The Quality of European Societies: A

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Eduardo Bericat
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Social Indicators Research Series 75

Eduardo Bericat
María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo Editors

The Quality
of European
Societies
A Compilation of Composite Indicators
Social Indicators Research Series

Volume 75

Series Editor
Alex C. Michalos, Faculty of Arts Office, Brandon University, Brandon, Manitoba,
Canada

Editors
Ed Diener, University of Illinois, Champaign, USA
Wolfgang Glatzer, J.W. Goethe University, Frankfurt am Main, Germany
Torbjorn Moum, University of Oslo, Blindern, Oslo, Norway
Mirjam A. G. Sprangers, University of Amsterdam, Leiden, The Netherlands
Joachim Vogel, Central Bureau of Statistics, Stockholm, Sweden
Ruut Veenhoven, Erasmus University, Rotterdam, The Netherlands
This series aims to provide a public forum for single treatises and collections of
papers on social indicators research that are too long to be published in our journal
Social Indicators Research. Like the journal, the book series deals with statistical
assessments of the quality of life from a broad perspective. It welcomes the research
on a wide variety of substantive areas, including health, crime, housing, education,
family life, leisure activities, transportation, mobility, economics, work, religion and
environmental issues. These areas of research will focus on the impact of key issues
such as health on the overall quality of life and vice versa. An international review
board, consisting of Ruut Veenhoven, Joachim Vogel, Ed Diener, Torbjorn Moum,
Mirjam A.G. Sprangers and Wolfgang Glatzer, will ensure the high quality of the
series as a whole.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/6548

Eduardo Bericat • María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo
Editors

The Quality of European

Societies
A Compilation of Composite Indicators
Editors
Eduardo Bericat María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo
Department of Sociology Department of Sociology
Universidad de Sevilla Universidad de Sevilla
Seville, Spain Seville, Spain

ISSN 1387-6570 ISSN 2215-0099 (electronic)

Social Indicators Research Series
ISBN 978-3-030-05022-1 ISBN 978-3-030-05023-8 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05023-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2019933555

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019

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Foreword

This book on The Quality of European Societies: A Compilation of Composite

Indicators – edited by Eduardo Bericat and María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo – is a
long-awaited and unique volume. To the best of my knowledge, there is no other
publication existing as yet that presents and reviews the currently available com-
posite measures of individual quality of life as well as the quality of society in such a
comprehensive and systematic way. The book impressively approves what Kenneth
Land – one of the pioneers in Social Indicators Research – had predicted almost two
decades ago: “With the tremendous increase in the richness of social data
available . . ., a new generation of researchers has returned to the task of summary
index construction. The field of social indicators probably will see several decades of
such index construction and competition among various indices - with a
corresponding need for careful assessments which indices have substantive validity
in the assessment of the quality of life and its changes over time and social space”
(Land 2000). In various parts of the book, the “careful assessment of indices”, that
Land is asking for, has actually been done. But moreover, the systematic compilation
as well as detailed characterisation of more than 70 composite indicators, which the
book contains, prepares the ground and invites other researchers for a rigorous
review and analysis of recent work on composite well-being indicators, both meth-
odologically as well as substantially.
The 73 composite indicators are allocated to altogether 14 life domains, each of
them considered to address a specific dimension of individual or societal quality of
life. By presenting the composite indicators in such a systematic fashion, the book
also builds a bridge between methodological work on index construction and
substantial research that addresses the question to which extent Europeans are living
in good societies and are enjoying good lives. Beyond the systematic compilation of
available composite indicators, much value is added by the elaborate introductory
chapter, which not only puts the presentation of indicators in a larger framework by
outlining the elements of “a system of indices on the quality of European societies”.
It also picks up many conceptual and methodological issues related to composite
indicators, which are still all but undisputed in current debates.

v
vi Foreword

This new book is certainly a “must read” for all those – researchers, official
statisticians and policy-makers – who are interested in or even in charge of mea-
surement and monitoring of well-being at national or supranational levels. I very
much hope that it will achieve the recognition and success that it deserves.

Formerly Head of the Social Indicator Heinz-Herbert Noll

Research Centre at GESIS – Leibniz
Institute for the Social Sciences,
Mannheim, Germany

Reference

Land, K. (2000). Social indicators. In D. F. Borgatta, R. V. Montgomery (Eds.), Encyclopedia of

Sociology. Revised Edition (pp. 2682–2690). New York: Macmillan.
Acknowledgements

This work was supported by the Ministry of Economics and Competitiveness, Spain,
National Science R&D/Innovation Plan, under Grant ref. CSO2012-35032, Social
Quality in Europe. The Design and Construction of Composite Indices to Measure
and Monitor Quality in European Societies.

vii
Contents

1 Towards a System of Indices on the Quality

of European Societies (SIQES) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Eduardo Bericat, Mercedes Camarero,
and María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo
2 The Quality of European Societies: An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Eduardo Bericat
3 Quality of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Mercedes Camarero
4 Subjective Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Eduardo Bericat
5 Social and Political Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
Mercedes Camarero
6 Cultural Practice, Creativity and Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Manuel Herrera-Usagre
7 Democratic Quality and Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Alex Tusell Collado
8 Consumption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
María Dolores Martín-Lagos
9 Job Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Eduardo Bericat and María Cascales-Mira
10 Environmental Sustainability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Katharina M. K. Stepping
11 Social Equality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo

ix
x Contents

12 Gender Equality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231

Eduardo Bericat and Eva Sánchez-Bermejo
13 Children Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
Juan Miguel Gómez-Espino
14 Elderly Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271
María José Dorado-Rubín and María José Guerrero-Mayo
15 Health Conditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo
16 Crime, Security and Rule of Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Manuel Jesús Caro-Cabrera
Contributors

Editors

Eduardo Bericat Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain

María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain

Authors

Eduardo Bericat Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain

Mercedes Camarero Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville, Spain
Manuel Jesús Caro-Cabrera Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain
María Cascales-Mira Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain
María José Dorado-Rubín Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville, Spain
Juan Miguel Gómez-Espino Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville, Spain
María José Guerrero-Mayo Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville, Spain
Manuel Herrera-Usagre Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville, Spain
María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain
María Dolores Martín-Lagos Universidad de Granada, Granada, Spain
Eva Sánchez-Bermejo Andalusian Employment Service, Seville, Spain
Katharina M. K. Stepping Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE),
Bonn, Germany
Alex Tusell Collado Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain

xi
xii Contributors

Database Administrator

Rubén Martín-Gimeno Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville, Spain

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Information on the composite indicator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Fig. 1.2 Papers on composite indicators registered in Scopus
(fields: article title, abstract and keywords). 1990–2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Fig. 1.3 Typology of indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Fig. 2.1 Clusters of EU countries, based on societal quality. Hierarchical
cluster analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Fig. 2.2 Map of the five Europes. Typology of EU countries, according to
societal quality. (The names for the five clusters are based on the
geographic area that predominates in each one) . . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . 41

xiii
List of Tables

Table 2.1 Domains and composite indicators of societal quality . . . . . . . . . . . 31

Table 2.2 Societal Quality Index of EU countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Table 2.3 The societal quality of the five Europes .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Table 2.4 Societal quality of EU countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Table 3.1 European Well-Being Index (EWI), 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Table 3.2 Better Life Index, 2015 (2017 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Table 3.3 Europe 2020 Index, 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
Table 3.4 Index of Quality of Life for European Countries
(QL Index), 2008 .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . 64
Table 3.5 Human Development Index (HDI), 2017 (2018 Edition) . . . . . . . . 67
Table 3.6 Social Progress Index, 2015 (2017 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Table 3.7 Index of Individual Living Conditions, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Table 4.1 Socioemotional Well-Being Index (SEWBI), 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
Table 4.2 Flourishing Index (FI), 2006 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Table 4.3 Who-Five Well-Being Index (WHO-5), 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Table 4.4 Happy Life Years (HLY), 2016 .. . .. .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. .. . .. . .. . .. . .. 86
Table 4.5 Cantril Life Ladder, 2015–2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Table 4.6 Life Satisfaction Scale, 2016; Happiness Scale, 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . 90
Table 5.1 Index of Social Cohesion (VALCOS Index), 2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Table 5.2 Social Capital Index, 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
Table 5.3 Index of Social Capital in the European Union, 2008 . . . . . . . . . . . 102
Table 5.4 Active Citizenship Composite Indicator (ACCI), 2002 . . . . . . . . . . 105
Table 5.5 Young People’s Civic Competence Composite Indicator
(CCCI), 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
Table 6.1 Global Human Capital Index, 2014 or latest available year
(2017 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
Table 6.2 Global Innovation Index, 2016–2017 (2018 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
Table 6.3 Global Creativity Index, 2010–2014 (2015 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
Table 6.4 Index of Cultural Practice, 2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

xv
xvi List of Tables

Table 6.5 Public Sector Information Scoreboard, 2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

