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PDF Wrapped in The Flag of Israel Mizrahi Single Mothers and Bureaucratic Torture Smadar Lavie Ebook Full Chapter
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“Rigorously researched. . . . Thick, accusative, and critical, Wrapped in the
Flag of Israel is indeed a must-read for all.”
—ANNE DE JONG, American Anthropologist
“An important and provocative book that deserves to be widely read well
beyond anthropology. The central question it addresses—the relationship
between the rise and fall of social protest movements in Israel, and the
wider conflict in the Middle East—is of crucial importance not only for
people interested in the region, but for all those with a concern with pro-
gressive politics more generally. . . . Wrapped in the Flag of Israel is recom-
mended to researchers, postgraduate students, and undergraduates who
are interested in Israel/Palestine, political protest, discrimination, and the
anthropology of the state.”
—TOBIAS KELLY, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
“Lavie illustrates how asking difficult, troubling questions that disturb taken-
for-granted silences can be an important strategy of resistance. In doing
so, Wrapped in the Flag of Israel offers theoretical and political insights that
extend beyond Israel’s undeclared borders.”
—SIMONA SHARONI, Journal of Palestine Studies
“At the crossroads between a coursebook, a piece of writing about life and a
feminist manifesto, Wrapped in the Flag of Israel . . . [is] both an enlighten-
ing insight into Israeli intra-racism and an original and valuable connec-
tion between two seemingly unrelated concepts: bureaucracy and torture.”
—SORINA GEORGESCU, Hypercultura
SERIES EDITORS:
Karen J. Leong
Andrea Smith
Wrapped in the Flag of Israel
Mizraḥi Single Mothers and
Bureaucratic Torture
REVISED EDITION
Smadar Lavie
With a new afterword by the author
Note on Transliteration xi
viii
One People One Heart: The War on Gaza 2014 178
The New Black Panthers, or HaLo Neḥmadim 179
Ḥok HaHesderim 2014 181
Labor Hill B-Jamusin 182
The Ḥamas Salary Fiasco 184
Operation Brother’s Keeper 185
The War on Gaza—Protective Edge 188
Under the Smokescreen of War 191
Elections 2015: The Center Moves
Further to the Right 198
The Mizraḥi Cultural Renaissance 201
The Steady Drumbeat of Eternal Return 207
Acknowledgments 211
Glossary of Hebrew, Arabic, and Yiddish Terms 217
Notes 223
References 255
Index 289
ix
NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION
xi
xii | NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION
1
2 | INTRODUCTION
LISTSERV digest with important news items. On 3 July 2003, I was perusing
these emails and learned about Vicky Knafo. One was from a fellow board
member who had been driving south to Mitzpe for an artists’ workshop.
The town has become a fashionable retreat for artists, yogis, and New Agers
because it is the perfect combination of natural beauty and cheap housing.
While these creatives have only recently floated south to Mitzpe, the town-
ies have always dreamt of moving north, to the Tel Aviv metropolitan area,
for jobs and lives not stuck in the middle of nowhere. The board member
reported that at dusk, she spotted a flag-shrouded bleached blonde marching
northbound on the forlorn highway. Another e-mail was from a co-founder
of Aḥoti who kept regular communication with Mitzpe’s women. Vicky had
called her from the road, panting: “I’m marching on Jerusalem for tens of
thousands of Israeli single moms. Enough’s enough. Up to 29 June, we were
big-time Likudnikim [Likud party supporters, Hebrew] and voted for Bibi
[Benjamin Netanyahu]. He gonna hear from me no more! Please help me
find places to refill water and spend the night.”7
We Sistahs were the first to join her march, to protect her legally and
physically from the police who would try to arrest her for blocking traffic.
We also worked to get her story to a press ravenous for news. These were the
days of the hudna (ceasefire, Arabic), the temporary truce between Israel and
Palestinian Ḥamas. No nationalist violence for the evening news. So when
Vicky appeared on TV, dozens of poverty-stricken single mothers from Isra-
el’s Mizraḥi ghettos and barrios started their own marches on Jerusalem.
Ilana Azoulay was one of them. From Arad, another desolate desert town,
she pushed the wheelchair of her crippled son, who cradled an old three-
legged Chihuahua in his lap.
Wohl Rose Park is Israel’s largest rose garden. It is also the symbolic cen-
ter of Israel’s three government branches. The park bears the name of its
chief funders, Vivian and Maurice Wohl. Maurice (1923–2007) was an East-
ern European Jew, London real estate magnate, and “charmingly eccentric”
commander of Order of the British Empire (Daily Telegraph 2007). From the
park’s peak, one can look down to the Supreme Court and Government Min-
6 | INTRODUCTION
1. Ilana Azoulay and her son take a break on their march from Arad to Jerusalem. Meir
Azulay, 2003.
istry offices. Also visible is the Knesset (Israel’s parliament), and, at the far
edge of the park, the huge bronze menorah that is the emblem of the state
(Handelman 1990). Because of the park’s position, protest movements use
it as an ideal staging ground for demonstrations. Protesters with grievances
against the Knesset settle themselves on the hillside opposite the Knesset
building. The same with the Supreme Court. The most popular slope faces
the buildings that house the offices for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the
Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Finance Ministry, among others. Officials
in these ministries enact policies that directly target disenfranchised Israelis.
On 9 July 2003, a passerby enjoying the garden’s serenity would have
had her ears perk up. At first, distant sounds—police sirens, the low roar
of motorcycles, a static of hoarse, high-pitched shouts—all set to a metallic
background beat. Then expanding—horses whinnying, cell phones ringing,
dogs yipping and howling, camera shutters clicking. The sounds would grow
steadily louder until a caravanserai of hundreds became visible, trudging
down the road from the visitors’ parking lot. The cavalcade’s outer ring—a
retinue of police mounted on motorcycles, scooters, or horses overseeing
INTRODUCTION | 7
a tight group of slow-driving 4x4s, “Press” signs taped to their back win-
dows. The next layer in—marchers from all walks of Israeli society, from
young women in tight shorts and spaghetti-strap tank tops to show off their
belly buttons to ultra-Orthodox men in black frocks and fur-covered hats.
Finally—the tender center—mothers, all sunburned, their hands locked with
their children’s. Demonstrators blew whistles and horns, banged spoons on
soup kettles, and rhythmically chanted rhyming, antigovernment slogans.
Dogs of all kinds—tongues hanging out the sides of their mouths from the
heat—wove through the marchers’ legs and pulled their owners toward other
dogs or horses and away from the harsh police sirens. In time, the passersby
would become one with the crowd, on the slope facing the Finance Ministry.
That evening, Jewish owners of Jerusalem’s sporting goods stores came
out and donated igloo-style tents for the mothers to sleep in. Jewish restau-
rant owners donated leftovers. Jewish Jerusalemites gave blankets and sleep-
ing bags. Over the next few days, hundreds of citizens donated food and
clothes. Some wrote checks.
And again, on the soil of the homeland, in the divided city of Jerusalem,
on the ninth day of Tammuz, 5763 (9 July 2003), during the momentary
respite of the hudna, the impoverished single mothers of the State of Israel
declared the establishment of a shantytown in Wohl Rose Park, to be known
as Knafoland (Hebrew).
How ironic that the linguistic formation of a Hebrew name added to
the English word land found its way into colloquial Hebrew from Palestine
liberation-struggle vocabulary. The formation was first used in the term
Fataḥland, or the land of FATAḤ—the Arabic acronym for the PLO (Palestine
8 | INTRODUCTION