clever attempt to reproduce the rhythm and sound of the
German original, which was also in rhyming couplets. Arnold’s poetic skill
can also be seen from the poems included in the chronicle, notably those to
mark the deaths of Henry the Lion and Philip of Swabia, both in dactylic
hexameters.29 The odd lines of poetry he quoted elsewhere, the source of
which cannot be identified, as, for example, the single-line hexameter about
the virtue of Cnut of Denmark included in his (very positive) description of

25
Gesta Gregorius Peccator, pp. 14, 67 (quote).
26
Ibid., pp. 171–5.
27
Ibid., p. 176: Sic ergo cordis puritas, / ut dominum invenias, / et peccatorum
tenebras / dei fugabit claritas / et dabit sol iusticie / tibi plene cognoscere. For Arnold’s
own sense of sin, see Bk. III.10 below.
28
Bernward Plate, ‘Gregorius Peccator. Hartmann von Aue und Arnold von
Lübeck’, Mittellateinische Jahrbuch 28 (1994), 67–90, who makes a close textual com-
parison between the two versions.
29
Bks V.24, VII.12.
8 Introduction

the Danish kingdom, were almost certainly his own work.30 This reflects the
excellent education that he must have received at Brunswick. The chronicle
shows him not just to be steeped in the Bible, as one might expect, but also to
be well-read in Latin classical authors, and especially the poets of the
Augustan age, notably Horace, Ovid and Vergil.31 His interest in the classics
can also be seen in his inclusion in his chronicle of the letter of the chancellor,
Conrad of Hildesheim, describing southern Italy and its wonders, a text
steeped in classical learning, both literary and legendary.32

Lübeck in the time of Arnold

The cultural sophistication of our author reminds us that, although he spent

most of his adult life in a small city on the frontiers of Christendom that had
only been founded a few years before his birth, he was part of the mainstream
clerical and intellectual culture of his time. Yet it is worth remembering how
relatively new the city of Lübeck was, and while clearly prospering it was not
yet the economic and political force that it was to become in the later Middle
Ages when it was one of the largest towns in medieval Germany and leader of
the Hanseatic League.
Lübeck was a ‘new town’, founded by Count Adolf II of Holstein in 1143.
(Arnold would seem to have been born c.1150 or slightly earlier.) Built on an
island between the Rivers Trave and Wakenitz, and near the ruins of an old
Slav fortress, it was intended as a defensible base, market centre and port for
the settlers, many of whom were from the Netherlands, whom Adolf had
introduced into the region.33 Its early history was troubled. The town was
attacked by the Slavs in 1147 and many of its inhabitants killed, it became
a cause for dispute between Count Adolf and Duke Henry, with the latter
demanding a share of its revenues, and was then burned down in a fire in
1157. Soon afterwards the duke persuaded, or rather pressurised Adolf to
transfer the site to him, probably in return for some monetary compensation.
Having done so, he encouraged the rebuilding of the ruined town and did
what he could to encourage trade there. A couple of years later, with the
duke’s agreement, Bishop Gerold of Oldenburg transferred the seat of his dio-
cese from its historic, but now desolate, site to Lübeck.34

30
Bk. III.5.
31
Gesta Gregorius Peccator, p. 15.
32
Bk. V.19.
33
Helmold, Cronaca, I.57, pp. 111–12, trans. Tschan, pp. 168–9.
34
Helmold, Cronaca, I.63, 86, 90, pp. 119–20, 168–9, 175–6, trans. Tschan,
pp. 177–8, 228–9, 236. Jordan, Henry the Lion, pp. 69–72. Oldenburg was, in Helmold’s
words, ‘entirely deserted, having neither walls nor an inhabitant, only a little chapel
 Introduction 9