Table 7.1 Quality of Government, 2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
Table 7.2 The Cath Up Index, 2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Table 7.3 Democracy Barometer, 2014 . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . 143
Table 7.4 Worldwide Governance Indicators, 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
Table 8.1 Consumer Empowerment Index, 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Table 8.2 Market Performance Indicator (MPI), 2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Table 8.3 Consumer Conditions Index, 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Table 8.4 Actual Individual Consumption, 2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
Table 8.5 Consumer Confidence Index, May 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
Table 9.1a Intrinsic Job Quality Index (IJQ), 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
Table 9.1b Other Job Quality Indices: Earnings Index (E); Prospects
Index (P); Working Time Quality Index (WTQ), 2010 . . . . . . . . . . 171
Table 9.2 European Job Quality Index (EQJI), 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Table 9.3 The Precarious Work Index (PWI), 2005 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
Table 9.4 Quality in Work Index (QiWI), 2005–2006 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Table 9.5 Dimensions of Job Quality Indices, 2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
Table 10.1 Environmental Performance Index (EPI), 2014–16 (2018
Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Table 10.2 Sustainable Society Index (SSI), 2014–2015 (2016 Edition) . . .. 194
Table 10.3 Environmental Vulnerability Index (EVI), 2000–2003 . . . . . . . . . . 198
Table 10.4 Ecosystem Wellbeing Index (EWI), 1997–1999 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
Table 10.5 Environment and Gender Index (EGI), 2010–2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Table 11.1 EU Material Deprivation Index, 2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
Table 11.2 At-Risk-of Poverty or Social Exclusion Indicator (AROPE),
2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
Table 11.3 Composite Indicator of Social Inclusion for European Countries,
2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Table 11.4 EU Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI-Reg), 2012 . . . . . . . . . . 219
Table 11.5 Social Justice Index (SJI), 2015 (2016 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Table 11.6 Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX), 2014
(2015 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Table 12.1 European Gender Equality Index (EGEI), 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
Table 12.2 Gender Equality Index (GEI), 2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Table 12.3 Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI), 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
Table 12.4 Women’s Economic Opportunity Index, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
Table 12.5 Social Institutions & Gender Index (SIGI), 2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
Table 13.1 Children’s Subjective Well-Being Index for European
Countries, 2009–2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
Table 13.2 Child Well-Being in Rich Countries, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
Table 13.3 Index of Child Well-Being in the European Union, 2005–2006 260
List of Tables xvii

Table 13.4 Comparative Child Well-Being across the OCDE,

2005–2006 . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . 265
Table 13.5 European Child Deprivation Index, 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268
Table 14.1 Global AgeWatch Index, 2015 .. . . .. . .. . .. . . .. . .. . . .. . .. . .. . . .. . .. . 275
Table 14.2 SCL/PRB Index of Well-Being in Older Populations,
2004–2006 . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . 279
Table 14.3 Active Ageing Index, 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282
Table 14.4 Aging Vulnerability Index, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 286
Table 14.5 GAP Fiscal Sustainability Index and GAP Income Adequacy
Index, 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 290
Table 14.6 Aging Society Index: Hartford Aging Index, 2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
Table 15.1 Euro Health Consumer Index, 2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
Table 15.2 Health Measures, 2000–2005 (averages) . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . 303
Table 15.3 Objective and Subjective Health Indices, 2012 .. . .. . .. . . .. . .. . . .. 305
Table 15.4 Global Food Security Index (GFSI), 2017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308
Table 15.5 Healthy Life Years (HLY) at birth, 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312
Table 16.1 Corruption Perceptions Index, 2016–2017 (2017 Edition) . . . . . . 317
Table 16.2 Vulnerability to Slavery Index, 2016 (2018 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
Table 16.3 Anti-trafficking Policy Index, 2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325
Table 16.4 Rule of Law Index, 2016–2017 (2017–2018 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Table 16.5 Global Peace Index, 2016–2017 (2018 Edition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
Chapter 1
Towards a System of Indices on the Quality
of European Societies (SIQES)

Eduardo Bericat, Mercedes Camarero, and María Luisa Jiménez-Rodrigo

This book presents a compilation of composite social indicators created in order to

measure important aspects of the quality of European societies.
The complex and intense social, political, demographic, economic and cultural
changes that the entire world is undergoing, the result of seemingly unstoppable
processes of globalization and digitization, make it necessary to evaluate the current
state of the European social model and how it might evolve in the future. We need to
know if Europeans live in good societies (social quality), and enjoy good lives
(quality of life). We need to know if European societies are becoming better as time
passes, or if, on the contrary, their quality is slowly deteriorating. We need to know if
the quality of life of Europe’s citizens is improving over time or if it is gradually and
irrecoverably getting worse.
This book includes two introductory chapters and fourteen substantive one.
Each of these fourteen chapters covers about five composite indicators (hereafter,
CIs) that measure some important aspect or phenomenon related to the quality of
European societies: quality of life, subjective well-being, social and political
participation, cultural practices, democratic quality, consumption, quality of
work, environmental sustainability, social equality, gender equality, childhood
well-being, elderly well-being, health conditions, and crime and safety. In total,
the book contains the results from more than 70 CIs, including more than
280 dimensions. The data tables contained in the book offer the scores and
positions obtained by each European country on different rankings of quality of
life and social quality. After a thorough review of existing CIs examining the
sphere addressed in each of the book's chapters, the compilers selected about five

E. Bericat (*) · M. L. Jiménez-Rodrigo

Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain
e-mail: ebericat@us.es; mljimenez@us.es
M. Camarero
Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville, Spain
e-mail: mmcamrio@upo.es

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 1

E. Bericat, M. L. Jiménez-Rodrigo (eds.), The Quality of European Societies, Social
Indicators Research Series 75, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05023-8_1
2 E. Bericat et al.

of them based on their methodological rigor, relevance and social interest. In

short, this compilation offers the reader a broad yet concise and, at the same time,
multifaceted, rigorous and precise vision of the quality of European society.
Knowledge of the state and evolution of the quality of life and social quality in
Europe cannot be based on the information provided by one index alone, as thorough
and complete as it may be. First, given the nature of social change taking place in our
societies today, and second, given the great diversity among European countries, it is
essential to have a complete system of social indices.
Firstly, the societal transformations currently taking place are so great, in contrast
to the modern era, that it does not make sense to speak in the singular of one grand
process or trend in social change. No longer do the different aspects of society evolve
together and homogeneously. Each vector of change in our societies moves at its
own pace and in its own direction. In addition, to a large degree the different vectors
interact randomly with each other, either catalyzing emerging phenomena, or per-
haps slowing down or even reversing the course of processes and events. In such
circumstances, it would be a scientific error to observe and analyze social change in
the singular, as well as the state and development of the quality of societies in
general. We need a system of social indices that can measure the complexity of the
phenomena under study. Hence, the system of composite indicators compiled in this
book offers a multi-sided image based on independent information about very
different aspects of the reality of European societies.
Secondly, given the great diversity among European countries in terms of their
situation and evolution, it would be incorrect to refer to an average or uniform level
of quality. The country by country data offered by the CIs compiled in this book
reveal this existing heterogeneity. For example, great differences can be seen
between Nordic, Mediterranean, Central and Eastern European countries. Indeed,
levels of quality of life and social quality vary greatly across European countries,
seriously affecting equality and social cohesion in Europe. While there is potential
enrichment from social diversity, in order to take advantage of it we need an
information system that will permit us to understand the effects different policies,
forms of social organization, cultural features, political events, economic decisions
and other factors may have on the quality of these societies. The System of Indices
on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) offered in this book represents an
important step in this direction. In short, by offering data from more than 70 indices
and 280 dimensions of the reality of these societies, it makes it possible to analyze
their quality of life and social quality with great precision and rigor.
This compilation of CIs is one of the outcomes of the research project Social
Quality in Europe: Design and Development of Composite Indicators to Measure
and Monitor the Quality of European Societies. This project forms part of a line of
research carried out by the authors in recent years, analyzing and designing systems
of social indicators (Bericat and Camarero 2011). The project, carried out by a
group of researchers under the direction of Eduardo Bericat and with the collabo-
ration of international experts, has two objectives: first, to promote the design,
development and construction of focused composite indicators specially designed
to measure and monitor the quality of European societies; and, secondly, to provide
1 Towards a System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) 3

an inventory of, evaluate and select composite indicators created by other social
scientists, whether in academia or in social institutions, that could be incorporated
into the SIQES.
The design of this system is based on the conviction that focused composite
indicators (FCIs) constitute the ideal analytical instruments for measuring and
comparing the state of the quality of Europe’s different societies, as well as for
monitoring their future evolution. Composite social indicators are scientific instru-
ments designed to provide quantitative measurements of those traits of reality we
consider, (a) normative and (b) multidimensional in nature. Their normative char-
acter is derived from the social value, whether positive or negative, that human
beings give to different aspects or phenomena of reality. That is, behind each
indicator there is a social value, such as equality, wealth, health, safety, solidarity,
environmental sustainability, etc. The multidimensional nature of these phenomena
means that they cannot be adequately captured through a simple and
uni-dimensional measurement; rather, there must be a descriptive model of mea-
surement based on multiple data sources whose aggregation offers a synthetic or
overall measurement. In this regard, composite indicators condense complex infor-
mation into a single number and as a result, they offer us a simple interpretation of
the data they contain.
This dual nature of composite indicators, that is, their capacity to capture complex
multidimensional realities, while offering precise, valid and robust measurements
that are simple and easily interpretable, is the reason for the enormous increase in
their use in recent years, both in academia and in the political and public arena. Thus,
an initial inventory carried out by Bandura in 2008 identified 178 composite social
indicators, while this number had increased to 290 by 2011. Every month, academic
journals publish new proposals for composite indicators and many public institutions
and social organizations promote and sponsor the creation of CIs related to their
sphere of activity.
Academic interest in this area stems in part from the increasing wealth of data
available today, data that allow social scientists to establish adequate descriptive
measurement models to compare and monitor the evolution of different phenomena
or aspects of social reality. Composite indicators can compare the characteristics of
different units of analysis or research objects in space and over time, such as
countries, regions, governments, institutions and social groups. For these reasons,
composite indicators are also attracting increasing interest in the public and political
spheres. The comparative positions obtained by these countries, regions, govern-
ments, institutions, etc., based on the measurements established by the different
composite social indicators that exist today, are regularly published and widely
discussed, analyzed and debated in prominent media, and have great impact on
their agendas, as well as on public opinion itself. In addition, the descriptive models
used by these composite indicators, as well as the precise information they provide,
are increasingly taken into account in political decision-making and in the evaluation
of public policies.
However, despite the enormous interest and usefulness of CIs, the fact remains
that their construction is a complex task that involves a number of difficulties. The
4 E. Bericat et al.

