RETURN OF THE POLITICS OF NATIVISM IN MAHARASHTRA

Author(s): Monika Verma

Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science , JULY - SEPT., 2011, Vol. 72, No. 3
(JULY - SEPT., 2011), pp. 747-758
Published by: Indian Political Science Association

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41858848

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The Indian Journal of Political Science
Vol. LXXII, No. 3, July-Sept., 201 1, pp. 747-758

RETURN OF THE POLITICS OF NATIVISM IN MAHARASHTRA

Monika Verma

In multiethnic, multilingual and multicultural societies, migrants often give rise to naiivist
sentiment. India is woven on the concept of 'Unity in Diversity' and the Constitution has
incorporated this idea. Yet, migration has triggered agitations from time to time in India.
Mumbai the commercial capital of India has long attracted migrants from different parts
of India. The pontics of nativism which began here with the formation of the Shiv Sena in
1966 for safeguarding the interests of 'Marathi Manoos' and maintaining the pride of
Maharashtra has been revived in the recent years with the formation of Maharashtra
Navnirman Sena in 2006. The politics of coercion and anti-migrants campaign have created
a peculiar polarization along narrow ethnic-linguistic lines . This paper focuses on the
origin, growth and impact of the politics of nativism in Maharashtra with special reference
to Mumbai.

Introduction governmental intervention - in the form of

laws, regulations and administrative orders -
Migration has historically played an
to provide jobs and admission in educational
important role in the growth, development
institutions to the members of local ethnic
and enrichment of human civilizations.
groups.
However, the cultural, ethnic and linguistic
differences between the migrants and the Mumbai the commercial capital of
host communities give rise to nativist
India has long attracted migrants in large
sentiments. Nativism refers to attachment numbers
to from distant and culturally diverse
local people, culture, language and rejection
regions of the country. This paper focuses
of aliens (outsiders). It demands preferences
on the Qrigin, growth and revival of the politics
of of
in jobs, trade and commerce to the sons nativism in the recent times in Maharashtra

the soil. According to Myron Weiner,

with special reference to Mumbai. It also
"Nativism is that form of ethnic identity examines
that the responses from different
seeks to exclude those who are not members
quarters-political class, judiciary and civil
society towards it.
of the local or indigenous ethnic groups from
residing and /or working in a territory because
Historical Background
they are not native to the country or region:
nativism is anti-migrant."1 Local opposition to migrants is not
merely a phenomenon particular to India but
India's experience is one of internal
is seen in many societies. A case in point is
migration in a multiethnic, multilingual,
migration of southern ethnic groups in Nigeria
multicultural democratic state. Nativist parties
to the predominantly Islamic north leading to
cannot demand legal restrictions upon
calls for Sharia laws.2 Indonesia, another
migration but they have campaigned for
multiethnic state, has seen violence between
preferential policies for the 'Sons of the Soil'
the indigenous Dayak people of West
amongst other groups. The principal demand
Kalimantan and migrants from the island of
of all sons of the soil movements is

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 The Indian Journal of Political Science 748
Madura.3 Even authoritarian
equallystates such
conscious about the as
consequences
China are not strangers to this
of the phenomenon.4
unfettered migration from one place
Moreover, worldwide internal, intra-national
to another.7

migration is expected to increase given the

Constitutional Provisions
opportunity for economic advancement it
offers.5
The Constitution eventually adopted a
compromise between these two streams of
Nativist movements are not of recent
thought. Article 19 of the Constitution
origin in India, there were few such
guarantees all citizens the right to move freely
movements before independence. For
throughout the territoiy of India and to reside
instance, the movement against the non-
and settle in any part of the country. Similarly,
mulki developed in Hyderabad soon after the
article 15 bars discrimination on grounds of
World War I when the local population
religion, race, caste, sex and place of birth.
expressed its opposition to the government
Article 16(2) states that no citizen shall on
policy of recruiting Muslims from northern
grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex,
India into the state administrative services.
descent, place of birth, residence, or any of
Similarly, the anti-Bengali movement in
them be ineligible for or discriminated against
Assam protested against the domination of
in state employment. Though most of the
their educational and administrative services
articles in the Constitution prohibit
by Bengali Hindus.
discrimination on the basis of place of birth,
Interestingly, the issue of giving one provision in a particular article provides
preferential treatment to locals was an opening for it.
discussed by the nationalist leaders of the
Article 16(3) gives the exclusive
country even at the time of drafting of the
prerogative of enacting residential
Constitution itself. In a report endorsed by
requirements to the Parliament, which has
the Indian National Congress in 1938 on the
passed the Public Employment (Requirement
Bihar situation, it was argued to be just and
as to Residence) Act of 1957 repealing all
proper that the residents of a province should
laws in force in the states and union territories
get preference in their own province in the
with regard to requirements as to residence
matter of public services and educational
for purposes of any employment or
facilities.6 The Constituent Assembly had
serious deliberations on sons of the soil appointment under the state or under any
local or other authority. The main claims of
claims. Alladi Krishnaswamy Ayyer, Mahawir
Tyagi and B R Ambedkar were in favour of
the sons of the soil have long been
recognised by the Government of India. It has
extending preferences to local persons in
laid down certain principles in the matter of
employment. Though Ambedkar conceded
that residential qualifications detracted from
recruitment to its public undertakings,
suggesting that recruitment to Class I jobs
the value of a common citizenship, he was
and those requiring higher technical

