Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Textbook United Nations Peace Operations in A Changing Global Order Cedric de Coning Ebook All Chapter PDF
Textbook United Nations Peace Operations in A Changing Global Order Cedric de Coning Ebook All Chapter PDF
https://textbookfull.com/product/whose-peace-local-ownership-and-
united-nations-peacekeeping-1st-edition-sarah-von-billerbeck/
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-changing-world-order-why-
nations-succeed-and-fail-1st-edition-ray-dalio/
https://textbookfull.com/product/migration-conundrums-regional-
integration-and-development-africa-europe-relations-in-a-
changing-global-order-inocent-moyo/
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-united-nations-and-changing-
world-politics-revised-and-updated-with-a-new-introduction-8th-
edition-thomas-g-weiss/
Basic Facts about the United Nations 42nd Edition
United Nations Department Of Public Information
https://textbookfull.com/product/basic-facts-about-the-united-
nations-42nd-edition-united-nations-department-of-public-
information/
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-united-nations-in-the-21st-
century-4th-edition-karen-a-mingst/
https://textbookfull.com/product/peacebuilding-in-the-united-
nations-coming-into-life-fernando-cavalcante/
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-un-at-war-peace-operations-
in-a-new-era-1st-edition-john-karlsrud-auth/
https://textbookfull.com/product/peace-formation-and-political-
order-in-conflict-affected-societies-1st-edition-richmond/
United Nations
Peace Operations
in a Changing
Global Order
Edited by
Cedric de Coning
Mateja Peter
United Nations Peace Operations in a Changing
Global Order
Cedric de Coning · Mateja Peter
Editors
United Nations
Peace Operations
in a Changing
Global Order
Editors
Cedric de Coning Mateja Peter
Norwegian Institute of International School of International Relations
Affairs University of St Andrews
Oslo, Norway St Andrews, Fife, UK
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019. This book is an open access publication.
Open Access This book is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits
use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as
you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the
Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made.
The images or other third party material in this book are included in the book’s Creative
Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material
is not included in the book’s Creative Commons license and your intended use is not
permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain
permission directly from the copyright holder.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Foreword
v
vi Foreword
state reactions to the report were generally positive, inevitably with some
cherry-picking; and its analysis narrowed—while it did not resolve—the
tension between traditional peacekeeping espoused by many troop-con-
tributing countries and the trend towards more robust mandates
adopted by the Security Council. The HIPPO’s thinking, along with
that of the other two major reviews published in 2015—regarding peace-
building architecture, and women, peace and security—featured promi-
nently in the public exchanges between member states and candidates to
be the next Secretary-General. The early initiatives of Secretary-General
António Guterres manifested his intention to improve strategic analysis
and planning by the Secretariat, and to restructure its peace and secu-
rity departments—described by the HIPPO as “hampering the effective
assessment, design and conduct of peace operations”—as well as to fur-
ther strengthen measures to address sexual exploitation and abuse, which
have so damaged the reputation of UN peacekeeping.
The HIPPO’s insistence on the primacy of politics—that “last-
ing peace is achieved not through military and technical engagements,
but through political solutions”, and therefore “politics must drive the
design and implementation of peace operations”—is now widely empha-
sised, including in the Security Council itself. In this, the HIPPO was
giving necessary reinforcement to the Brahimi report’s critique of the
strategic weaknesses of the Secretariat and the Security Council. But it is
not always noted that in another respect, the HIPPO report went in the
opposite direction from the Brahimi report: while the latter gave strong
endorsement to the model of the large multidimensional peacekeeping
operation with extensive peacebuilding functions, HIPPO’s keywords are
prioritisation and sequencing, which together with its emphasis on con-
flict prevention may point to smaller missions.
When Ban decided to launch the review, the most recent new missions
were MINUSMA in Mali (April 2013) and MINUSCA in the Central
African Republic (April 2014)—and Mali in particular had displayed
the failures of UN planning, mandating and deployment at their most
acute, for which peacekeepers have paid with their lives. Worsening con-
flicts in South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo have shown
how difficult it is to adapt the established configuration of large peace
operations to changed circumstances, as the Secretariat and the Security
Council are now trying to do more systematically through a series of
strategic reviews. The HIPPO’s emphasis on context-specific mission
Foreword vii
This edited volume has been long in the making and we have incurred
many debts. The conversations with friends and colleagues in both
academia and policy that have shaped its contours are too many to
acknowledge individually. We nonetheless want to single out a few with
important contributions. The idea for this project developed while we
were providing research support to the High-Level Independent Panel
on Peace Operations in 2015. We want to thank the Norwegian Ministry
of Foreign Affairs for financially supporting us in this endeavour. The
project would not have been possible without this early backing. We also
want to thank José Ramos-Horta, the chair, and all the Panel members
for generously involving us in their deliberations and regional consul-
tations. A special recognition needs to be extended to Bela Kapur and
the rest of the Panel Secretariat. They made sure our work with the
Panel was not only productive, but also enjoyable. We have also bene-
fited greatly from our continued conversations with the Friends of the
HIPPO, a network of think tanks interested in UN peace operations.