design of a good composite indicator requires, first of all, a coherent conceptualiza-

tion of the phenomenon it is intended to measure. The conceptual definition to
delineate the reality being examined must be based on an adequate theoretical
framework. Secondly, the empirical information needed to saturate the measurement
model must be available, a seemingly simple goal that often turns out to be extremely
complicated. The data must have a sufficient level of empirical quality, be available
for the years required and be perfectly comparable. Third, the construction of a
composite indicator involves many critical and complex methodological decisions
(normalization, weighting, aggregation, imputation, etc.).
Slight changes in conceptual definitions, in the empirical data used, or in the
methodological decisions behind the measurement model, lead to significant
changes in the scores obtained by the social units measured by the index, whether
they be countries, regions, governments, etc., which inevitably causes debate and
doubts about their validity, reliability and robustness. The implicit complexity in the
design of a composite indicator means that indices aiming to measure the same
phenomenon may be based on very different theoretical conceptualizations, empir-
ical content and construction methodologies. For example, from 1984 to 2010 we
find more than twenty different composite indicators designed to measure the
supposedly singular phenomenon of gender inequality (Bericat 2012). Such diver-
sity in measuring a single phenomenon is surprising to the layperson, who interprets
and judges it to be purely arbitrary. However, social scientists who have at some time
faced the task of constructing an index know that capturing reality, especially social
reality, whose nature is organic, not mechanical, is particularly difficult and com-
plex. The nature of social phenomena, such as the state of health of a population,
inequality, social capital, environmental sustainability, corruption or discrimination,
is multidimensional, so that it can only be captured through multiple indirect
empirical indicators. Thus, the fact that there can be different approaches for
capturing the same phenomenon must be considered scientifically normal.
In short, the complexity involved in the creation of any composite indicator, as
well as the large number of possible options in terms of its design, means that they
are not all of equal quality. Hence, our research team, in addition to collecting and
evaluating the vast production of existing CIs, has selected those that meet certain
basic requirements of quality; in other words, we have chosen those with a vigorous
theoretical conceptualization, based on valid empirical information that is robust and
reliable, and a solid methodological structure.
All the CIs selected to form part of this compilation required great effort and
dedication on the part of their authors in their construction and calculation, as well as
in their maintenance over time. With this in mind, we want this book to be a
recognition of all those scientists who have accepted the challenge of constructing
models that describe and measure important aspects of the quality of our societies.
This book is simply a compilation of the admirable scientific effort made by the
social researchers who have created the more than 70 composite indicators described
in its pages. This is the primary reason why we refer the reader of each chapter
directly to their original texts and calculations.
1 Towards a System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) 5

Science is a collective effort, and thanks to the work of these social scientists, we
now have a compilation of CIs that for the first time provides a complete and detailed
overview of both quality of life and social quality in European countries. Europe's
citizens long to live good lives within good societies. In this sense, the aim of the
System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) is to be a valuable
tool for understanding social reality so that we may advance in our attempts to fulfil
our dreams of living in better societies.

Informational Content on Each Index

This book consists of fourteen chapters, each dedicated to one important aspect of
the quality of life and social quality in European countries, such as subjective well-
being, environmental sustainability, the well-being of the elderly and the quality of
democracy or health. Each chapter examines five composite social indicators.
All the chapters have a similar structure, consisting of a general introduction and
five sections, each describing one of the composite indicators included. In the
introduction to each chapter, the compiler briefly explains the relevance of the sphere
of social reality being examined, comments on innovations and developments in the
production of CIs in this sphere and introduces those that have been selected for
inclusion, justifying their selection.
Each section offers the reader the basic information needed to understand,
interpret and correctly use the data for the countries shown in the tables. In order
to make the description as accurate as possible, original extracts from the texts of the
creators of each composite indicator have been used, referring the reader directly to
the main publications of these authors, where readers can find a complete description
of each composite indicator.
The information offered on each index is homogeneous, organized into the
following sections (Fig.1.1):

Fig. 1.1 Information on the  Name of the composite indicator

composite indicator
 Summarizing table
 Concept
 Indicators/Variables
 Construction
 Metrics
 References
 Data table
6 E. Bericat et al.

• Summarizing table: After indicating the name of the composite indicator, each
section includes a small table with basic information about the composite indi-
cator. It identifies the concept being measured, the number and nature of the
dimensions that constitute the index, the authors of the index, the institution that
has promoted its construction and/or sponsors its maintenance, its geographic
scope (global or European) and the number of EU countries included in the index,
the year or years which the index covers, its frequency (yearly, bi-annual, etc.),
the basic reference publication where the reader can find a complete description
of the index, and the website, if any, where index data is explained or published.
• Concept: This section offers a brief description of the theoretical perspective
inspiring the index, a conceptual definition of the overall index, and the dimen-
sions it includes. For the reader to be able to interpret the content of the index, it
also provides information on the indicators or variables that constitute each of the
dimensions. This information is essential to understand exactly what phenome-
non or aspect of social reality the index is attempting to measure. In this regard,
we must underscore the importance of also understanding the content of each of
the dimensions, not only because the data tables offer the scores obtained by the
countries in each of these, but also because the overall score of the composite
indicator is obtained through aggregation rules that combine the scores of the
different dimensions.
• Indicators/Variables: This section provides the total number of indicators or
variables that make up the index, as well as their distribution among the different
dimensions. The reader who is interested in knowing exactly which indicators or
variables the index uses can go to the corresponding bibliographical references.
• Construction: This section provides a brief and simple explanation of the
construction of the index, the basic methodological and technical decisions and
the data sources used. Given that the methodologies and techniques applied for a
correct operationalization can be extremely sophisticated, the information in this
section has been strictly limited to its necessary minimum (calculation mode,
weighting, aggregation, etc.). In any case, this section also includes the biblio-
graphical references where the complete and detailed methodological structure is
explained.
• Metrics: Knowing the measurement, scale, meaning and value of the scores that
the composite indicator assigns to each country is essential for interpreting the
data correctly. This section provides information on the type of measurement
scores (ratios, z-scores, factor scores, etc.) and the range of index values (their
minimum and maximum). Given that composite indicators have a normative
nature, indicating favourable or unfavourable situations, it is necessary to define
the meaning of their scores (for example, the higher the better). Finally, compos-
ite indicators do not only offer relative scores (better or worse), but also reveal
situations that can be evaluated qualitatively, in absolute terms, as positive or
negative (good or bad).
• References: This section provides original and essential bibliographical refer-
ences, whether articles, books or web pages, which provide a complete explana-
tion of all aspects of the index.
1 Towards a System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) 7

• Data tables: All of the sections include tables indicating the scores and relative
positions for each of the European countries as estimated by the index. The tables
show the data for the most recent year available. The columns in the table, from
left to right, offer the following information: the overall score assigned to each
European country (score), and its position with respect to global and European
rankings (global and European position) if the index has a global scale, or its
position in the European ranking (position) if the index is only European. In
addition, if the information is available, the columns on the right show the scores
of the countries for each of the dimensions of the index.

The Social Indicators Movement

This book can also be considered as the initial material manifestation of a proposal
aimed at public institutions in Europe for the future establishment and maintenance
of a system of focused composite indicators, with the ultimate aim of comparing and
monitoring the quality of European societies over time.
This proposal is part of a tradition in empirical social research that originated in
the 1960s with the emergence of the so called Social Indicators Movement in the
United States. Although certain antecedents existed (Duncan and Duncan 1955;
Lazarsfeld 1958), a research project under the auspices of NASA and directed by
Raymond Bauer is regarded as the origin of this research practice. The resulting
book by Bauer and his colleagues, Social Indicators (Bauer 1966), inaugurated the
contemporary period of research with social indicators (Noll 2002b; Land 1983).
This research practice spread rapidly from the very beginning. The use of social
indicators was especially apt for capturing the changing trends societies were
undergoing, as well as for carrying out comprehensive social reports that provided
an overview of different countries’ general situations.
This practice gained momentum largely due to a cultural change that called
into question the idea of progress in societies as merely an advance in the material
well-being of the population. In contrast to this purely economic, materialistic
and quantitative notion of development (“standard of living”), the social
indicators movement introduced other factors to be taken into account in the
analysis (“quality of life”). In this regard, as noted by Noll and Michalos, a large
number of the recommendations in the well-known Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi Report
(2009), from which the current movement known as Beyond GDP has emerged,
have been present in the spirit of the research carried out by the social scientists
who have been working with social indicators over the past 50 years (Noll 2011;
Michalos 2011).
8 E. Bericat et al.