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Return of the Politics of Nativism in Maharashtra 749

Genesis
knowledge should be done on of thebasis
all India Nativist Politics in
and in the recruitment to the Maharashtra
lower ranks or

unskilled category locals should be given

The politics of Nativism began in
preference.
Maharashtra with the formation of the Shiv

Post-Independence Developments Sena in 1966 as a representative of a ne

force of identity politics. Bal Thackeray raise
In the mid fifties the demand for
the issue of 'safeguarding jobs for
linguistic states became widespread across
Maharashtrians' well before this. Marmik, a
the whole country. It was felt that the creation
Marathi-language weekly he launched in
of states on linguistic lines would enhance
1960, highlighted the prevalence of non-
greater participation and help in
Maharashtrians in positions of power in the
strengthening Indian democracy. That is why
city. The two main demands raised by the
national parties had little ideological
Shiv Sena were 80 per cent jobs in
reluctance to support it. However, the
government concerns and 80 per cent
formation of linguistic states had dangerously
houses in the state housing board colonies
reinforced regional patriotism. It resulted in
for Maharashtrians. In 1972, an organisation
the emergence of political parties whose
called the Sthaniya Lokadhikar Samiti (SLS)
allegiance was to the region alone and a
was set up to ensure preferential treatment
powerful appeal was made to a shared
to the sons of the soil, in large government
political past and cultural traditions. The sons
and semi-government concerns. It focused
of the soil began to demand that they be given
exclusively on three main questions affecting
the major, if not sole, right to work on the soil
the Marathi employees, viz, recruitment,
of their linguistic states. The Shiv Sena and
transfers and promotions. They started anti-
the Assam Movement which culminated in
South Indian Movement (who constituted 5-
1985 are examples of this brand of politics.
6% of the population of Mumbai) and
The major enemies of such movements are
attacked shops and restaurants owned by the
not other states so much as the linguistic
migrants from Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.
groups from these other states. Myron
Weiner in his famous book Sons of the Soil: The Samyukta Maharashtra
Movement which started in asserting the
Ethnic Conflict in India, (1978) had labeled
nativism in India as a 'protectionist rights of the state vis-à-vis centre in the spirit
movement* in the labour market, demanded of democracy was diverted into locals vs
by local groups in much the same way intent outsiders in exactly the opposite spirit. The
industries demanded tariff protections idea of Maharashtra was not based on
against foreign imports. According to him Marathi parochialism. Of all the movements
parties will champion the nativist issue if there for linguistic states, the movement for a
is an electoral incentive to take a nativist united Maharashtra, being the last in the
stance. series and located in the capitalist centre of

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The Indian Journal of Political Science 750

Mumbai, had developed

March 9 an
2006, ostensible
Raj Thackeray announced
radical
the
formation of a new
vision of its future. Although party,communist
the the Maharashtra
Navnirman
and socialist leadership Sena, or the MNS
articulated it (army for the
in terms
re-construction
of socialism, it definitely meant of the State
that of Maharashtra,
the new
state would be meant in favour
navnirman of
may also mean workers,
rejuvenation and
renewal).
farmers, dalits and minorities. Marathi merely
provided the sociocultural glue for carving out
Having splintered off from the original
such a model state.8
party of Marathi nativism the Shiv Sena- the
MNS is
The Shiv Sana's first often viewed
foray intoas an politics
alternative

