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The Rise of
Hybrid Political
Islam in Turkey
ORIGINS AND CONSOLIDATION OF THE JDP
Sevinç Bermek
The Rise of Hybrid Political Islam in Turkey
Sevinç Bermek
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To my father Prof. Engin Bermek on his 80th birthday
Acknowledgements
This book would not have been possible without the guidance and the
help of several individuals who in one way or another contributed and
extended their valuable assistance in the preparation and completion of
this book. I am especially indebted to Prof. Leila Simona Talani,
Department of European & International Studies (King’s College
London), for her guidance throughout the publication stage of this work,
that was based on my doctoral dissertation. I also thank the manuscript
reviewers for their detailed feedback at different stages of publication. I
would also like to extend my gratitude to Dr. Ambra Finotello, the senior
commissioning editor, for believing in my project and for her support and
guidance from the book proposal stage to the publication one.
I would like to thank Prof. Danièle Joly, Dr. Khursheed Wadia, and Dr.
Saniye Dedeoğlu during the whole process of conducting my research and
writing up my manuscript. I am also grateful to my Dissertation Committee
Prof. Nicola Pratt and Prof. Alpaslan Özerdem for encouraging me to
publish my thesis as a book.
I am grateful to all my friends and colleagues who have been supportive
of my career goals and who helped me proactively to publish my manu-
script. Among them, I am especially indebted to Elsa Tülin Şen, Çağrı
Yalkın, and Patrícia Calca for their guidance. I owe special thanks to Aslı
Ünan for helping me design the illustrations and figures in the book. I also
thank Kate Epstein for her meticulous proofreading and my friends
Theologia Iliadou, Ehsan Mir, Dimitrios Minos, and Ceren Neşe Tosun
for their support and believing in me during the writing stage of the book.
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
London, UK
January 2019
Contents
1 Introduction 1
7 Conclusion245
ix
x Contents
Appendix251
Glossary255
Index259
Abbreviations
̇
AGIAD Anadolu Genç İş Adamları Derneği (Anatolian Young
Businessmen Association)
̇
AIHM Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi (European Court of
Human Rights)
̇
AKIM AK İletişim Merkezi (AK Communication Centre)
AM Anayasa Mahkemesi (Constitutional Court)
ANAP Anavatan Partisi (Motherland Party)
AP Adalet Partisi (Justice Party) (Est. 14.10.1973—Closure
16.10.1981)
Bağ-Kur Esnaf ve Sanatkarlar ile Diğer Bağımsız Çalışanlar Sosyal
Sigortalar Kurumu (Social Security Organisation of
Craftsmen, Tradesmen, and Self-Employed)
BDP Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi (Peace and Democracy Party)
(Est. 3.05.2008—11.07.2014)
BP/TBP Birlik Partisi/Türkiye Birlik Partisi (Unity Party/Unity Party
of Turkey) (Est. 17.10.1966—Closure 16.10.1981)
BQ Bloc Québécois (Quebec Bloc)
BTP Büyük Türkiye Partisi (Great Turkey Party) (Est.
20.05.1983—Closure 30.05.1983)
CDA Christen Democratisch Appèl (Christian Democratic Appeal)
CDU Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Christian
Democratic Union of Germany)
CGP Cumhuriyetçi Güven Partisi (Republican Reliance Party)
(Est. 29.01.1971—Closure 16.10.1981)
xi
xii ABBREVIATIONS
Fig. 2.1 Illustration of the overarching cleavage in the context of the JDP 56
Fig. 3.1 Share of each sector within the total employment, 1923–1950.