Lübeck really took shape from 1160 onwards. The original wooden cath-
edral, built on the southern tip of the island, was rebuilt in stone after 1173.
Soon afterwards Bishop Henry founded the monastery of St John, the first
Benedictine house north of the Elbe, the precinct of which was established on
the eastern, Wakenitz, side of the island. The main marketplace was sited west
of that precinct and a town hall established there c.1200. The harbour was
enlarged and rebuilt c.1216, by which time the town was already expanding
beyond its original walls, and stone houses were beginning to appear in the
largely wooden city. A new town hall was built in the 1230s. Intensive archaeo-
logical investigation since the Second World War has confirmed that Lübeck
in the time of Abbot Arnold and beyond was indeed a boom-town.35
Alongside the physical and economic development of the city went that of
its privileged status. Henry the Lion undoubtedly granted a charter of liber-
ties to the town, but the text of this no longer survives. Its terms were, how-
ever, confirmed and extended by Frederick Barbarossa in September 1188.
In a privilege granted at the request of his two main allies in this northern
region, Counts Adolf III of Holstein and Bernhard of Ratzeburg, he set out
the bounds of the city’s territory and confirmed the citizens’ rights to the use
of meadows and woods, fishing and pasture, this last including grazing
rights in the lands of Count Adolf. Its merchants were exempted from most
tolls, as were foreign merchants coming to the city. Unfortunately, however,
the surviving text of this document has probably been interpolated, and thus
the original privilege may not have been quite as generous as it now seems,
although the modern editor of Barbarossa’s charters had no doubts that the
pseudo-original that we now possess, the diplomatic of which is impeccable,
was based upon a genuine privilege of the same date.36 Furthermore, King
Waldemar II of Denmark confirmed the rights and freedoms of Lübeck in
August 1203 after his takeover of the city, although his privilege did not go
into detail as to what these were – it simply confirmed that they existed.37
Fortunately there are no doubts as to the genuineness of the privilege granted
to Lübeck by Frederick II in June 1226, giving it the status of an imperial free
city, directly dependant on the emperor (the status that is known in German
as Reichsunmittelbarkeit). The citizens were to be permitted to have a mint,
for which they were to pay him 60 marks a year, but they were freed from
various other dues and exactions, and especially those previously levied by the

which Vicelin of sacred memory had erected there’, Cronaca, I.83, p. 158, trans. Tschan,
p. 217.
35
Matthias Hardt, ‘Lübeck in der Zeit Arnolds’, in Die Chronik Arnolds von
Lübeck. Neue Wege zu ihrem Verständnis, ed. Stephan Freund and Bernd Schütte
(Frankfurt 2008), pp. 175–89.
36
Dipl. Fred. I, iv.263–7 no. 981. See in particular Prof. Appelt’s remarks on p. 263.
37
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i.16 no. 11.
10 Introduction

citizens of Cologne on trade with England, from the levying of the Ungelt (an
excise tax) within Saxony, and protecting their property in case of
shipwreck.38 Lübeck never possessed as large or as coherent a dependant ter-
ritory as some other major German cities,39 but the basis of its later power
and prosperity was certainly established around the time of Abbot Arnold. To
what extent he himself identified with the city is a good question – he
reported, for example, the citizens complaining of Count Adolf’s ‘tyranny
over us’, apparently approvingly, but this was at least ostensibly their view
rather than his.40 He recorded too, seemingly with great pride, that four hun-
dred of ‘the most worthy men of Lübeck’ were ‘inspired from on high’ and
enlisted in the Crusade launched by Henry VI in 1197.41 He certainly devoted
considerable attention to the city’s role in the political struggles of the day,
although that may have reflected its importance for control of the region
rather than simply, or only, his loyalty to his adopted home.
One development soon after his death would, however, have saddened
him, lamenting as he did in the chronicle that monks often failed to show
proper obedience.42 After a long-running quarrel between his successor but
one as abbot and his monks, and the failure of efforts by the bishop and
the civic authorities to resolve the dispute, the monastic community of
St John was persuaded to abandon its site within the city, and at some
time between 1245 and 1256 the monastery moved to Cismar in the county
of Oldenburg, some 30 km north of Lübeck, where it remained until its
dissolution during the Reformation. The abandoned buildings in the city
were then taken over by Cistercian nuns.43