was a successful campaign

manifestation against Krishna
of the Sena, nominally existing
Menon, former Defense Minister
under a different banner. The a South
MNS not only
Indian, who was running against the adopted the nativist agenda- protector of the
Congress party's Maharashtrian candidate. interests (both material and cultural) of the
Following the 1 968 local elections, it became Marathi Manoos, of the Shiv Sena but also
the largest opposition party in the city. In 1985 mobilises the political methods of the Sena
for the first time it captured the BMC. The in so far as it condones violence and
Shiv Sena politics was also the realpolitik advocates a politics of what Julia Eckert calls
response to the dominance of the 'direct action'. Describing the Sena, Eckert
Communist Party over the trade unions. has
As written about the movement-character
a result of the closure of over 200 textile mills-
of the party, its pathos of protest, its vague
radicalism which poses militancy as its
200,000 mill workers primarily Marathi
speaking became jobless. Thackeray programmatic content, and its ideology and
emphasised ethnic identity over class identity practices of 'getting things done' in which a
and intimidated opponents. The Shiv Sena merger of the party and the people is
started as the sons of the soil party, but the constructed around a semblance of cultural
last twenty years have seen the party likeness and direct representation.9
adopting Hindutva politics aimed at widening
Like Shiv Sena the MNS established
its political base. It entered into an alliance
its identity by contesting municipal elections
with BJP and formed the government in
and has about 80 cooperatore- in the civic
Maharashtra during 1995-1 999. At present
bodies of Nasik, Pune and Mumbai. The
the Shiv Sena-BJP combine controls the
MNS contested 11 seats in the 2009 Lok
BMC.
Sabha Elections but could not win any seat.
Revival of the Politics of Nativism However, it got one lakh votes in each of the
constituencies it contested and overall 4.5%
The return of the nativist agenda in the
vote share. In the 2009 Maharashtra
politics of Maharashtra especially Mumbai
Assembly Elections the party targeted the
can be attributed primarily to Raj Thackeray
urban voter and won 1 3 seats and remained
and his Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. On

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Return of the Politics of Nativism in Maharashtra 751

second in 24 seats. In Mumbai it won 6 seats of the population is slum dwellers which
out of 34 and emerged as the second largest together occupy just 6 percent of all land in
party after Congress which won 17 seats. Mumbai explaining the horrific levels of
congestion.10 Third, the pattern of
The revival of the nativist sentiments
demographic change has also contributed to
and the electoral success of the political party
it. The number of migrants has increased (as
representing it may be due to the following
shown in Table No.1 ) in the Greater Mumbai
factors. First, the economic liberalisation and
Urban Area. The number of migrants from
globalisation have increased competition for
North India is much higher as compared to
jobs. Second, the successive governments
other states (as shown in Table No.2) Political
have ignored the issue of urban planning and
mobilisation is easier when there is a
governance in Mumbai. The capitalist class
concentration of migrants from one region
did not bother to look beyond immediate
or ethnicity. Migration and subsequent
interests and contributed to the overthrow of
pressure on land, material sources,
the middle class Mumbai and later even the
infrastructure in urban centres is a real
working class Mumbai to make space for
problem that cannot be done away with.
their business. There has been thoughtless
Advocates of identity politics play upon the
expansion of the city which has strained its
genuine grievances of people for political
infrastructure beyond limits. About 54 percent
gains.

Table 1: Migration since Economic Liberalisation*

'

Migrant
Greater Mumbai Population: ( 2095697 3171728
Urban Area Tòta 1 Population: 9925891 119784 50
Share ofMigrants: 21.1% 26.5%

'A migrant is defined as any person bom outside of the city.

Source: Census of India 1991, 2001

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The Indian Journal of Political Science 752

Table 2:

Share of migrants to Greater Mumbai Urban area from various states

Top 1 5 States of Origin for Total Share of Total Share of

Migrants Migrants Population Migrants Population
States in India beyond the state of 2095697 21.11% 3 1 7 1 728 26 .48
enumeration

Punjab

Harvana

Delhi

Raiasthan

Uttar Pradesh

Bihar

West Bengal

Orissa

Madhva Pradesh

Guiarat

Andhra Pradesh

Karnataka

Goa

Kerala

Tamil Nadu

Source: Census of India 1991, 2001

The politics of Nativism has assumed and fish, carrying heavy loads, working as
different forms. private security guards and taxi and auto
rickshaw drivers. Many original settlers refuse
Anti-migrant Campaign
such work. Without its migrants, Mumbai
According to the Census Report would grind to a halt. But they become easy
(1991, 2001) in the Greater Mumbai Urban targets of nativist political parties which
Area the population of migrants has project them as giving competition to the
increased from 21.1% in 1991 to 26.5% in
locals in the job market as well as putting
2001. The North Indian migrants comprise
pressure on the city's infrastructure and civil
around 12 % of the population of Mumbai.
amenities.
These largely rural and unskilled and poor
The MNS leader has openly appealed
people work in highly labour intensive and
that North Indians should be driven out of
low paid occupations such as delivering
Mumbai. The party started a hate campaign
newspapers and milk, vending vegetables