After suffering a certain stagnation from 1975 to 1985, systems of indicators

began to again arouse interest at the end of the 1980s (Noll and Zapf 1994; Berger-
Schmitt and Jankowitsch 1999), and have experienced a renewal since then, espe-
cially in the first decade of the twenty-first century. However, the list of indicators
compiled by the OECD (1973), which gave rise to the series of reports known as
Society at a Glance (OECD 2014), the list of themes and indicators gathered in the
United Nations’ Handbook of Social Indicators, and the broad compilation carried
out by Eurostat, do not provide an adequate general picture for monitoring overall
living conditions and social change in Europe (Berger-Schmitt and Jankowitsch
1999: 79). Understanding the difference between a “thematically structured inven-
tory of indicators” and real “scientific systems of social observation” is essential if
we are to continue to advance in the development of social indicators as a key
strategy both for research and the normatively oriented reform of society.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century scientific systems of social indicators
based on sound and substantiated theoretical frameworks began to be developed.
These systems were of great reach and were inspired by an all-encompassing
vocation, that is, a longing to offer a synthesis of all social reality. The systems of
indicators for measuring and monitoring social cohesion developed by the European
Council (European Council 2005) or by the Canadian government (Canadian Coun-
cil on Social Development 2000) serve as examples of these approaches. However,
in this area the European System of Social Indicators developed by the Leibniz
Institute (GESIS) within the framework of the EuReporting project deserves special
mention (Berger-Schmitt and Noll 2000; Berger-Schmitt 2002; Noll 2002a). This
system is an exceptional example in the design and implementation of an architec-
ture based on a rigorous framework, the result of an excellent theoretical conceptu-
alization and based on three concepts of well-being: quality of life, social cohesion
and sustainability. It takes into account both individuals’ quality of life and the social
quality of countries.
In the context of this rebirth of systems of social indicators, many other successful
experiments could also be mentioned. The European Foundation for the Improve-
ment of Living and Working Conditions (EUROFOUND) carries out two important
European surveys on the quality of life and work, which are also the basis for a
system of indicators (Fahey et al. 2003). The Netherlands Institute for Social
Research (SCP) has maintained its Life Situation Index, based on an annual survey,
since 1974 (Boelhouwer 2002, 2010).
Analyzing the recent development of theoretically grounded systems of social
indicators we find two important changes in perspective, one substantive and the
other methodological. Both changes have been incorporated into the proposal for a
System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES).
First of all, systems of social indicators have evolved from models with an
almost exclusive concern for the quality of life of individuals (Sirgy et al. 2006) to
more comprehensive models in which the quality of societies is also considered.
Concretely, the initiative of a group of social scientists during the presidency of the
1 Towards a System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) 9

Netherlands of the European Union in 1997 led to a new model focused on “social
quality”, understood as “the extent to which citizens are able to participate in the
social and economic life of their communities in conditions that serve to improve
their well-being and individual potential” (Beck et al. 1997, 2001: 6–7). Claire
Wallace and Pamella Abbott, as well as other social scientists in the International
Association of Social Quality have continued since then to ground, develop and
apply a social quality paradigm (Wallace and Abbot 2007; Abbott and Wallace
2012; Abbott et al. 2016; Lin and Herrmann 2015; Van der Maesen and Walker
2011). In addition, Ruut Veenhoven’s model of well-being and happiness (2000),
which identifies four aspects to quality of life (life chances, life results, outer and
inner qualities), also considers both perspectives of the quality of societies. In
short, these three important models, as well as others, combine quality of life and
social quality. In the words of Noll (2002b), a good life can only be lived within a
good society.
The second change in orientation, which is methodological in nature, refers to the
increasing importance that the scientific community is giving to composite indica-
tors. “The demand for and debate on summary indices, synthesizing a multitude of
welfare dimensions and indicators into one single or at least a restricted number of
composite measures, builds on a long-lasting tradition. However, the interest in
constructing composite indices has grown again considerably. Moreover, some
observers expect this issue to rank high on the future research agenda (Noll
2002b). “With the tremendous increase in the richness of social data available . . .
today as compared to two or three decades ago, a new generation of researchers has
returned to the task of summary index construction. The field of social indicators
probably will see several decades of such index construction and competition among
various indices – with a corresponding need for careful assessments of which indices
have substantive validity in the assessment of the quality of life and its changes over
time and social space” (Land 2000).
The renewed interest in indices, as well as the difficulties involved in their design
and construction, can be seen in the numerous scientific contributions published
recently (Hagerty et al. 2001; Land 2004; Hagerty and Land 2007, 2012; Saltelli
2007; Krishnakumar and Nagar 2008; Narayan and Petesch 2010). In this field, the
excellent work carried out by the researchers at the Econometrics and Applied
Statistics Unit of the Joint Research Centre of the European Commission deserves
special mention (Nardo et al. 2008; Sasiana and Tarantola 2002). Michaela Saisana
currently leads the European Commission’s Competence Centre on Composite
Indicators (COIN), a reference regarding the methodology for constructing compos-
ite indicators. The proliferation of CIs Land refers to, can be seen, as we have already
mentioned, in Bandura’s general inventories for 2008 and 2011, as well as in other
more specific inventories, such as that of Michaela Saisana (2012), focused on risk,
or that of Lin Yang (2014), on indicators measuring human progress. The growth in
composite indicators since 2000, and especially since 2006, in the social sciences
and in other spheres is reflected in the Fig. 1.2.
10 E. Bericat et al.

Fig. 1.2 Papers on composite indicators registered in Scopus (fields: article title, abstract and
keywords). 1990–2017
Source: By authors based on data from Scopus. https://www.scopus.com. Accessed 20 Sept 2018

Focused Composite Indicators

Given that focused composite indicators (FCIs) are the basic unit of the System of
Indices on the Quality of European Societies, it is necessary to distinguish them from
other types of indicators. A basic typology will serve to establish the essential
differences (Fig. 1.3).
Indicators are empirical records of reality that, as with all signs, are characterized
by meanings that go beyond or transcend the nature of their concrete materiality.
For example, obesity may indicate a state of anxiety, in the same way that smoke
may indicate the existence of fire. Charles S. Peirce classified signs into “indexes”,
“symbols” and “icons”. According to this classification, and unlike symbols and
icons, indexes are characterized by the fact that a physical connection always exists
between the sign and the reality signified. In this sense, a photograph is an index
because there is a physical connection (light) that links the image with the reality
represented, for example, the portrait with the person portrayed.
The two characteristics set out in the preceding paragraph are the only ones that
turn any recording of a perceivable reality into a potential indicator. From there, the
possibilities are endless. In the field of social research it is evident that the measure-
ments from single variables, such as the average height of a population, its
1 Towards a System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) 11

Fig. 1.3 Typology of

a) Simple
indicators
Univariate
Several variables
b) Synthetic
c) Composite
Comprehensive
Focused
d) Specific

satisfaction with life, average education level, or the number of women killed per
year in a country because of gender violence, are examples of simple univariate
indicators. However, there can also be simple indicators of several variables. They
remain simple to the extent that the information they provide is combined through a
relatively simple and predefined mathematical function. For example, the body mass
index (combining weight-height-age-gender), the density of the population (com-
bining population and land area), or Veenhoven’s Happy Life Years Index (obtained
by multiplying life expectancy in a country by level of happiness) (Veenhoven
2004), are all simple indicators although formed by several variables.1
Synthetic indicators, in contrast, are characterized by the large quantity of
information they contain. However, in general, the difference between them and
the former is purely quantitative, as synthetic indicators aggregate information of the
same substantive nature and based entirely on a single unit of measurement. That is,
they are basically uni-dimensional indices. Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Life
Expectancy (LE), the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and the stock indexes, such as the
NASDAQ-100, are examples of synthetic indices. In these cases, both the unit of
measurement and the nature of the reality they are measuring are homogeneous,
whether it is the monetary value of production, the longevity of life, the cost of
products, or the market capitalization of companies. However, many of these indices
use stratification and weighting in the universe of their units of analysis, as there may
be great diversity among them. For example, businesses listed on the stock exchange
have very different levels of market capitalization, or the variety of existing con-
sumer products on the market is extraordinarily wide.
Composite indicators are those formed by combining a set number of simple
and/or synthetic indicators. This strategy has a dual function. First, composite
indicators combine information to improve the validity, reliability and robustness
that can be obtained from a simple indicator. Secondly, composite indicators com-
bine information to be able to empirically characterize realities that are, by their very
nature, multidimensional and that therefore cannot be captured in all of their

1
Currently, the most common use for the term “indicator” is reserved for simple indicators, whether
univariate or composed of several variables. The term “index” tends to be reserved for synthetic and
composite indicators. In concrete, it is common to refer to “composite indicators” as “composite
indices”, or simply “indices”. In this book, we use “composite indicator” and the more general term
“index” as equivalents.
12 E. Bericat et al.

substantive extent with a simple indicator. Given this multidimensional nature, and
following the guidelines originally established by Paul Lazarsfeld, the concept to be
measured must be broken down into dimensions and sub-dimensions, ultimately
including concrete indicators or empirical information that can show the extent of the
presence of the elements of reality that informationally saturate the content of the
concept. After the breakdown implicit in the construction of the index, it is necessary
to carry out a proper recomposition in order to obtain the estimation of its overall
measurement (Lazarsfeld 1958).
Finally, composite social indicators need to be classified according to the scope
and complexity of the definition of the concept through which an aspect or phenom-
enon of reality is being measured. In general, the pioneering projects in the con-
struction of composite indicators were oriented toward capturing large concepts
whose theoretical definitions turned out to be problematic, presenting clear areas
of ambiguity and indetermination. Macro-concepts, such as social progress, well-
being, quality of life, development, social quality, living conditions, human devel-
opment, and other similar concepts, were operationalized empirically using the
methodology of composite indicators. However, the practice itself has demonstrated
the implicit difficulties in the design and construction of these indicators, which
require the development of an extremely complex and broad theoretical framework
as well as the combining of numerous incomparable and distinctive domains and
sub-domains.
Consider, for example, the Better Life Index2 (OECD 2016), the comprehensive
composite index created by the OECD to compare the “well-being” of countries, and
which considers 11 domains that the institution sees as essential measures of living
conditions and quality of life. These domains are housing, income, employment,
community, education, environment, civic commitment, health, satisfaction, safety
and work-life balance. A critical analysis of this otherwise excellent index highlights
two important weaknesses affecting comprehensive composite indicators: the diffi-
culty in establishing a theoretical framework and defining a coherent conceptual
structure on the one hand, and the methodological impossibility of aggregating in
one quantitative measure qualitatively different life domains, which by their very
nature are incommensurable. In other words, you cannot add apples and oranges,
ultimately leading to the problem of weighting (Hagerty and Land 2007, 2012),
which is compounded when we try to add domains, and not only dimensions of a
single concept, as we do in the case of focused composite indicators.3

2
An excellent on-line application created to disseminate the index can be found at http://www.
oecdbetterlifeindex.org.
3
Although the literature on social indicators uses the terms “domain” and “dimension” interchange-
ably, we believe that a fundamental difference exists between them. Domains, used in general in the
construction of comprehensive composite indicators, are spheres or parcels of reality, substantially
different (work, criminality, housing, etc.), that cover a space part of a broader reality. Dimensions,
used in the structure of focused composite indicators, are necessarily constitutive aspects of the
nature of the concept intended to be measured.
1 Towards a System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES) 13