(Source: TUIK Statistics 2010) 74
Fig. 3.2 Each sector’s share of total employment, 1950–1960. (Source:
TUIK Statistics 2010) 78
Map 3.1 ISI and (Group I) industrial plants in the cities of Turkey, 1950–
1980. (Source: Maps made via MapChart) 82
Map 3.2 ISI and (Group II) industrial plants in the cities of Turkey, 1950–
1980. The map illustrates the industrial cities close to the first
group (Group I) of industrialised cities. (Source: Maps made via
MapChart)83
Fig. 3.3 Each sector’s share of total employment, 1960–1980. (Source:
TUIK Statistics, 2010) 83
Map 3.3 Export-led growth and industrial plants in the cities of Turkey
after 1980. The map illustrates the main industrial cities
established after 1980 due to export-led growth. (Source: Maps
made via MapChart) 88
Fig. 3.4 Inflation, 1980–2017. (Source: IMF) 90
Fig. 3.5 Evolution of sectoral employment (share of total in per cent) in the
period 1980–2008. (Source: ILO Labour Statistics Bureau 2012) 92
Fig. 3.6 Each sector’s share of total employment, 1980–2017. (Source:
TUIK Statistics 2017b) 93
Fig. 3.7 Urban migration 1975–2015 to metropolitan cities. (Source:
TUIK)94
Fig. 3.8 Export-oriented provinces and support for the JDP in the 2002
legislative elections. (Source: TUIK 2018 and YSK 2011) 109
xvii
List of Tables
xix
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
I was 11 years old in March 1994 when the Refah Partisi (Welfare Party,
RP) gained 19 per cent of the total vote in Turkey’s nationwide local elec-
tions held and won the metropolitan municipality of Istanbul where my
family was living. My parents generally voted for more liberal parties, as I
knew, and I discussed the victory with many members of the working class
I knew—housecleaners, doormen, and marginal sector workers. Most of
them generally supported right-leaning parties including the RP after their
deception with left-wing parties in the 1980s. Ever since I have been curi-
ous about the split between working-class and middle-class Turks like my
parents, which led me years later to the topic of this book, the emergence
and consolidation of the Islamic-leaning Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi
(Justice and Development Party, JDP), which rested significantly on
working-class support and lower segments of the society.
Beyond my personal motives, this research on consolidation and under-
pinnings of the JDP reflects an understanding that Turkey’s case has
unique features with significant implications for the field of comparative
politics. While Turkey is integrated into the core architecture of the
Western international stage through its membership in the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Council, and Custom
Unions, it has experienced the rise of political Islam via openly contested
elections and a gradual yet persistent drift towards authoritarianism. Some
scholars and pundits believed, following the Gezi Park protests of June
2013 and the corruption accusations of December 2013 against the leader
of the JDP and members of his cabinet, that it would soon cease to exist.
However, the legislative elections of November 2015 revealed the resil-
ience and tactical skills of the JDP in spite of the corroding effects of 14
years in power. These events reveal that the analysis of the party as a politi-
cal phenomenon is still current and that this drift to authoritarianism and
its sustainability needs to be explored in depth. In order to address these
questions, it is essential to understand how the JDP’s rise to and consoli-
dation of power occurred.
A further reason to explore the JDP is that Turkey’s shift to authoritari-
anism is not unique, but a rather prevalent trend of our time. Indeed, even
countries fully integrated to Western and liberal order have lately shown a
tendency to drift away from their core institutions and gravitate towards
authoritarianism. Hungary’s national-conservative and right-wing popu-
list party Fidesz’s supermajority success in the form of three consecutive
electoral victories (in 2010, 2014, and 2018) and Poland’s right-wing
populist, national-conservative Christian Democratic Law and Justice
Party’s obtaining outright majority in 2015 illustrate this trend of which
the JDP is a part.
The research questions that drive this book reflect both my interest in
Turkey and its relationship to a broader international trend. These relate
to how the JDP has become a game changer in both Turkish party system
and society and on how the party has consolidated its power and become
remarkably resilient over the years of its power. The book attempts to
answer these core questions by following the course of this shift to author-
itarianism in the Turkish politics and society.