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Return of the Politics of Nativism in Maharashtra 753

against them. In February, 2008that

advocating the
thoseparty
living in Maharashtra
launched a campaign in Pune and
need to know Nashik
Marathi, outsiders need to
targeting migrant workers. As a with
integrate themselves result
local culture rather
than fled
thousands of migrant workers emphasizing
andtheir distinct cultural
more
than 50% of the industrial units are closed practides, Marathi people should give
since then. Students from UP, Bihar and patronage to Marathi artisans, shop owners
Jharkhand appearing for the All India and Marathi establishments. They
Railways Recruitment Board exam wereemphasise that even after the formation of
attacked at Thane, Kalyan and Mumbai. In unilingual state of Maharashtra, the project
Mumbai the MNS Chief declared war on the of cultural assimilation of diverse linguistic
North Indians mimicking what he called their groups of Mumbai into an overarching
strange accent, noisy Chhat Puja and nastyMarathi ethos remained incomplete.
civic manners. The taxi drivers were
Notion of Ownership and Demand for
attacked. Even some much loved superstars
Preferential Treatment to Sons of the Soil
were targeted as migrants.
The MNS claims that one community,
Linguistic Chauvinism and Politics of
the Marathi people, own the physical space
Cultural Exclusion
called Maharashtra, its resources and also
The linguistic chauvinism has found
the rea|m of symbols and identity markers.
expression in many of the activities of the
The idea of ownership gives rise to claims of
preferential treatment and demands for
MNS. In August, 2007 the party asked all the
exclusion. City spaces are seen as belonging
shop owners in Mumbai to use 'Marathi' for
to
their sign boards within a month failing which one linguistic community and while
face the consequences. The city witnessed
realistically speaking, one cannot drive out
a lot of tension and violence on this issue. the 'others', various exclusionary strategies
Members of the student wing of MNS
are propounded and practiced. 11 The party
attacked the Registrar's office at the Mumbai has demanded that 80% of the jobs in both
University's Fort campus. Their demand waspublic and private sector be reserved for local
that social sciences should not be offered as people. The MNS and Shiv Sena have asked
an alternative to Marathi language. The MNS for reservation in the allotment of MHADA
cadres have also attacked theatres screening (Maharashtra Housing and Area
Bhojpuri films. The party MLAs created a Development Authority) flats for local people
ruckus in the Maharashtra Assembly and and preferential treatment for local students
physically assaulted the Samajwadi M LA in the professional educational institutions.
after he took oath in Hindi ignoring their call The MNS has criticised the North Indian
that legislators take pledge in Marathi the Minority Educational Institutions for
state language. encouraging the North Indian students to
come to Maharashtra and take away jobs of
The party has been aggressively

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The Indian Journal of Political Science 754

local youth. The coercive politics of MNS results in the

distortion of democracy when political actors
Responses from different quarters
are encouraged to take action that effectively
The MNS is articulating theofanxieties
negates the possibility argument. Its strong
and desires of large amorphous arms politics raises concern about the
Maharashtrians middle class which playsgrowing
an difficulties in engaging in debate and
important role in politics of urban dissent. It is pertinent to analyse the
Maharashtra. The MNS Chief Raj Thackeray responses to this parochial politics from
has not only attracted the privileged groups different quarters of society.
of Maharashtra fearing encroachment on
Political Circle
their positions from the so called outsiders
but also the lower and poorer sections get The arrest of MNS chief for inciting
attracted towards him as he creates an ethnic violence against the North Indian
migrants
impression that he is fighting for their jobs and his speedy release on bail
showed the soft approach of the government
which is threatened from the outsiders mainly
of Maharashtra (Congress-NCP) toward his
North Indians. According to Dr.Aroon Tikekar,
brand
well known scholar and journalist, "His is a of politics. He was arrested on a non-
bailable offence but was let off within three
desperate act, but he seems to have struck
hours. The government did not contest his
a chord among Maharashtrians who support
him but not his methods."12 bail application even when his party activists
continued to exercise politics of coercion
However, one must understand the
against North Indians. Not a single major
grave consequences of MNS politics (both
leader of the state condemned this hate
content and methods) which is sub-
polities'. The ruling coalition deliberately
democratic as well as anti-diversity. Diversity
allowed the impression of being soft on MNS
should not and does not mean denial of any
to appear to be pro-Marathi and to benefit
regional aspiration or sentiment. A pro-
electorallyfrom it.
diversity policy would refer to our social
resolve not to privilege one identity or interestIn the 1960s the Congress
of one community over any other. Theencouraged
MNS the politics of nativism of Shiv
refuges to subscribe to this resolve andto change the agenda of the regional
Sena
movement to isolate the left forces from this
hence it is anti-diversity. Preferential
movement.
treatment to locals is always an easy and Today in a different political
scenario,
attractive policy proposal. But it creates an the MNS is being used by the
Congress against Shiv Sena. The Nationalist
untenable category of 'locals'. This strategy
Congress Party (NCP) definitely looked lor
practically abandons diversity. It produces
ghettoisation at schools, colleges and at
an opportunity to outsmart the MNS and
engage in politics of arousing regional
workplaces- resulting in non-diverse social
universes - hostels, localities and cities.13
sentiménts as the NCP is more like a regional