For example, how much should each of the domains forming part of the concept
of “living well” weigh? And how much if we aim to measure the concept of the
“good life”? To resolve this problem, the Better Life Index invites each individual to
weigh each of the eleven domains in the way he/she considers to be the most
appropriate. However, this clever resource does not solve the problem in the end,
since these results in as many different indices, scores and combinations of
weightings as users freely decide to apply. We should remember that the original
leitmotif of composite indices is to offer a single measurement of a complex
phenomenon. In addition, including many different aspects of reality in one concept
means that the final overall index score will not be unambiguously interpretable.
That is, the same estimated level of well-being, progress, quality of life or develop-
ment may be obtained through many different combinations of domains and
sub-domains.
Following in the footsteps of Robert K. Merton, who stressed the need to develop
middle-range theories, we believe that the methodology of composite indicators
offers its full scientific potential when researchers design focused composite indica-
tors (FCIs), that is, measurement models, based on a descriptive and
multidimensional structure, of a limited characteristic, aspect or phenomenon of
social reality, which is captured through a precise and coherent conceptual defini-
tion, and quantified with a dense but commensurate empirical structure.
Recent research practice has evolved toward the design, construction and social
application of focused composite indicators. With some exceptions, grand concepts,
framed in all-encompassing theoretical paradigms, have gradually given way to
middle-range concepts, framed in focused theoretical perspectives and measured
using operationalizable empirical structures. The aspects or features of reality these
focused indices aim to measure, as with the majority of the indices included in this
book, are much more limited and defined, although they continue to be important
aspects or features of the state and dynamic of the quality of societies. As an
example, included among the concepts forming part of our system of indices are
the following: gender inequality, social capital, innovation, quality of government,
socio-emotional well-being, consumer trust, quality of work, social inclusion, envi-
ronmental sustainability, childhood well-being, state of health and corruption.
There are clearly pros and cons to the construction and use of composite indica-
tors (Saisana and Tarantola 2002; Saltelli 2007; Nardo et al. 2008). However,
focused composite indicators reinforce the advantages and reduce the disadvantages,
the opposite of what occurs with comprehensive composite indicators. Focused
composite indicators, by addressing a single clearly defined aspect of social reality,
reduce the risk of being poorly constructed or misinterpreted. For this same reason,
they also do not encourage political and institutional actors to adopt overly simplistic
narratives and policy decisions. The structure of the methodological decisions that
have to be made in the design of a focused composite indicator, although complex
and to some degree arbitrary is much more manageable than in the case of a
comprehensive one. FCIs appreciably restrict the degree of methodological
contingency and the consequences that methodological decisions can have on the
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often ends in slumber; it is as if Nature needed the solace of sleep to make
her forget. A colder breath of air appeared to sweep through the tree-trunks;
and, drawing her tartan plaid up around head and dishevelled hair, Lotty lay
down in the lee of the mossy stone, and, drawing up her knees, fell fast
asleep, with Wallace at her back.
Crona some hours after this heard a low, ominous growl, and, looking in
the direction whence it came, beheld the raven face and brown eyes of the
honest dog. The witch-wife was doctor to half the fisher-families that dwelt
in little villages by the sea, and she had been out wandering over the moors
and through the forests looking for roots and simple herbs, when she came
to the spot where Lotty lay.
'Poor Wallace, so your little mistress has gone to sleep? Yes, dear fellow;
but it isn't on the damp moss it is safe to lie.'
Crona's cottage was but three hundred yards away, and when Lotty
awoke she found herself lying in a gleam of sunshine on a wooden bench or
dais by the cottage door. She sat up, wondering for a moment or two where
she was, then back came all her grief, though she tried to hide it from her
fairy godmother as much as she could.
This dear soul had spread a wee table with a white cloth, and placed
thereon a cup of heather-ale—her own brewing, and she was famed for this
—with barley-meal scones, butter, and honey. There was even a vase of
fresh primroses on this little table, which she had drawn close up to Lotty's
side.
'Eat, my lamb,' she was saying. 'If young folks would live, young folks
must eat.'
She was smoothing Lotty's brow and hair. And the girl tried to eat and
drink only just to please Crona, for she felt a little shivery and of appetite
she had none. Besides, her fairy godmother's kind sympathy now touched
her heart and made the tears stream down her face afresh. Indeed,
unromantic though it may seem to say so, some of her tears fell among the
heather-ale.
'I am not a witch, dear Lotty, though they say so; but this I can tell you,
that you will, in course of time, see Frank Antony once again. So don't
mourn for him, dearie.'
'But fa-fa-father has been so unkind! Do you know what he said, dear
godmother? He sai-sai-said that by not being Grace Darling Redivivus I
was the ruin of the show and all his prospects.'
But Crona laughed and talked so quietly and nicely that she soon had
Lotty smiling also. After the witch's heather-ale and the scones the spring
air felt warmer, and something of its freshness seemed to have returned to
the greenery of woods and wilds, the crimson and yellow and white of the
flowers, and the gold of the scented furze. She felt she could even take an
interest in Crona's pets now, and was a little cross with herself for not
having asked before how little Tim was, for this affectionate mite had been
ailing; but her godmother said he was once more as hearty and robust as
before his indisposition. She told Lotty that she had journeyed six miles to
procure certain roots for Tim, and that from the very day he had begun to
nibble these there had been a marked change in both his physical and
mental condition. And he slept now every night under pussy's chin.
To-day Wallace had found Tod Lowrie just commencing to feast upon a
fine fat fowl, but which particular farmyard it had come from inquiry by
Crona had failed as yet to elicit, only she always paid for Lowrie's
extravagances. Wallace stood over Tod Lowrie for a moment, looking down
at him with his head a bit to one side.
'Dear me, Lowrie,' he said, 'you'll never get through that fowl all by
yourself. Then the bones you know—just fancy how you'd feel if a bone
stuck in your throat and you required to send for Dr Heron to take it out!
But,' continued Wallace, 'I have an excellent method of dealing with dead
fowls. Artistic in a manner of speaking. Permit me,' and he gently drew the
fowl quite away from the fox, and retired with it under the dais.
Poor Tod Lowrie had simply to sit on his haunches and look on; and,
truth to say, all his share consisted of the feet and the head and the feathers.
'Beautiful, isn't it?' said Wallace when he had finished.
'Beautiful!' said Lowrie with a deep sigh.
All Crona's pets loved each other, and agreed very well on the whole; but
of course little differences will at times arise in the best-regulated families.
Pussy and Joe to-day, for example, had a little dispute on the boards.
Cats seem cruel; but it is just their nature, and perhaps they are no worse
than human beings. Anyhow, pussy to-day had returned from the forest with
two baby hedgehogs; she had killed them both, and now kept one safely
between her forelegs until she should finish eating the other. And Joe chose
to be very nasty and sarcastic about it, though of course she wasn't bound to
go and catch young hedgehogs for him. He stood, showing an attitude of
impudent grace, some two feet from her.
'Joe's cross! Joe's cross!' he cried. 'Ho, ho, ho! Set you up indeed! Joe's
very cross!' He was looking at her with one evil eye. But pussy took no
heed. Her tail was spread right out behind her carelessly enough, and now
Joe took one long hop towards it and gave a cruel pinch. This was too much
for any respectable cat to stand; and, just as Joe was holding back his head
to laugh, puss sprang at him and gave him a box on the ear that sent him
spinning round like a feathered whirlwind. Then the cat went back to
resume the feast.
'Hallo! Why, where is the other hedgehog?'
Not echo, but Tod Lowrie could have answered 'where?' But he didn't.
He had swallowed it, and Joe was high up in a tree now, laughing that
wicked laugh of his—sarcastic, almost sardonic—'Ha, ha, ha!' and 'Ho, ho,
ho!' And the cat's ears were laid far back as she eyed him. 'Just wait till I
catch you, Master Joe,' pussy seemed to say.
Ah, well, there is one good thing about cats and dogs—they bear no
malice, and very likely at dinner-time Joe would be forgiven, and all
Crona's pets eating out of the same dish.
Her fairy godmother, as Lotty always called Crona, kept the child that
day as long as she possibly could. But duty was duty, and Lotty had to leave
at last. It was already getting dusk, and she must try to get through the
forest before the gloom of night came down over sea and land.
The girl feared nothing when Wallace was with her; the faithful dog
would have laid down his life defending his little mistress. Nor was she
afraid of losing herself; for, thanks to the foresight of her friend Chops, the
trees were still blazed. Indeed, the boy had but lately renewed the markings.
And he was to meet her to-night somewhere in the wood where the footpath
went winding through it. Footpaths never go straight, and perhaps that is the
chief charm of them. But this narrow beaten track was probably more
winding than most of them. It wound in and out and round about clumps of
the thicker, darker spruce-firs and big moss-covered rocks, down into
gloomy dells, where in the season the capercailzie gave vent to his ghostly
crow and cushat doves croodled mournfully on the tall larch-trees. Down
into one dell, over a more open hill, and down into another, where one had
to cross a brown, roaring, 'jouking' burn by a tree-bridge.
 And this green hollow with the streamlet running through it was
supposed to be haunted. Real fairies, they told one, used to dwell here at
one time, before the ferns withered away. But five fairies used to be seen at
once floating downstream on a plantain-leaf, which they used as a raft—
pleasant little parties of five male and apparently rather reckless fairies, for
they danced and sang and quaffed honey-dew from acorn-cups. But they
were polite, and when a lady-fairy went floating past in a foxglove bell they
never failed to lift their hats and hide their cups for the time being, as well
as their pine-needle cigars.
But the fairies did not come back after the ferns were withered, only
ugly warty toads, and they are not fairies. And the reason why the ferns
withered in the dell was that a ghost had come to walk at midnight here. It
was the ghost of a gamekeeper, and his story was a gruesome one. He was
killed here, but the man who slew him was never found out, and that is why
the ghost walks there. Some of the gamekeeper's blood, it is said, trickled
into the stream, and that is how it has been brown ever since.
Well, something happened on this very night. At one side of the tree-
bridge was a rail, and it was pretty dark by the time Lotty had her hand on
it. And she was pausing here for a moment to listen to the gurgling song of
the brooklet, and also to hear if Chops was coming. Chops always whistled
to keep his courage up when coming through this wood at night. But she
could not hear him, nor did Wallace, else he would have barked a half-
hysterical bark of joy. She was just about to move on, when, lo! she was
startled by seeing a light like that of a candle moving straight upstream
towards her. She certainly was a little trembling, but she could not have
been called frightened.
The light stopped not far off, and bobbed about and round and round,
sometimes low to the ground as if the invisible thing that held it was
looking for something that could not be found. Lotty tried to cry 'Who is
there?' and was very much surprised that she could not say the words; all
the sound, indeed, that she made was a little pitiful 'Hoo—hoo,' like what
one hears from a dog when he is dreaming.
Then the light went suddenly out, and now Lotty ran quickly on up the
brae, and some distance from the top thereof she listened again, and now
she distinctly heard Chops whistling the air 'Fra poco a me,' and presently
she met him.
 Chops listened wonderingly to her story of the strange light.
'An' it were nought else, Miss Lotty, but a dead-candle. An' more's seen't
nor you on still nights like this. An' they do say that dead-candle will never
be laid till the man as killed the keeper is found an' 'anged on 'igh on a
gallows-tree. An' ain't ye glad I've come, Miss Lotty?'
'Oh, so glad, Chops!'
'Oh Miss Lotty, I wish they was more ghostes if they'd allers make ye
glad to meet yours truly, Chops, his mark.'
'You're a funny boy; but let us get home now as soon as possible. Poor
Mary will think I'm lost.'
'Take my 'and, Miss Lotty, won't ye? It's a honest one.'
'I know that, Chops; you've always been good to me, and I'm never
going to forget you, Chops, never, never, never.'
'Miss Lotty, ye speaks queer-like to-night,' said Chops.
'Yes, I think it is because Crona and I have been talking such a lot, and it
was nearly all about Mr. Blake.'
'Ye won't hever forget he, Lotty, I'll lay.'
'Oh no, Chops, and I felt somehow that I could have dropped and died—
like—like a dead mouse or something'——
'A dead rose-lintie, eh?' Chops suggested.
'When he told me he was going away, and we might not meet again for
ever, ever so long. Ah, Chops, I've no right to think of him, even as my only
brother, which he called himself, and me only a mite of a gipsy lass. I
should have said "I only," Chops, but somehow "me only" seems sweeter.'
They had reached the cliff-top, and stars were out in the north and the
east, and glinting on the sea.
'We've often stood here together, Chops, looking at the stars and the sea.'
'Us has,' said Chops.
'Well, Chops, I won't see them much longer now.'
'Miss Lotty, wot yer a-saying of? Cold water be a-tricklin' down my
spine. Was it the dead-candle wot'——
'No, no, Chops. But I made up my mind to-night in the dark wood, when
all alone with Wallace, to—to—— Eh, maybe I mustn't tell even you.'
'Oh, Miss Lotty!'
'Well, poor Chops, to run away.'
 CHAPTER XXIV.

