Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Introduction Sufism and Neo Sufism in in
Introduction Sufism and Neo Sufism in in
Introduction Sufism and Neo Sufism in in
Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 46, no. 2 (2012), pp. 1–24.
2 Julia Day Howell
of the wider community. A number of new orders formed in that
period, like the Sanusiyya originating in North Africa and the
Muhammadiyya established in India, similarly aimed to displace what
they deemed degenerate folk Sufism with a newly intense insistence on
religious orthodoxy and on the need for reformist outreach to the
wider Muslim community. These new orders, Rahman judged, best
exemplified ‘Neo-Sufism’ (1968:239).1
Rahman’s terminology was subsequently adopted by Nehemia
Levtzion and John O Voll in their accounts of reformist Sufi orders
of the period, and other historians followed suit (Levtzion and Voll
1987; Voll 2008). By the early 1990s O’Fahey and Radtke (1993)
judged that a kind of consensus had emerged around the use of the
term ‘Neo-Sufism’ (as applied to pre-modern movements). Its key
features were: a new centrality given to religious law as the foundation
for Sufi disciplines and ritual practices aimed at gnosis; associated with
that, social activism focused on defence against moral corruption and
the erosion of the faith under the impact of colonialism;
organisationally, more tightly knit and hierarchical structures; and
thematically, increased intensity of focus on the Prophet Muhammad
in ritual as well as in study, where Hadith literature became especially
important.2
While certainly in some important respects the ‘Neo-Sufi’
orders of the late pre-modern Muslim world were new, placing
significantly different emphases on certain practices and activities, and
expanding their organisational capacities through structural
modifications), they were still built around the basic structural pattern
of older Sufi orders. The key features of that pattern are: the focal
figure of an initiating master (syekh or mursyid); and the brotherhood of
his followers (initiates and other supplicants). While the Neo-Sufi
movement maintained its momentum into the nineteenth century and
beyond, the Neo-Sufi reformers of those early days did not address
themselves to the problems that modern social change has posed to the
faith, as did later Islamic modernists like the Persian reformer Jamal al-
Din al Afghani (d. 1897) and Egyptian Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905).
Rather, the aims of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Neo-Sufi
reform movements were to restore the purity of the Islamic tradition
Introduction 3
and its social efficacy in shaky old empires and kingdoms that appeared
little altered from the past.
Nonetheless, the term ‘Neo-Sufism’ has escaped from the
keyboards of historians of the pre-modern world and is now employed
by students of contemporary changes in the religious field. Scholars in
the humanities and social sciences use the term to designate social
arenas in which Sufism is being enacted in unprecedented ways. For
example, historian Mark Sedgwick (2004) has extended the term to
apply to twentieth century self-described ‘Sufi’ groups formed in the
West and open to non-Muslims without any requirement for
conversion. These include Inayat Khan’s International Sufi Movement
and the Sufi circles that formed around the European converts Rene
Guenon and Frithjof Schuon. In the eyes of many Muslims who
consider Sufism to be part of Islam, such groups are jarringly novel,
and even heretical.3
Turning from studies of twentieth century Western
appropriations of Sufism to studies of Sufism in contemporary
Muslim-majority societies, we find a range of modest to substantial
changes in the ways the Sufi heritage is now manifest in Islamic
practice. For example, some Sufi orders that have attracted better-
educated followers familiar with modern forms of social organisation
have added a kind of bureaucratic exo-skeleton to the informal bonds
linking the syekh to his initiates and the followers to one another (for
example Gilsenan 1973; Hoffman 1995). Other orders have expanded
and formalised their community involvement by providing dormitory
facilities for urban migrants associated with the order (see, for example,
Chih 2007; Villalon 2007). Yet other orders have eased ritual
requirements for initiation and softened expectations that followers
will involve themselves exclusively with the one master (Howell and
Bruinessen 2007).
In studies of contemporary Sufism in the Muslim world,
however, the term ‘Neo-Sufism’ is generally reserved for Sufism
cultivated outside a Sufi order. Such Sufi practice without the guidance
of a syekh authorised by his predecessor to initiate seekers has a
problematic status in Muslim communities. Many Muslims disapprove
of it as dangerous. Nonetheless, others approve and even promote it as
4 Julia Day Howell
Julia Day Howell is Professor of the Sociology of Religion at the Religion and
Society Research Centre at the University of Western Sydney. She has studied
religious reform movements in Indonesia since the 1970s. Her recent work on Islam
among Indonesia’s cosmopolitan urbanities focuses on Sufi expressions of Islam and
contributes to the comparative sociology of Islam in contemporary societies. It also
addresses issues of Islam and religious pluralism in democratic states, and examines
new forms of piety in modern, media-saturated social settings. Her publications
include articles in leading area studies journals and those dealing with her primary
disciplinary specialties. She can be contacted at j.howell@uws.edu.au
Acknowledgements
As guest editor, the author wishes to acknowledge the generous
support of the Centre for the Study of Contemporary Muslim
Societies (now the Religion and Society Research Centre) at the
University of Western Sydney for the conference from which the
majority of papers in this issue have been drawn. Special appreciation
is due to the Centre’s Co-Director, Associate Professor Adam
Possamai for his inspiration and personal efforts to make the event a
richly rewarding experience. The author also wishes to acknowledge
the support of the Centre for her own recent research that has
contributed to this article and also the financial contribution made by
the Australian Research Council to earlier periods of her research upon
which the article draws. Finally, special thanks to the reviewers for their
comments on this article, and to Ahmad Najib Burhani for his valuable
feedback.