38
Quellen zur deutschen Verfassungs-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte bis 1250,
ed. L. Weinrich (Darmstadt 1977), pp. 410–16 [also in Historia Diplomatica Friderici
Secundi, ed. J.L.A. Huillard-Bréholles (6 vols in 11 parts, Paris 1852–61), ii(2).625–9].
See the appendix, pp. 303–6 below. Frederick II and his advisers clearly disliked the
Ungelt, and indeed he tried to forbid it completely in his Mainz Land Peace of 1235
(translated in The Origins of the German Principalities, 1100–1235. Essays by German
Historians, ed. G.A. Loud and Jochen Schenk (London 2017), pp. 357–65 appendix
(e), at p. 360). For the mint, Norbert Kamp, Moneta Regis. Königliche Münzstätten
und königliche Münzpolitik in der Stauferzeit (Hanover 2006), pp. 219–22, 400–1.
39
Gabriel Zeilinger, ‘Urban lordships’, in The Origins of the German Principal-
ities, pp. 60–7, especially p. 65.
40
Bk. V.12, below p. 176.
41
Bk. V.25, below p. 208.
42
Bk. III.10, below pp. 111–14.
43
Quite when the transfer took place is not clear. A proposal to transfer the
monks to a new site outside the city ‘because of the lack of temporal possessions and
disciplinary problems’ had been approved by Archbishop Gerhard II of Bremen as
early as 1231, Mecklenburgische Urkundenbuch i (Schwerin 1863), 206 no. 126. Yet
despite the use of the past tense, transtulit (‘has transferred’) in this document, the
 Introduction 11

Why did Arnold write his chronicle?

Arnold stated explicitly in the preface to his chronicle that it was his inten-
tion to continue and complete the work of his predecessor Helmold of
Bosau. The latter, an Augustinian canon, became parish priest at Bosau on
the Plöner See, some 40 km north-west of Lübeck, in or soon after 1156.
This was a key centre for the conversion of the local Slav inhabitants of
Wagria, especially after the transfer of the episcopal see from Oldenburg to
Lübeck, and Helmold was undoubtedly active in this role. It was this that
led him to write his history:

Nothing more fitting came to mind than that I should write in the praise
of the conversion of the Slavic race, that is to say of the kings and
preachers by whose assiduity the Christian religion was first planted in
these parts.44

Although the early part of his chronicle was largely drawn from Adam of Bre-
men’s earlier history of that see, the greater part of Helmold’s book is both
original and has a strong thematic unity. He did indeed write what he set out
to do. He wrote most of his chronicle during the years 1163–8, and his ori-
ginal draft ended with the death of Bishop Gerold of Oldenburg/Lübeck in
1163, but he subsequently extended his coverage up to 1171/2. He dedicated
his work to the canons of Lübeck. Helmold died after 1177, and one should
note that Arnold knew him personally, for Helmold was one of the witnesses
listed in the foundation charter of the monastery of St John in that year – this
is the last record of him.45

monks clearly had not yet moved and a charter of February 1232 shows them still to
have been in the city. After an inquiry ordered by the archbishop into the internal
problems within the monastery, the abbot agreed to Bishop John I’s plan for the
move (which included compensation for the monks’ property inside the city) in Jan-
uary 1245, and the cathedral chapter signified its agreement the next month. It may
be that the transfer followed soon after that time, but the first clear evidence for the
new monastery at Cismar comes only in March 1256 when Bishop John II mediated
in a property dispute between the monks and the nuns who had succeeded them,
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i.62 no. 52, 102–4 no. 104, 106 no. 108, 206–7 no.
226. I am grateful to Sebastian Modrow for his help on this issue. While Arnold
would undoubtedly have disapproved of the internal strife within the monastery, it
may also be significant that he did not mention the foundation in 1189 of the first
Cistercian monastery in the diocese of Lübeck in his chronicle, Scior, Das Eigene und
das Fremde, pp. 242–3.
44
Helmold, Cronaca, p. 1, trans. Tschan, p. 43.
45
Scior, Das Eigene und das Fremde, pp. 138–42. For the charter, above, note 4.
12 Introduction

Arnold might therefore seem to have made his intentions clear in his
preface, when he wrote that:

Since the priest Helmold of good memory died before he completed, as

he intended, his histories of the subjection and conversion of the Slavs,
and the deeds of the bishops through whose efforts the churches of these
regions grew stronger, we have decided with the help of God to embark
on this work, so that those of us also helping in such a work of pious
devotion and supported by your prayers may share in his blessed
memory.46

Arnold clearly knew Helmold’s chronicle well. We find occasional linguistic

borrowings from it in his own work, such as the phrase ‘it is memorable to
every age’ (which Helmold himself had lifted from Adam of Bremen),47 and
the metonymy ‘a new light arose’, which Arnold used twice, both with
regard to the Welfs, for the reconciliation of Henry the Lion’s eldest son
Henry with the emperor in 1194, and for the success of his brother Otto IV
in 1208. Helmold had used this image to describe the election of their great-
grandfather Lothar as king in 1125.48 And while this was not a direct lin-
guistic transfer, Arnold’s reference to Henry the Lion taming the ‘obstinacy’
(duritia) of the Slavs was surely written with Helmold in mind.49 The two
works were certainly seen as a pair by later generations. All the surviving
manuscripts of Helmold’s work also contain that of Arnold. But it was only
in the early fifteenth century that the two works together were described by
the title Chronica Slavorum, which was subsequently employed by early
modern editors and came into general parlance after it was used for the
nineteenth-century editions in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica series.50

46
Below, p. 38. Schmeidler, the modern editor of Helmold, speculated that
the author had intended to add a third book to his chronicle, covering the epis-
copate of Henry of Lübeck. If so, this was never written, but this intention
could be why Arnold thought Helmold’s work to be unfinished, Helmold, Cro-
naca, introduction, p. ix.
47
Bk. I.10 (Latin text, Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum, p. 26), cf. Helmold, Cronaca,
I.22, p. 45, trans. Tschan, p. 97 (where the phrase is rendered as ‘forever memorable’).
Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesie, ed. Bernhard Schmeidler (MGH
SRG, Hanover 1917), III.50, p. 193.
48
Bks V.20, VII.15, below pp. 196–7, 293. Cf. Helmold, Cronaca, I.41, p. 83,
trans. Tschan, p. 139.
49
Scior, Das Eigene und das Fremde, pp. 287–8.
50
Hucker, ‘Die Chronik von Arnolds von Lübeck als “Historia Regum”’,
pp. 99–100; Helmut G. Walther, ‘Die handscriftliche Uberlieferung der Chronik
Arnolds von Lübeck’, in Die Chronik Arnolds von Lübeck. Neue Wege zu ihrem Ver-
ständnis [above note 35], p. 11.
 Introduction 13

While there is thus no justification for assuming that either author

would have employed this title, it is nevertheless an appropriate one for the
chronicle of Helmold who, as he set out to do, devoted the overwhelming
part of his work to describing how the Slavs of Holstein, Wagria and
Mecklenburg were persuaded to convert to Christianity. It is far less appro-
priate for Arnold’s chronicle, the focus of which is much more diffuse, both
thematically and geographically. What therefore did Arnold intend his
chronicle to be about, and, indeed, what might be a more suitable title
than the traditional ‘Chronicle of the Slavs’? One should note that two of
the surviving manuscripts, including the only one actually from Lübeck
itself, carry the title Historia de Duce Heinrico, and this same title was
adopted by the chronicle based on Arnold’s work that was written at
St Giles, Brunswick, after 1283.51 Yet this is almost equally misleading, for
while Henry the Lion dominates the first two books of the chronicle, after
his deposition and exile in 1180/1 thereafter he is only intermittently men-
tioned and his death was recorded towards the end of Book V, just under
two-thirds of the way through the work.
There are references, mainly in the seventh and last book of the chron-
icle, to a narratio regum or a historia regum and this has led one modern
German scholar to suggest that Arnold’s work was actually intended to be
a ‘history of the kings’.52 But while such a title might be appropriate for
the last two books, much of which are indeed devoted to the dispute about
the throne between the rival kings Philip of Swabia and Otto of Brunswick
after the two separate royal elections of 1198, one can hardly argue that
either of the two previous rulers, Frederick Barbarossa or Henry VI, plays
a central role in the narrative. They were, after all, only relatively rarely
involved in the affairs of northern Germany, even though Arnold did take
some account of their doings elsewhere, notably of Barbarossa’s stormy
relations with the papacy in the 1180s and his Crusade in 1189–90. But
after the disastrous failure of the Roman expedition of 1167, Barbarossa’s
itinerary within Germany had contracted and he spent most of his time
there south of the River Main. Nor, indeed, did north German princes and
aristocrats often attend his court – indeed princely attendance as a whole
declined quite significantly after 1167.53 It seems, therefore, more probable
that when Arnold wrote of this ‘history/story’ of the kings he was thinking
of this more restricted sense of his particular discussion of the throne