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Return of the Politics of Nativism in Maharashtra 755

party having its support base mainly

positions, in in other categories.
and 80 percent
A monitoring
Maharashtra rather than a nationalist committee headed by the
party.
Shiv Sena realising that MNS District Collector would be set up. It will
is taking-over
include
its original agenda of protecting representatives
interest of from the
Marathi Manoos has also gone back to
departments of its
labour, industry, self-
original agenda. The party's employment and vocational training, and
executive chief
Udhav Thackeray was forced would meet every
to reiterate histhree months.14 Some
party's 'Marathiness' and commitment to theof the government also
other policy decisions
maxim 'Mumbai for Marathis',
reflecteven as he
its response to MNS' nativist agenda.
attempted to woo the north Indian
In a stringent
votersdefinition
by of the states domicile
being inclusive. He pulled back from
rule, the theof Technical Education
Directorate
relentless criticism of the state government
has made dramatic changes to the eligibility
criteri^
on issues like farmers' suicide, for admission
scrapping of to undergraduate
professional
the Urban Land Ceiling Act and severe courses.
power Only students bom in
Maharashtra
shortage. Party leaders admit it to Maharashtra bom parents
is a tightrope
would
walk to be seen as champions ofbe Marathi
considered Maharashtrians

Manoos and simultaneously be an inclusive

candidates in MH-CET exams. In a politically
and mature party. The BJP a driven
partymove
withto the
woo the Marathi Manoos, the
vision of 'Akhanda Bharať based on Hindu State Government in Jan, 2010, decided that
nationalism initially criticised the MNS from now on those who want to own and drive
activities but later it was reported that a taxi in Mumbai must have lived in
section of the party was in favour of having Maharashtra for at least 1 5 years and should
electoral alliance with the MNS in the 2009 be fluent in Marathi. According to the new
assembly elections of Maharashtra. State Cultural Policy, a new Marathi language
However, the Sena-BJP alliance has department will be setup to implement
continued. Their election manifesto for the schemes for the promotion of Marathi
2009 Assembly elections promised 80% language and literature, State ministers,
reservation in job for locals. adminiétrative heads must talk in Marathi in
government and public programmes - even
The MNS workers union, Maharashtra
with foreign dignitaries, Marathi officers in
Navnirman Kamgar Sena had written to
central government undertakings like banks
45,000 industries in the state asking them to
and corporations will be appointed. The state
ensure reservation for Marathis. In response
government, however, preferred to appease,
to this then Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh
if not upstage the MNS, by becoming even
through a resolution directed all types of
more parochial. With the NCP, Congress and
industries - small, medium and large
Shiv Sena all speaking in a chorus on this
enterprises - to give preference to at least
issue, the entire political space was
50 per cent locals in jobs of a supervisory
dominated by competitive linguistic
nature, which includes senior managerial