'I SAVED IT UP FOR A RAINY DAY.'

T HE little gipsy lass was a girl who would have been easy to lead but
was rather difficult to drive. A few kind words from the man whom up
till this time she had always looked upon as her father would have
sufficed to make her do anything in reason for him, and do it joyfully too.
When one has no heart in one's work one cannot do even one's duty in the
only way it should be done—namely, as a labour of love.
'It's love and it's kindness to all around us,' Mary had often told Lotty,
'which make the wheels of life go merrily round.'
And, young though she was, Lotty could see the truth of Mary's
statement in nature everywhere around her, both in the camp, in the forest,
and on the sea itself.
Big, rough Bruin, with his jacket like a motor-driver's coat, could never
have danced so well and heartily had he not been encouraged by kindness.
The blackbird in the copse would scarce have sat so eident, so patient, and
so long on her grass-lined nest had not her beautiful orange-billed mate
been trilling his song to her from morn till dewy eve, and if she did not
know that the flute-like music was meant for her ears and her ears only.
Ay, and those sturdy, bare-legged fisher-dames, with their creels upon
their backs, would not have worked so hard had it been for themselves
alone; but their Jimmies were on the sea, and their lads of husbands loved
them, and so they blithely sang:
'The boatie rows, the boatie rows,
The boatie rows fu' weel;
But mickle lighter is the heart
When love bears up the creel.'