Its chair, Ian Martin, has been an invaluable resource in our research.
Our colleagues at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
(NUPI), in particular Kari Osland and the rest of the Peace, Conflict and
Development research group, have supported us from the beginning.
As we were finalising the volume, Mateja also greatly benefited from
the research leave provided by the School of International Relations at
University of St. Andrews. We also want to recognise Bård Drange, our
editorial assistant, who helped us with copy-editing and other thankless
ix
x Acknowledgements
editorial tasks. Sarah Roughley and her team at Palgrave Macmillan were
more than helpful in ushering the project to the completion. Lastly, and
most importantly, we want to thank the contributors to this volume. You
are an infinitely patient group of people and we learned from each and
every one of you. Thank you for being a part of this volume!
Cedric de Coning
Mateja Peter
Contents
xi
xii Contents
Index 319
Notes on Contributors
xv
xvi Notes on Contributors
in five post-conflict countries over five years. She was co-editor of the
Scandinavian journal Internasjonal Politikk and has done extensive field-
work in Afghanistan, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, FYR Macedonia,
Kosovo, Montenegro, Serbia, South Sudan and the Sudan.
Mateja Peter is Lecturer (Assistant Professor) at St. Andrews University,
where she co-directs the Centre for Global Constitutionalism. She is
also Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International
Affairs (NUPI). Peter obtained her Ph.D. from Cambridge University
and subsequently held post-doctoral positions at research institutes in
Washington, Berlin and Oslo. Her recent peer-reviewed articles appear
in Third World Quarterly, Global Governance and Cambridge Review of
International Affairs. Peter works at the intersection of international
relations and law, researching on global governance and international
organisations, peace operations and peacebuilding. Previously, she led a
project providing research support to the UN High-Level Independent
Panel on Peace Operations. She has extensive field experience and has
recently done work in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Darfur. She
is currently finalising a book on international authority in state-building.
Thierry Tardy is Senior Analyst at the European Union Institute for
Security Studies (EUISS). He has researched and published extensively
on military and civilian crisis management with a focus on the United
Nations and the European Union, inter-institutional cooperation in
security governance, security regionalism and the EU Common Security
and Defence Policy. His latest publications include The Oxford Handbook
on United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (co-edited with Joachim
Koops, Norrie MacQueen and Paul Williams, OUP, 2015); CSDP in
Action. What Contribution to International Security? (Chaillot Papers
134, EUISS, May 2015), Recasting EU Civilian Crisis Management
(Report n°32, EUISS, February 2017) and Permanent Structured
Cooperation: What’s in a Name? (co-authored with Daniel Fiott and
Antonio Missiroli, Chaillot Papers 142, EUISS, Nov. 2017). He is a
member of the editorial board of International Peacekeeping. He teaches
European Security and Crisis Management at the Institut d’Etudes
Politiques (Paris), La Sorbonne and the National Institute of Oriental
Languages and Civilisations (INALCO). Tardy also regularly lectures at
the NATO Defense College and at the European Security and Defense
College (ESDC), and sits at the ESDC’s Executive Academic Board.
Notes on Contributors xxi
Chart 13.1 China and Major Western Powers’ GDP (Source Author’s
own calculation based on data from United Nations
Statistics Division 2016) 259
Chart 13.2 UNSC permanent members’ contribution of UN
Peacekeepers (2001–2016) (Source Author’s own
calculation based on data from United Nations 2017c) 262
Chart 13.3 Major Power’s assessment rate in contribution to UN
Peacekeeping (2001–2016) (Source Author’s own
calculation based on data from United Nations 2015) 262
xxiii
List of Tables
xxv
CHAPTER 1
Mateja Peter
M. Peter (*)
School of International Relations, University of St Andrews, St Andrews, UK
e-mail: mp240@st-andrews.ac.uk
(AU) should deal with African ones. The primacy of the UN was under
challenge. Two years later, with the number of crises in the world not
subsiding, the United States (US), as not only the leader of the Western
world but also the biggest funder of UN peacekeeping, sought to cut
$1 billion from the UN peacekeeping budget (Lynch 2017). Moments
after the budget was adopted, the US ambassador to the UN exclaimed
on twitter: “Just 5 months into our time here, we’ve cut over half
a billion $$$ from the UN peacekeeping budget & we’re only get-
ting started” (Green 2017). All this is happening at a time, when UN
peace operations are marred in sexual abuse scandals (UN 2015a; Essa
2017; Naraghi Anderlini 2017), hence losing legitimacy in the eyes of
the global public and, more consequentially, the local population, which
they are supposed to be serving. Local and global non-state actors are
demanding accountability and the UN is increasingly forced to react. For
example, in June 2017, after a non-governmental organisation (NGO)
Aids Free World leaked internal UN documents detailing alleged sex-
ual abuse and misconduct, the UN announced the withdrawal of 600
Congo-Brazzaville peacekeepers from the UN Mission in the Central
African Republic (CAR) (UN 2017). Challenges are coming from all
sides and the core dilemma addressed by this volume is whether and how
UN peace operations are adapting to this new global order.