This book goes beyond the debate on secularism and Islam. As the
research aimed to investigate the JDP as a model of game changer in both
society and party system, it necessitated a theoretical framework scrutinis-
ing party system according to sociological factors. To that end, I chose
Lipset-Rokkan’s cleavage structure (1967)1 to guide the research. The
qualitative methodology was based on in-depth interviews and archival
research, which included review of electoral campaign material, grey litera-
ture, and statistics related to socioeconomic data. Lipset and Rokkan iden-
tify four main cleavages (state-church, centre-periphery, capital
owner-worker, and land-industry); for the Turkish context, I adapted it
as secularist-Islamist; Turkish-Kurdish, Sunni-Alevi; left-right, centre ver-
sus periphery at the centre; big urban conglomerate-peripheral Small
Medium Enterprises (SMEs), respectively. In keeping with the adapted
cleavage-structure model, I recruited interviewees from the Cumhuriyet
INTRODUCTION 3
Halk Partisi (Republican People’s Party, CHP), the JDP, and the Saadet
Partisi (Felicity Party, SP) to reflect the secularist-Islamist cleavage.
In addition to this adapted cleavage structure, I develop new cleavage
structure for clarifying roots of the current Turkish party system. Lipset
and Rokkan (1967) considered the Industrial Revolution and French
Revolution as the roots of the Western European party systems as the for-
mer gave rise to the land-industry divide in Britain and the latter gave rise
to the state-church fault line in France. Similarly, I understand the estab-
lishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 as the root of the Turkish-
Ottoman/Republican-Imperial divide that gave rise to the Turkish party
system, and hence I developed this overarching Turkish-Ottoman/
Republican-Imperial cleavage. To this leading theoretical paradigm, I ulti-
mately added additional theoretical frameworks such as a new version of
centre-periphery (Kahraman 2008), machine party politics (Stokes et al.
2013), and the logic of the political survival (Bueno de Mesquita et al.
2003) based on fieldwork data given that the cleavage structure was not
sufficient in elaborating the consolidation of the JDP. Examining the party
system according to sociological factors is a chief source of novelty in the
research presented here, because the scholarly literature on Turkish party
systems and parties has generally focused on theories related to electoral
institutions (e.g. Sayarı 2007; Özbudun 2013; Gumuscu 2013; Ayan
Musil 2011; Ete et al. 2015; Sayarı 2016; Esen and Gumuscu 2016;
Wuthrich 2015; Sayarı et al. 2018). Aside from the theoretical part, the
book contributes to the existing scholarly literature on the Turkish politics
and society with its field research findings. Scholarly work on Turkish poli-
tics and society, the JDP, and country studies have increased dramatically
over the last decade. This work has addressed a wide range of subjects such
as Islamist movements, democratisation, state-military relations, and
European Union (EU) membership. I disentangle this growing literature
according to the major themes relevant to my objectives, which leads to a
focus on research on Turkish politics and the JDP (mainly country stud-
ies) and Turkish politics and society and voting behaviour in local and
legislative elections.
The majority of scholars who have tackled the JDP’s emergence use the
framework of debates on Islamism versus secularism, democratisation,
Europeanisation, and state-military relations. Thus, Eligür (2010) explains
the rise of political Islam from a social movement theory perspective. She
argues that the movement of the Türk-İslam Sentezi (Turkish-Islamic
Synthesis), compounded with the malfunctioning state and Islamist
4 S. BERMEK
in Turkish politics and society. Scholars have started to focus on the JDP’s
authoritarian politics, which have become more and more evident. For
instance, Cizre’s (2016) edited manuscript assesses the 13 years of the JDP’s
and its leader’s ruling tenures from the viewpoints of major critical actors
(Kemalist civil society organisations, gender-driven Republican feminists,
Alevi community, Gülen movement, Gezi protesters, and socialist scholars).