Then Lotty's own heart was overflowing with kindness for all creatures.
Yes, and she even had a bit of love to spare for Biffins Lee. That she was
merely a property in his eyes she knew full well; he had scolded her too, he
had pinched her arms, and several times almost dashed her from him till she
had stumbled and fell and burst into piteous tears; but—well, she had
known him so long, and perhaps he really could not help it. He had been
more cruel to her since she had shrunk from making a vulgar exhibition of
herself in the Cumberland wreck affair. She was going away though, and
she would be sorry to vex even Biffins Lee. Happy thought: she would go
and speak to him, and perhaps he would be a little more kind to her for the
last few days or weeks.
Ah! perhaps she was wrong. She did not go actually into his presence as
if she were seeking for an interview, she merely put herself in his way.
'Ah, Lot,' he cried gruffly, but not quite unkindly, 'you're there, are you?
Rather wanted to see you. I think our merman made a bit of a hit last
night'—he rattled the silver in his pocket. 'Now, if I could have you next
week to pose as the mermaid'——
'What!' cried Lotty, aghast.
'It would be the best hit in the countryside. It would make a man of me—
make a man of us all, so to speak. Another thing,' he continued without
giving her time to reply, 'is this: I don't care any too much for that witch-
wife Crona. I want you to stop going there, and I'll give Chops the same
order. She is only putting nonsense and idle stuff into your head.'
'But, father, she has been such a good and kind friend to me, and I could
not well go through the forest to the station or anywhere without seeing her.
Besides'——
'No more, no more. I don't want to lose my temper, for I'm really a good-
natured fellow.'
Again he rattled the cash in his capacious pocket.
Lotty said not another word, but went quietly back to her little caravan,
to Wallace and to Mary.
'Mary,' she said, 'what do you think?'
'Couldn't guess, dear.'
'Mr Biff—my father, I mean—wants me to pose as mermaid next week,
and he seems very determined. I wish he would tell me to go away and get
work at some other show.'
'He won't do that, Lotty. But I'll see him for you, and let him know there
will be a general strike if he attempts to make you mermaid. But it would
not be for a fortnight anyhow.'
 'A fortnight!' Lotty's spirits began to rise. She hoped to be far enough
away before then. And now she was smiling as she said, 'Mary, couldn't you
tell him that you would be happy to be the mermaid?'
'Me a mermaid, wearing a very low-bodiced dress, as I'm told mermaids
do! Me a mermaid, Lotty, with my fragile, fairy-like form, twenty stone and
over. Ha, ha, ha!'
And good Mary laughed till the cups and saucers rang in the caravan
cupboard.
But Lotty grew a little serious again.
'Mary,' she said, 'I am going to be debarred from ever going to see my
fairy godmother any more. What shall I do?'
Mary put one fat arm round Lotty's waist and drew her nearer.
'I cannot ask you to disobey your father,' she said; 'but in this case, I
myself, with Skeleton, shall waddle over to Crona's to-night, and Crona will
write through me to the boss, and I think this will alter matters very much,
so that you and Chops can go to the cottage as often as you have a mind to.'
'Mary, did Crona ever tell you anything in particular?'
'No, dear; but I simply think that as a witch or palmist, or something, she
can read the boss's future, as perhaps she has read his past, and has a great
influence over him. Lotty,' she continued, 'did Crona ever tell you anything
in particular?'
'She did, Mary; but I must not mention it even to you. Some day, though,
I may.'
Mary was hard on herself when she talked about her outdoor movements
as mere waddling, for once she started she could walk very well indeed, and
at climbing hills she could make even Skeleton puff and blow a bit. Neither
Skeleton nor she had been at the witch's cottage for six months at least; but
she was made heartily welcome now, and so was her bony goodman. Even
Tod Lowrie allowed Mary to smooth his triangular head, and pussy
ensconced herself in Mary's lap and at once began to sing. 'It isn't often,' she
appeared to think, 'that I have so comfortable a lap as this to lie on, so I'll
make the best of it for an hour or two.'
Joe the raven was impudently criticising towards the Living Skeleton.
He was perched on his favourite birch-tree branch when the bony one
appeared, and chuckled low to himself. 'Ho!' he said, 'set him up! Ha, ha,
ha! Well, well, well! Ho, ho, ho!'
Then, as Skeleton took no notice of his taunts, he grew even more
insulting. He whistled like a 'glaud,' screamed like a curlew, and cackled
like a hen that has just dropped an egg somewhere. Kuk-kuk-kuk-kuk, kay-
ay-kuk! Tee-hoy-it! Tee-hoy-it! Whew-ew-ew! 'Tod Lowrie, Tod Lowrie!
Have a bone, poor boy, have a bone, kuk-kuk-kuk! Have a bone, have a hen,
a hen, a bone, a bone, bone, bone.' Scray-ay!
'Surely,' cried Skeleton at last, 'surely, Crona, that bird is possessed of an
evil spirit?'
'It's just his exuberance,' said Crona, laughing; 'but I'll march him
indoors, then we'll all have tea; for, dear me, I am pleased to see you. And,
by the way, Mrs Pendlebury, here is a letter to our dear Lotty. I told Mr
Blake to send it through me, you know.'
'Joe, Joe, come down here.'
'I sha'n't—I won't—won't, sha'n't, sha'n't, sha'n't, sha'n't. Ho, ho, ho!'
'Come at once when I tell you, sir!'
The bird came down obediently.
'Go directly into the house to your perch, sir.'
Joe obeyed and went waddling off with trailing wings. But just on the
threshold of the door he looked up at Skeleton again, and laughed so
derisively that if there had been a boot anywhere handy he would have
shied it at him.
'Ha, ha, ha! Ho, ho, ho! Set you up!'
'We'll have peace now,' said Crona.
Said Biffins Lee to Lotty that evening: 'From the way Mary puts it, I find
that Crona isn't a bad sort after all. You may visit her, and take Chops and
your dog for safety. But mind'——
'What, father?'
'The mermaid—in ten days' time.'
Lotty did not care much. There was a joy at her heart to-night. She had
just received such a dear, kind letter from her Mr Blake, and had still to read
it—for the fifth time.
. . . . . . .
 Antony's caravan was going to be taken to the district station, round by
the road, with farmer Duncan's three sturdy horses, his own having been
shipped to England days ago. And the duty of packing it so that nothing
should be broken during transit was to devolve upon Mary, with the
assistance of Lotty and Chops.
Now, it is really wonderful how little a great caravan, say twenty or more
feet long, is moved or shaken during a long journey by train after the
wheels have been taken off, and she lies snugly on the trolley, her weight
supported on her own springs. Instead of going by slow luggage-train, on
which her superb varnishing, gilding, and ornamental scroll-work would
have the certainty of being smoked and soiled, however well covered up,
she was to travel special rate, by passenger-train, so that she would not
really be on the road—so the railway traffic-manager promised—more than
four-and-twenty hours, from the far north through London itself to Bristol.
And here Antony Blake had resolved to meet her himself, with his splendid
horses, and drive down to Manby Hall, in order that his people might see
for themselves what a palace-on-wheels the 'Gipsy Queen' really was.
The caravan would be protected by sheeting, soft and white but
impervious to dust and rain. This was made in different pieces, not as one
clumsy whole, nor did it hang too tightly, for if it had done so it would, with
its various ropes, tauten up during rain and injure the sides.
The skylight itself was not covered, so that the saloon and the bedroom
both had plenty of light. Indeed, the side-sheets and roof-piece had often
been put over her when doing her great winter tour in the early part of the
year; and, independent of these, the fore and aft coloured glass ports of the
large domed skylight could be carried open for fresh air.
Mary determined that the caravan should be quite ready for Antony to
step into as soon as it arrived at its far-off destination; so she carefully fixed
every vase and glass and cup in the cupboard, so that, although they could
not shift, they did not appear to be fixed. The same with his books, fairy
editions of a great many of his favourite authors, in a fairy-like bookcase. It
was Lotty herself who dusted and arranged these, and it was indeed a labour
of love, a labour to linger over, thinking sadly as she did so of the kind and
handsome friend she might never see again.
But everything was ship-shape at last, and she spent all the time she
could spare in the dear old saloon so fraught with many happy recollections.
But one night, not long before the caravan was going to start, while sleeping
in her own little cot in the 'Silver Queen,' Lotty dreamt a dream, and woke
early in the morning thinking of it. She thought that she was travelling all
by herself, not in an ordinary third-class carriage as she had intended, but in
his—Antony's—caravan.
Lotty was a brave girl, and the romance of that dream appealed to her so
much that she determined it should come true. She would only be twenty-
four hours on the road, and she could let herself out when it reached
London, and, locking the door again, find her way to Highgate Heath. Oh!
the plan was delightful above all things, if it could only be managed; and so
she confided her plans to Chops, and between their two wise heads it was
determined that carried out they could and should be.
Crona was also taken into their confidence, and so was the kindly porter
at the railway station far away over the moor. Chops had been sent across to
purchase the little lass's ticket, and told the honest fellow. He was, like
everybody else, very fond indeed of Lotty, and delighted now that she had
taken him into her confidence.
'It'll be all right, won't it, George?' said Chops.
'Ay, that it will. Lo', I wouldn't mention the matter even to the wife o' my
boozum.'
Chops and Lotty worked together an evening or two before the 'Gipsy
Queen' started as secretly as if they had been a couple of smugglers or
pirates.
There was Lotty's big box to be sent away; but that would go after her,
and he, Chops, would see to it. During her journey she would only have her
best clothes on, and one bag that she could carry.
But then there were provisions and stores to be thought of—milk and
water and fruit, and a big box of chocolates that Chops had bought her. Not
even were candles and matches nor Lotty's flashlight forgotten.
As to Wallace—who was watching the pair of them, and no doubt
wondering a good deal what was up—he was to be left in the charge of
Chops until happier days came round, when she should meet them both
again.
Well, the caravan was to start at midnight from the station, but she was
taken away to that place in the afternoon. The very last thing that Lotty did
was to gather a lapful of the wild-flowers he—Antony—loved so well, and
bedeck the saloon and bedroom therewith.
At long last Lotty had one more look round the camp to say good-bye to
Bruin. She dared not excite suspicion by saying good-bye to any one else;
but Mary noticed the poor girl had been crying, and wondered much what
was the reason of her sadness.
She only said, 'Good-night, Mary. Crona wants me to stop a while with
her, and I want to see her again.'
'See you to-morrow, anyhow,' said Mary.
That was all. And if Lotty had really told a little white fib, and she feared
she had, she was much concerned about it. She was very silent all the way
through the forest, and permitted Chops to lead her most of the way. But
just as they came in sight of Crona's cottage Chops stopped.
'Miss Lotty,' he said, 'which we've been good friends, hasn't us?'
'That we have, dear old Chops.'
'Well, ye wouldn't like to see me angry, just real angry, would ye?'
'Oh no, Chops.'
Then he popped a little paper-parcel into her bag. 'I don't want that,' he
said. 'I saved it up for a rainy day; and, oh Lotty, the rainy day has come!'
Well, so far as the poor lad's face was concerned, it had, for Chops was
crying.
 CHAPTER XXV.

'WE'VE GOT A LITTLE STOWAWAY HERE, GUARD.'