Since the turn of the century both conflicts and interventions have
changed dramatically. Self-perpetuating cross-border conflicts fuelled by
both greed and grievances (Berdal and Malone 2000; Collier and Hoffler
2004)—a key feature of the post-Cold War security environment—,
have gained new dimensions with the rise of illegitimate non-state actors.
Groups such as ISIS in Iraq and Syria, Al-Shabaab in Somalia, al-Qa-
eda−affiliated groups in northern Mali, Boko Haram from Nigeria, the
Lord’s Resistance Army from Uganda or the M23 militia in the eastern
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are rewriting the rules of war.
These groups are not just spoilers of peace agreements (Stedman 1997),
they are seen as antithetical to peace agreements: neither they nor the
broader international community are interested in peace agreements that
would include them (Peter 2015, p. 358). The scale and nature of their
atrocities in their regions of origin and the fact that many of them have
a global reach through terrorist activities, makes the international com-
munity, as a whole, and members of the UN Security Council (UNSC),
more specifically, unlikely to allow them any legitimate claims. Despite
this wide agreement, the UNSC is often at odds about the kind of action
1 UN PEACE OPERATIONS: ADAPTING TO … 3
that should be taken to address their rise, something we have best seen
in Syria. In other regions, where the permanent members of the UNSC
have less polarising positions, UNSC responses indicate a new trend in
interventions. Whether conducted through UN peacekeeping oper-
ations, such as in Mali, the DRC and the CAR, or through regional
organisations, such as in Somalia or through the Multinational Joint
Task Force against Boko Haram (de Coning et al. 2016), international
responses are increasingly robust.
These new types of conflicts and interventions are happening at a time
of dramatic shifts in the global order. For much of the twentieth cen-
tury, the discourse on peace and security took place between the East
and the West, tempering the UN’s ability to get involved in intra-state
conflicts. With the end of the Cold War and the newly found agreement
in the UNSC, peacekeepers began addressing fallouts from civil wars and
assisting post-conflict states in their reconstruction. But the much-hailed
‘end of history’ (Fukuyama 1992) resulting in the liberal ‘peacebuilding
consensus’ (Richmond 2004), did not transpire in ways anticipated. This
new century is one of North–South rebalancing. From bipolar, via uni-
polar, we have now entered a truly multipolar world (de Coning et al.
2014; Narlikar 2010). States from the global South have long been
active participants in peacekeeping as troop and police contributors. This
has not changed. At the time of writing, the top ten troop and police
contributing countries are all from the global South, with Ethiopia,
Bangladesh, India, Rwanda and Pakistan topping the list.1 Throughout
the history of UN peace operations, the role of these states in the field
has not been matched by their participation in decision and policy mak-
ing, with experts calling this division of work between the North and
the South “a blue helmet caste system,” (Lynch 2013) “apartheid,”
(Chesterman 2004, p. 11), and “imperial multilateralism” (Cunliffe
2013, p. 20). This is changing. States of the global South are not mere
recipients and implementers of international interventions anymore, but
are increasingly vocal about how these should take shape.
This rise of the global South is accompanied through and aided by
the emergence of regional organisations as providers of security. During
the second half of the twentieth century, the UN peacekeeping mis-
sions were often considered as the only viable and legitimate actor in
1 The only OECD country among the top 20 contributors in February 2018 was Italy in
2 BRICS acronym is used for emerging powers Brazil, Russia, India, China and South
Africa and was coined by the chief economist for Goldman Sachs (O’Neill 2001).
1 UN PEACE OPERATIONS: ADAPTING TO … 7
FOOTNOTES:
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside
the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to
the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying,
displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works
based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The
Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright
status of any work in any country other than the United States.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form,
including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if
you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project
Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or
other format used in the official version posted on the official
Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at
no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a
means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project
Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the
method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The
fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark,
but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty
payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on
which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your
periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked
as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information
about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation.”
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.F.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.