Regarding the party’s political position, she asserts that JDP lost its centrist
position after the legislative elections of June 2015. She argues that the shelv-
ing of the two-year ceasefire and peace with the Kurdish bloc to serve
Erdoğan’s political ambitions has revealed his adherence to the traditional
statist discourse of the Turkish state. Similarly, Başer and Öztürk (2017) high-
light the consequences of the constitutional referendum of 2017 that ushered
in a change from a parliamentary model to an executive presidency, granting
President Erdoğan far-reaching new powers across Turkey. They also empha-
sise the democratic reversal that has thereby occurred in Turkey. Similarly,
Öktem and Akkoyunlu (2017)2 scrutinise Turkey’s regime shift and abandon-
ment of democratic politics following the installation of hyper-presidential
system. They explore this regime change by focusing on a comparative analy-
sis (Turkey, Russia, Southeast Europe, and Latin America), pointing out the
repercussions of such a regime change in religious, educational, ethnic, and
civil society policies. Their volume concludes that this extensive authoritarian
shift3 has not resulted in consolidation but in rather severely split and con-
tested polity. While Öktem and Akkoyunlu (2017) explore Turkey’s move to
authoritarianism from different policy angles, Bayulgen et al. (2018) explore
reversal and resilience in hybrid regimes by analysing elite strategies and their
coping mechanism against challenges to the JDP rule. Through their analysis
on Turkish case, they illustrate how elite conditions contribute to the resil-
ience and vulnerability of hybrid regimes in general as well as their regime path.
This book contributes to the literature on authoritarian politics in
Turkey by providing another explanation of this shift to illiberal democ-
racy. The research incorporates theories of machine party politics (or cli-
entelist parties) and a political survival mechanism to clarify how the JDP
has supplied policies to meet the demands of its core constituency (supply
side). In revealing that the JDP functions as a machine party, I suggest
that authoritarianism is in the party’s DNA and that its early days reflect
this, which has paved the way to authoritarianism in Turkish politics under
a political boss. Thus, I demonstrate how the JDP’s consolidation and its
entrenchment in Turkish society and politics has led to the manifestation
of authoritarian tendencies that were once hidden.
This book also complements scholarly works that highlight the struc-
tural aspects of the JDP and its impact on the society and politics. These
INTRODUCTION 7
as the JDP initially seemed to have. Hence, the chapter elucidates the
demand side regarding the emergence of the JDP in 2002. Chapter 3 also
disentangles the main themes behind the emergence of the JDP, which in
turn become the subjects of Chaps. 4 and 5.
In Chap. 4, I explore the issue of social policies and how the JDP con-
solidated its electoral power by meeting the demands of ordinary people,
via catering to its core constituencies. To demonstrate this strategy, the
chapter opens with a discussion regarding the emergence of discrepancy
between the party’s discourse and policies. This divergence between policy
and discourse highlights that the major way the JDP delivers for its core
constituencies is its universal social welfare agenda. Following this opening,
the chapter elaborates on how the JDP’s pro-rights discourse deviates from
its policies and how policies such as its macroeconomic stability programme
nonetheless provided an electoral advantage in four consecutive elections.
Chapter 4 investigates two important policy areas: health and social assis-
tance policies (e.g. increases in social benefits for disadvantaged groups and
marketisation of the health-care system) in order to demonstrate how they
contributed to the party’s political consolidation and entrenchment in
Turkish society. The chapter also points out that the JDP’s machine party
characteristics contributed to its consolidation and its resilient support
among its target constituency more than its religious discourse.
Chapter 5 pursues the main findings from Chap. 4 regarding the diverg-
ing feature between the party’s discourse and its policy agenda. Thus, the
JDP’s hybrid ideology and its continuous supply for the political demands
of its core constituency characterises it as a machine party rather than a
standard political party of familiar attributes. In addition, its hybrid ideol-
ogy, more than its Islamist background, explains how the JDP adapts itself
to new political dynamics, thus remaining resilient in its politics. To be
more specific, Chap. 5 analyses the party’s view of the role that social and
human rights play in Turkish social discourse, as well as the role they play
in Turkey’s bid for EU membership as an anchor for democratisation.