I T was midnight drear, and Lotty was all alone in the dark of the caravan
saloon. She dared not light a lamp or candle, so she was feeling very
frightened and very much excited. There was much clanking of big chains
and shouting of porters, and she knew the truck in which the 'Gipsy Queen'
lay was being attached to the train that was to bear her far away from the
camp which had been her home so long. Wallace reluctantly had been left at
poor Crona's cottage till Chops returned.
The good station-porter George had sat up in the saloon with Lotty till he
dared not sit a moment longer, then, telling her to lock her door and say her
prayers, he said, 'Good-bye, darling, and God himsel' be wi' ye!' and so took
his departure.
But presently the puff-puff-puff of the starting train resolved itself into a
steady roar, and she knew she was off and away. But she was tired and
sleepy as well as very heavy-hearted and sad, so she flashed her light a little
and found a big plaid to cover her; and, arranging the pillows, she lay down
on the sofa to think. With that plaid—a good Gordon tartan it was—around
her she did not feel half so lonely. It was just as if its owner were sitting
somewhere near to her in the saloon. She said, 'Good-night, Chops,' and
Good-night, Wallace,' and 'Good-night, Mr Blake.' This, of course, was
merely make-believe. In three minutes more she was as sound asleep as
ever she had been in her life before, and it was quite daylight before she
awakened. She looked her little watch—a present from Crona herself—and
found it was nine o'clock, and past. She got up now, and, going away back
into the pantry, permitted water to flow into the basin and had a delightfully
cool wash. Then she felt hungry, and had a nice breakfast—a cold boiled
egg, nice scones and butter, and a glass of milk.
After breakfast she put her hand into her bag to get the chocolates, and
big, luscious ones they were. She found Chops's little parcel. It was rolled
in a great many pieces of newspaper and tied ever so many times with
pieces of wool; but at last it revealed two gold sovereigns, three half-
crowns, and ever so many threepenny bits.
 'Dear good Chops!' she could not help saying aloud, and her eyes were
dim as she thought of him. She put it safely away, and sat down to think and
wonder how soon she could pay it all back again. But then, of course, it
wasn't spent yet, and Lotty resolved to save it all she could.
A small jewelled clock stood in a case right over the table, and this Lotty
now wound up and put right. Sometimes, when the train stopped a few
minutes at a station in comparative quiet, this clock could be heard ticking;
but whether ticking or not it was really a great comfort to her. She was so
glad there was plenty of light. What would she have done had the skylight
itself, like the windows, been closed up?
Twenty-four hours; but it would be a long, long day to her with nothing
to do! Only, she had been in caravans nearly all her life, and knew from
experience that if one lies down the time seems to pass ever so much more
quickly. So she found a nice book, and hauling the plaid up over her, for it
was none too warm here without a fire, she lay down to read and think and
dream day-dreams. But she dropped the book presently and thought she
would count these chocolates just to make them last. Oh, what a nice big,
deep box! And they were such good ones too, and coyly crisp to the teeth.
She found there were twoscore and ten all told. Well, she would have five to
begin with. But when these five were done for—five chocolates won't last
for ever—she was afraid she must have three more.
Then she resolutely put away the box and as resolutely began to read.
She was glad it wasn't a silly love-story, and felt sure that Mr Blake was far
above books of that sort. This was a volume of startling adventures far, far
away in the wild interior of Borneo. And there were terrible savages in it,
who had big holes bored through their ears and their upper lips to carry ugly
knives in; and there was much fighting with white men; and there was a
poor boy who was carried off to be fattened and eaten by a real cannibal
king, but a pretty black princess who took pity on him just as he was nearly
fat enough and doomed to be killed, and cooked with curry and rice the
very next day. So this princess cut the thongs that bound the poor boy, and
took him into the forest, and bade him keep on and on towards the eastern
sun, and after many weeks he would come to the big blue sea and be sure to
find a boat. But there was a great chase after him, and he was nearly
captured many times, and had most astounding adventures, all of which
occupied fully two hundred pages; and then, lo! it was one o'clock and time
for dinner.
 Just one chocolate—no, two, and that would make the other five!
Lotty had a beautiful pie for dinner, which Crona had made for her, and
she left the half of it for supper. She had a bottle of nicely made coffee too,
though it was cold, besides some fruit. She felt ever so much better now,
and took out of her bag some knitting and set vigorously to work.
But she didn't get on very quickly, she had to pause to think so often—
sometimes about the camp, and Chops, and Crona, and Wallace, and
sometimes about Antony. Also, she spent much time in wondering what sort
of a home Chops's mother would give her, and if ever she would see the
skipper's wife of the wrecked Cumberland any more.
She put away the knitting at last and had coffee for her tea, with bread
and butter and some fruit. Then she sat down to write a letter to Mr Blake,
and to confess how wicked it was of her, and how naughty above all things
to travel in his beautiful caravan. After she had come to the words, 'This is
all at present,' she thought how foolish it looked, so she tore it up and wrote
another, and laid it down till she should address the envelope. Then she read
it over and found she had spelt saloon with two l's—thus, 'salloon.' 'But has
it one "l" or really two?' she said to herself as she began to chew the end of
her fountain pen. 'Let me see—balloon has two "l's;" what has saloon or
salloon ever done that it shouldn't have two. Oh, bother, I'll tear it up and
write one more.'
She wasn't pleased even with that, but she put it in the envelope and
dropped it into her bag to be posted. No, she wouldn't though; she took it
out again and pinned it to a book, where he would be sure to see it. 'Second
thoughts,' she told herself, 'are always best.'
She really hadn't meant to have any more chocolates; but somehow her
hand went gradually towards them, and—she had six before she halted!
Lotty took her violin out of its case now. Luckily she had brought that
with her, for it was light and easy to carry, so she fingered the strings, not
daring to use the bow, and played thus to herself for two whole hours. This
was by no means a fast train, and it made many very long stops. But
something had happened during the previous night that Lotty was not aware
of, being sound asleep. Part of the train had been detached and shunted into
a siding somewhere up near Huntly, and it had not started again till nearly
nine, when the girl awoke. She managed to hear the name of every station
they passed through, and about one hour south of Glasgow, lo! the train
stopped altogether, and Lotty could hear a stationmaster saying to porters,
'That truck with the gipsy wagon on it must be detached and lie here, to go
down with the ten-fifteen passenger to-morrow forenoon.'
This was bad news for poor Lotty, but it could not be helped. She was
angry on Mr Blake's account too, for he had paid special rates, and this was
how he was being treated.
It was now nearly eight o'clock, and everything was still and quiet
inside, for the 'Gipsy Queen' had been shunted into a siding. What was
Lotty to do? Well, she had her supper, and then some more chocolates. But
the night fell, and it was ever so lonesome, dark, and silent.
It might have been about half-past twelve when she awoke with a start
and sprang to her feet. She was trembling now like the leaves of the aspen,
for she could hear voices muttering outside the back door, and some one
tried the handle. Most girls would have screamed. Lotty did not; she drew
nearer to the door, and listened.
'This is the caravan, Lintie, a nobleman's, they say. Let's try those keys.
I'll break the lock afore I'm beaten. Plenty o' swag in here, Lintie, and
nobody'll know the crib has ever been cracked.'
Key after key was tried in vain, and poor Lotty was nearly fainting.
'Here, Lintie, the jemmy; hand it up. I'm going in whatever happens.'
There was glass in the back door; and, hardly knowing what she did,
Lotty flashed her electric light through that, full in the hideous, grimy face
of the would-be burglar. She stamped her feet at the same time, and rattled
the door-handle. The next moment, with something like an oath and a
smothered shout, the burglars made off.
But Lotty slept no more till daylight, and when she awoke the train was
far on its way to the Border. It was moving very quickly too; she knew that
from the motion. But, oh! how she hoped and prayed the train would go
right on now to London, for she determined she would leave it anywhere
rather than be shunted into the dark of a siding again. But, much to her joy,
the train went rattling on and on, so after breakfast and some more of
Chops's chocolates she forgot all her troubles, even opened the front door
and went out to sit in the coachman's seat and gaze on the beautiful
landscape gliding swiftly past her like some splendid panorama.
The sun was shining brightly to-day, the sky everywhere clear and blue,
with only a few white clouds on the western horizon. It was the sunshine of
earliest summer, a sunshine of promise, a sunshine, too, that seemed to find
an echo in this little gipsy's heart. Even the train's rapid motion accorded
with the girl's feelings, making her feel that she was leaving something of
sorrow and darkness behind her and bringing her every hour nearer and
nearer to a happier future.
Yet Lotty could not help thinking, while she sat here in the bright
forenoon sunshine, how sad it was that so much of real joy should have
been in her camp-life mingled with the embittering gall of misery. For, as
far as her relations with Biffins Lee had existed, her life had been one long
woe. She bore him no ill-will, however; he had been a hard taskmaster, and
she merely a little white slave, useful to him in his business, a mere
property, that was all. What her life as a show-girl would have been without
Crona, Chops, and Mary she could not have told you. 'Oh,' she would have
said, 'it would have been no life, for I would simply have died.'
She tried even now to think back to some little kindness of deed or even
speech of Lee's that was not born of self-interest. She could not find even
one; as regards her education, he had been most particular, and had paid her
teachers well, but this was merely in order that as a property she might have
more value.
And then, all at once, a cold hand seemed to clutch at her heart, and
some evil thing appeared to whisper to her the words: 'Biffins Lee will find
you wherever you go, and take you back by force to his show.' Poor girl!
She did not know then that he had no legal right to do anything of the sort.
But the thought, once implanted in her mind, took firm root, and grew and
increased till it made her miserable. But for the time being only. Who could
be miserable any length of time on so glad and bright a day as this? With
the fresh air on her face, she began to feel drowsy.
'But,' she said to herself, 'I might drop off to sleep, and fall right down
out of the caravan and be killed.' So once more she sought the interior,
comforted herself with a few more chocolates, carefully counted how many
were left, then got in under the plaidie to read. But to read was to feel
drowsy, and in a few minutes' time this little gipsy lass was safe in the kind
arms of Morpheus.
. . . . . . .
Chops, going back homewards through the moor and the woods, felt so
lonesome that the evening actually seemed cold, for grief has this chilling
effect at times. He was very glad, indeed, when at long and last the light
from Crona's romantic wee cot blinked out through the gloom of the
gathering night-shadows. It might have been this light that accounted for
what immediately followed, for Chops had a sudden inspiration. Although
he was a poet—or thought himself so, and few even of the best of us get
much farther—it was seldom indeed that Nature vouchsafed him a sudden
inspiration. And when this one came he stopped short at once, and a
beaming, fatty sort of a smile illumined his face to such an extent that for a
moment it might have been mistaken for a will-o'-the-wisp.
'I'll do it,' he said. 'Yes, I'll do it to-morrow mornin' right away. Wonder I
didn't think of telling Miss Lotty. But w'ich it'll be a pleasant serprise for
her.'
He hurried on now, and was soon inside the cottage; and Crona, knowing
Chops's weakness, set about laying the supper.
'Just 'ad a henspyration, Crona!'
'And what is it, dear boy?'
'The henspyration,' said Chops impressively, 'is a tillygrum.'
'A telegram, Chops? There, you'll find that a nice bit of supper!'
'A tillygrum, Crona, to-morrow mornin' fust thing. Runs with it my
single self to make sure. And that tillygrum will be to Mrs Oak, derelict of
Capting Oak of the wretched ship Cumberland, Capstan Cottage,
Shepherd's Bush, London. An' it will say—the tillygrum will say—"Meet
Lotty at King's Cross in the caravan, on Friday first as ever was.—Yours to
order, Chops."'
'Very good idea of yours, Chops; but you couldn't put all that in a
telegram. Besides, Captain Oak isn't dead, so Mrs Oak isn't a relict, let
alone a derelict. I'll write the telegram, Chops, this very night.'
. . . . . . .
The lights of London were beginning to spring up here and there in
windows as the train drew into the gloom of King's Cross, and Lotty seized
her little bag and fiddle-case, got out, locked her door, and leapt off the
truck and almost into the arms of kindly Mrs Oak and the stationmaster
himself. After the first greetings, the guard came hurrying up.
'We've got a little stowaway here, guard,' said the man with the gold
band, laughing. 'Travelled all the way from Scotland in her own caravan!'
 'Well, well, well! And a pretty little stowaway she is. 'Pon my soul, if I'd
known she was with me, stationmaster, I would have been sorely tempted to
neglect my duty, and travelled with her in the same carriage.'
'Thanks, dear,' he said when Lotty gave up her ticket.
'I suppose,' said the little gipsy, 'I was infringing orders.'
'I don't know really if we have a bylaw that would cover this case; but,
depend upon it, that if your friend Mrs Oak hadn't come I should have made
you a prisoner, and taken you home to my wife, if only for the sake of
seeing a little more of so interesting and pretty a stowaway.'
For verily, verily, reader, even a stationmaster is 'gallantly personified'
where beauty is concerned.
Lotty did think it so kind and thoughtful of Chops to send that telegram,
and it certainly was a most pleasant surprise to her. She much needed rest,
too, and so she gladly went home that night with Mrs Oak to Capstan
Cottage, and was glad to meet her husband James once more. He was on
shore for just a fortnight, then bound for the West Indies in a better ship
than ever he had commanded before. But, tired though she was, Lotty did
not go to bed until she had written both to Crona and to Chops himself. And
next day Mrs Oak went with Lotty all the way to Highgate Heath.