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 The Indian Journal of Political Science 756

chauvinism.15 section of society have taken the position that

the issues raised by MNS are right , though
On the other hand parties like
their methods may be wrong. In the post MNS
Samajwadi Party have used the situation to
period language activism of civil society
mobilise support among the migrants. About
organisations like Marathi Abhyas Kendra,
92 assembly seats in Maharashtra have
Samarth Marathi, Mitra Marathi Shalanche,
migrants in decisive numbers. The
Marathi Bhasha Sanrakshan and Vikas
aggressive and violent anti-migrant campaign
Sanstha, Marathi Janadhikar Parishad,
against North Indians in Maharashtra has
Marathi Mahasangh and Marathi Ekjut have
evoked strong reactions outside
gained ground. Large scale movement of
Maharashtra. In Delhi, in 2008, Maharashtra
people and the subsequent interactions has
Sadan was attacked in response to anti-
brought about a consciousness and an
migrant campaign in Maharashtra. There
awareness of one's own identity and the need
were demands for the Central Government's
to reassert it. People from Bihar and the
intervention into the matter. The Chief
eastern districts of Uttar Pradesh have come
Ministers of Bihar and Jharkhand have been
together to form the Ganga Yamuna
highly critical of this kind of politics. The
Sanskritic Manch to take on the MNS. It
Jharkhand Chief Minister even threatened to f

seeks to bring together people speaking

stop mineral supply to Maharashtra.
different dialects of Hindi like Avadhi, Braj,
Judiciary Bhojpuri or Maithili and living in the Ganga-
Yamuna basins to face sectarian forces. The
A number of PI Ls have been filed
front feels, "The people of Uttar Pradesh and
against MNS chief in MNS related riots of
Bihar who have contributed so much to
November 2008. Both the High Court of
national development, have always been
Maharashtra and the Supreme Court of India
taken for granted and targeted. The time has
have strongly criticised the politics of sons
come when a consolidated and powerful
of the soil and have expressed the opinion
image of the people of the Ganga-Yamuna
that if stern action was not taken against
basins, who share historical and cultural
regional chauvinism it would seriously
heritage, must be projected and the likes of
endanger country's unity and development.
Raj Thackeray and others effectively
However this problem should be tackled by
countered at the people's level."16
the government. It requires a strong political
will. Only the court's order cannot have the As far as the media is concerned ever
desired effect. since Raj Thackeray took the anti-migrant
position, he has been in permanent media
Civil Society
limelight, not necessarily out of sympathy for
One must note that a large section of his politics. For the media too, his type of
Marathi middle class, including media politics makes interesting media stories. In
persons, intellectuals and even a cross the bargain, both have got the advantage-

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Return of the Politics of Nativism in Maharashtra 757

Professor, 'Migration
the media has earned its high viewership and and Urbán Studies', at
readership points while it has helped Raj
the International Institute of Population
Thackeray's publicity-dependant politics
Sciences, to
Deonar, "Historically migration has
gain popularity. A section of helped
media has
in the been growth of the place
economic
vocal in opposing this brand ofpeople migrated
politics andto.
isWithout migration our
building public opinion against seven
it. islands would not have evolved into
the cosmopolitan international hub that is the
The progressive and secular
Mumbai of today."
intelligentsia has spoken out. The Lok Satta
movement and AGNI (NGO) have been
Conclusion

critical of politics of nativism as they believe

Aggressive Marathi Manoos campaign
Mumbai has been a creation all citizens
of Maharashtra Navnirman Sena and its
pooling in to make wealth of its resources.
electoral success has brought back the
The Hindustan Times published a series of
politics of nativism at the centre stage of
articles written by liberal Maharashtrians tike
Maharashtra politics. Even national political
Vidyadhar Dante, Kumar Ketkar about
parties in the state guided by narrow political
Marathi culture and Mumbai and how both
gains have adopted nativist agenda.
can be nurtured. Eminent Maharashtrians
Mumbai's growth is non-inclusive and
have expressed their views that these illegal
inequality-enhancing. The discontents
and unconstitutional actions were an affront
among people have been politicised for
to the tradition of tolerance that Marathi saint
electoral gains. However, the politics of
poets, social reformers and intellectuals have
coercion and anti-migrants campaign have
cultivated. Maharashtra's liberal attitude to
created a peculiar polarisation along narrow
language is best illustrated by Gandhian
ethnic-linguistic lines as opposed to the
writer Sane Guruji's Antar Bharati movement
cosmopolitan ethos of Mumbai. It will be
of the 1940s.This involved respecting and
impossible to combat this parochial and sob-
studying other languages and translating
democratic politics without campaigning for
works from other regions. They emphasise
a pluralist notion of Indianness based on a
that a more democratic approach and greater
multilingual, multicultural identity and
social cohesion are needed for the growth of
defending basic constitutional freedoms,
a language.lt is not something to be thrust
including the rights of residence and work.
on others.
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