Thus, it appears that the JDP has used this language and these themes to
further its entrenchment in the Turkish society. This policy is also reflected
in the JDP’s approach to issues such as the state’s negotiation for EU
membership, a headscarf ban, advocacy for demilitarisation, and human
rights extensions for ethnic minorities in the country. The chapter further-
more elaborates how the JDP has changed its ideological framing over
time, positioning itself to ally with other stakeholders when political inter-
ests dictate. Finally, it describes the extreme, rather unprincipled basis
10 S. BERMEK
Notes
1. The cleavage-structure theory is deduced from Talcott Parsons’ paradigm of
societal changes (Lipset and Rokkan 1967, pp. 7–10). When the Parsonian
paradigm is traced back further, it reveals that Parsons used a thoroughly
Weberian class analysis in his works (Tribe 2007, p. 222).
2. More scholarly works are as follows: Waldman and Caliskan (2016), Abbas
(2017).
3. For an extensive literature review of scholarly work on authoritarian politics
in Turkey, please consult Somer (2016, p. 7).
References
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Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Akarca, A. (2015). Putting Turkey’s June and November 2015 Election Outcomes
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Ayan Musil, P. (2011). Authoritarian Party Structures and Democratic Political
Setting in Turkey. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Başer, B., & Öztürk, A. E. (Eds.). (2017). Authoritarian Politics in Turkey:
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Bayulgen, O., Arbatli, E., & Canbolat, S. (2018). Elite Survival Strategies and
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Fruitful women, 60.
Fruit tree, a simile, 15.
Fruitless suckling, 283.
Fumigations, 129.
Labor, 199.
the easy and the hard, 94.
rapid, directions concerning, 228.
symptoms of, 199–215.
treatment of, 216–254.
Lavements in pregnancy, 144.
Leather cheaper than physic, 24.
Legs, the swollen, of pregnancy, 152.
Length of time of first labor, 210.
of an after labor, 210.
Life is to be well, 18.
Light, effects of, 79.
is life, 79.
Little ablution—much clothing, 84.
Lively women and easy labors, 127.
Luxurious idle wife, 77.
Luxury, an age of, 28.
ill effects of, 38.
Lying-in room, 237.
temperature of, 237.
“Quickening,” 120.
flatulence mistaken for, 121.
Quiet after confinement, 246.
BY
“Lo, children and the fruit of the womb are an heritage and cometh of the Lord.”
SEVENTEENTH EDITION.
PHILADELPHIA
J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.
1881.
TO
Your kind and flattering approval of this little Book, and your
valuable suggestions for its improvement, demand my warmest
gratitude and acknowledgments, and have stimulated me to renewed
exertions to make it still more complete and useful, and thus more
worthy of your approbation.
You have greatly added to my obligation, by allowing me to
indicate those passages of the work that you considered required
correction, addition, and improvement. On reference to these pages,
it will be at once perceived how greatly I am indebted to you, and
how much I have profited by your valuable advice.
P. H. C.
CONTENTS.
PART I.—INFANCY.
PAGE
Preliminary Conversation 1013
Ablution 1016
Management of the Navel 1024
Clothing 1028
Diet 1032
Vaccination 1056
Dentition 1062
Exercise 1075
Sleep 1077
The Bladder and the Bowels 1084
Ailments, Disease, etc. 1085
Concluding Remarks on Infancy 1119
PART II.—CHILDHOOD.
Ablution 1120
Clothing 1123
Diet 1132
The Nursery 1150
Exercise 1172
Amusements 1177
Education 1183
Sleep 1188
Second Dentition 1194
Disease, etc. 1195
Warm Baths 1294
Warm External Applications 1295
Accidents 1297
Index 1403