51
Walther, ‘Die handscriftliche Uberlieferung’, pp. 8–9. Cf. Lappenberg’s intro-
duction to the MGH SS edition, MGH SS xxi.112.
52
Bks VII.1, 8, pp. 261, 272. Hucker, ‘Die Chronik von Arnolds von Lübeck
als “Historia Regum”’, especially pp. 103–10.
53
John B. Freed, Frederick Barbarossa. The Prince and the Myth (New Haven
2016), pp. 349–50, 444–5, 517.
14 Introduction

dispute after 1198 – ‘now let us return to continue our account of the
kings’54 – rather than this being the overall theme of his work. Hence
other students of this text have remained unconvinced by this theory that
it was a ‘royal history’.55
Nor can Arnold’s work realistically be seen as a chronicle of the Welfs
(as opposed to simply one of Duke Henry). Arnold did, of course, have
close connections to the Welf family via his earlier education in Brunswick,
which remained in their hands after the crisis of 1180/1 and thereafter
became the centre of their much-reduced lordship. He devoted considerable
attention to the family throughout his chronicle, and was generally sympa-
thetic towards them. His translation of the Gregorius was, as we have seen,
done for one of Henry the Lion’s sons. It has even been suggested that he
was responsible for the dedicatory poem in the Gospel Book of Henry the
Lion, although since this de luxe manuscript was produced at the monas-
tery of Helmarshausen, some 250 km south of Lübeck, probably in the late
1180s, this supposition seems unlikely and has found little favour.56 There
is no doubt that Arnold thought well of Henry the Lion, whom he praised
in his prologue as ‘the man who tamed the obstinacy of the Slavs more
than all those who had come before him’ and who was responsible for
their conversion to the true faith. He repeated this tribute on the occasion
of the duke’s death, praising him there as ‘another Solomon’.57 His opinion
of Henry was, if anything, more enthusiastic than that earlier expressed by
Helmold, who on occasion criticised the duke for being more concerned
with increasing his own temporal power and wealth than in fostering the
work of conversion.58 Arnold also contrasted Henry’s rule as duke with
that of his successor Bernhard of Anhalt, under whom Saxony was riven
with internal disputes, the comparison being very much to the latter’s dis-
advantage. Henry was a dynamic ruler who upheld law and order, Bern-
hard was dilatory and sluggish.59 The chronicle concluded with the general

54
Below, p. 261.
55
For example, Scior, Das Eigene und das Fremde, pp. 254–6 and idem
‘Zwischen terra nostra und terra sancta. Arnold von Lübeck als Geschichtsschreiber’,
in Die Chronik Arnolds von Lübeck. Neue Wege zu ihrem Verständnis, pp. 149–74;
Thomas Riis, ‘Monasteries and cultural centres: the case of Schleswig-Holstein with
Lübeck and Hamburg’, in Monastic Culture: The Long Thirteenth Century. Essays in
Honour of Brian Patrick McGuire (Odense 2014), pp. 102–17, at 108–111.
56
Scior, Das Eigene und das Fremde, p. 227, with references to earlier literature,
but see Jordan, Henry the Lion, pp. 206–7. Ehlers, Heinrich der Löwe, pp. 313–16,
discusses this manuscript at some length, but without ascribing authorship.
57
Bk. V.24.
58
Helmold, Cronaca, I.68, 84, pp. 129, 164, trans. Tschan, pp. 187–8, 221–2.
59
Bk. III. 1. Scior, Das Eigene und das Fremde, pp. 236–7.
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