Introduction 17
Notes
1. Note that the novel cast of certain Sufi orders of this period had already
been remarked upon by J Spencer Trimingham in his work on Africa (1959,
1962) and by HAR Gibb (1953) commenting on movements in Central
Asia, India and lands to the east at that time, but Rahman was the first to
use the term ‘Neo-Sufism’ to characterise those movements (Voll 2008:317).
Trimingham also surveyed the distinctive features of nineteenth century
Sufi movements across the world in his widely-read Sufi Orders in Islam
(1998 [1971]).
2. Exactly how the Prophet Muhammad was to be approached by aspiring
mystics of these Neo-Sufi orders became a subject of considerable debate,
sparked by O’Fahey and Radtke in their 1993 article. See Voll (2008) for a
recent summary of those debates and overall reassessment of the value of
‘Neo-Sufism’ as a category in the study of reform movements of the late
pre-modern period.
3. For a broad-ranging examination of contemporary Sufism in the Western
world see Raudvere and Stenberg (2008).
4. So, for example, the cover story in 6 October 2008 of Tempo (one of
Indonesia’s leading news magazines) was entitled ‘Sufi Kota Mencari Tuhan’
(‘City Sufis Seek God’). The cover graphic humorously portrayed a cluster of
clean-shaven young men and jilbab-covered women consulting a turbanned
associate while doing searches on their Blackberries and portable computers.
5. For example, on 21 and 22 January 2009 Paramadina University held a two
day conference entitled ‘Urban Sufism Days’. The first day was given over
to scholarly papers. The second, programmed for community engagement,
had a more popular tone. It featured a series of informal talks by ‘spiritual’
groups, a reading of Sufi poems by the esteemed historian and writer Abdul
Hadi, sentimental religious songs and a Sufi whirling dance.
6. Note, however, Abdul Munir Mulkhan’s analytical use of the term ‘Neo-
Sufisme’ in his book Neo-Sufisme dan Pudarnya Fundamentalisme di Pedesaan
(2000).
7. See biographies and analyses of Nurcholish Madjid’s thought by, for
example, Barton 1995; Fatimah 1999; and Kull 2005. A major compendium
of his writings has also been compiled by Budhy Munawar-Rahman (2006).
8. The designation ‘Neo-Modernist’ might suggest that his family background
and early education connected him to Islamic modernist organisations such
as the Muhammadiyah, which was not the case. His early religious education
was in pesantren (‘traditionalist’ Islamic boarding schools), which he attended
while he also went to general curriculum state schools. For his senior
18 Julia Day Howell
pesantren studies, however, he attended the unusually progressive Pesantren
Gontor. Also, his father seems to have combined traditionalist Islamic
learning with loyalty to Masyumi, from which many traditionalists distanced
themselves in the later 1950s. At university, Madjid was active in the
Himpunan Mahasiswa Indonesia (HMI) and later, in the 1970s, briefly
supported the political party Parmusi, the successor to the banned Masyumi
(Barton 1995:62ff; Kull 2005:49–53). He also became an admirer of Harun
Nasution, a bold rationalist and humanist, who became Rector of the IAIN
Jakarta in 1969. In any case, Madjid himself promoted the concept ‘Neo-
Modernism’, as in his essay ‘Modernisme Islam di Indonesia’. There he
made clear that Neo-Modernisme represents an appropriate reconciliation of
valid tradition with modern life.
9. Tasawuf is in fact one of the classic disciplines of Islamic study, in many
traditional Islamic schools taught alongside Qur’anic Arabic, exegesis,
jurisprudence and the history of Islam. In such contexts tasawuf study treats
the metaphysics of mystical experience. Those Muslims who aspire to
experience mystical awareness of God’s presence themselves may use the
extra (non-obligatory) prayers (salat sunnat) carried by the tasawuf tradition,
such as the zikir litanies, and Sufi practices of ethical cultivation to seek such
mystical states. Even Muslims who do not aspire to mystical inspiration,
however, commonly use tasawuf, that is Sufi, practices to enhance their
religious devotions. So tasawuf (Sufism) can be said to be both Islam’s
mystical and devotional tradition.
10. This was his speech entitled, ‘Kehidupan Keagamaan di Indonesia untuk
Generasi Mendatang’ (Religious Life in Indonesia for the Coming
Generation). The speech is analysed by Kull (2005:149–52).
11. Madjid’s 1993 KKA talk on ‘New Sufism and Old Sufism’ and its
publication that year, first in the KKA leaflet series and then in other
compendia, seem to mark the time from which Madjid consistently (but not
exclusively) used the term ‘Neo-Sufisme’ to encapsulate his idea of a
particular kind of reformed Sufism suitable for modern Muslims. This
contrasts with his earlier use of the term ‘Neo-Sufism’ to characterise pre-
modern movements of reformed Sufism or agendas for reformed Sufism,
such as that of Ibn Taymiyyah, discussed in his doctoral dissertation.
12. ‘Hamka’ is actually an acronym for ‘Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah.’,
Early on, the popular writer, preacher and scholar became commonly
known by the acronym.
13. See his Perkembangan Tasauf dari Abad ke Abad (The Development of
Sufism from Age to Age, [1952] 1962), and Mengembalikan Tasauf
Kepangkalnja (Restoring Sufism to its Original Condition, 1972).
Introduction 19
14. See Howell 2010b for a fuller explication of Hamka’s representation of
tasawuf, and the kinds of Sufi practices he recommended as religiously
acceptable means to ‘lift the veils’ of spiritual perception, or discouraged as
unorthodox and dangerous innovations (bidah).
15. Madjid, however, was somewhat more accepting than Hamka of the Sufi
ritual use of zikir (repetition of short litanies). Hamka never mentioned
these among the meditative practices he approved (Howell 2010b). Madjid
did accept the value and correctness of zikir, not only in its most general
sense of constant remembrance of God in all things (hardly an
unobjectionable form of piety for anyone), but also of the repetitive zikir
litanies, with the proviso that multiple-word Qur’anic phrases such as the
tahlil (La ilah-a illa ‘l-Lah, ‘There is no God but God’) be used, not just the
one word ‘Allah’, or ‘Hu’ (He) (Madjid 1993:110–13; Kuswanto
2007:182–6). While he follows Ibn Taymiyyah in this (Kull 2005:154) and
adds the justification that the longer Qur’anic passages inculcate correct
understanding of the faith, it is worth noting that the short phrases (a single
word) repeated many times facilitate the disapproved ecstatic states more
readily than repetitions of the somewhat longer phrases.
16. IIMaN , which originally stood for the Indonesian Islamic Media Network,
was established by Haidar Bagir at the behest of ICMI (the Indonesian
Association of Muslim Intellectuals) to promote the use of new
technologies and media in the Muslim community. Finding that the
organisation was proving relatively ineffective for that purpose, Burhani
worked with Bagir to give it a new focus: the provision of courses on Sufism
to more affluent urbanities. The courses were built on the model of
commercial university-style adult education classes pioneered by the
Paramadina Foundation, and were developed in concert with Paramadina.
17. IIMaN no longer offers courses; it functions solely as a publishing house.
ICNIS is no longer operating.
18. ICAS Jakarta is actually an affiliate of Paramadina University, Jakarta, as
well as of its parent organisation, ICAS London. See http://icasjakarta.
wordpress.com/about/
19. The full list of contributors in addition to ‘Ir. Haidar Bagir, MA,’ in order
shown in the book front matter and with the titles as shown there, is: Prof.
Dr. Nurcholish Madjid, Dr KH Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Dr Zainun Kamal
Faqih, MA, Prof. Dr. Moh. Ardhani, Dr. Abdul Hadi W.M., Prof. Dr. KH.
Said Agil Siradj, Dr Mulyadhi Kartanegara, Dr Kautsar Azhari Noer, Prof.
Dr. Azyumardi Azra, KH. Drs. Arman Arroisi, Dr Nurshomad Kamba,
Widigdo Sukarman, MBA, POA, Budhy Munawar Rachman, Dr.
Komaruddin Hidayat, Prof. Dr. Said Agil Husein Al-Munawwar, Husein
20 Julia Day Howell
Shahab, MA, Dr. Alwi Shihab, Prof. KH. Ali Yafie, and KH. Didin
Hafiduddin, MSc. (Note that Haidar Bagir now holds a PhD from the
University of Indonesia.)
20. ‘Jami’yyah Ahli Thoriqoh Mu’tabarah Nahdiyyin’ is the new name adopted
in 1979, by the organisation originally founded in 1957 as the ‘Pucuk
Pemimpin Jami’yyah Ahli Thoriqoh Mu’tabarah’. See Dhofier 1980:70;
Howell 2001:709 and Arifin, in this issue, for further clarification.
21. The collection is called ‘Islamic propagation and practices in contemporary
Indonesia’ in Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, 46(1), 2012.
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