Indigenous Sustainable Education Modelling: The Role of Chaperones in Batek Children's Education in Malaysia

International Review of Education (2023) 69:875–901
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11159-023-10035-9
ORIGINAL PAPER
Indigenous sustainable education modelling: The role

of chaperones in Batek children’s education in Malaysia
Mohd Amli Abdullah1 · Badli Esham Ahmad2,3 · Mohd Rozaidi Ismail2
Accepted: 9 September 2023 / Published online: 21 December 2023

© UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning and Springer Nature B.V. 2023
Abstract
This article focuses on sustainable education for Batek children, an ethnic sub-
group of Indigenous Orang Asli peoples in Malaysia. A number of important fig-
ures, including school leaders, teachers, parents and peers, are needed to support
initiatives to improve the quality of education among Indigenous communities.
However, studies have indicated that a range of issues among Orang Asli children
– such as low educational attainment, school dropout and high absenteeism – are
hindering success. To help address these problems, a more conducive relationship
between these children and their schools needs to be developed. The qualitative
study presented in this article explored the role of “chaperones” (teachers’ aides)
in a Let’s Go to School programme in a village school in Pahang, Malaysia, as a
potential solution to support Batek children’s education. Semi-structured interviews
were conducted with four respondents: two village elders (who acted as chaperones
for schoolchildren), one school principal and one teacher. Five themes were identi-
fied as connected to the role of chaperones and the success of the programme: trust,
commitment, conducive environment, appropriate policy and regulation, and com-
munity support. The chaperones were found to act as informal teachers, effectively
supporting Batek children, and the community, in both the academic and outside
world. Findings indicate the need for a proper modelling of Indigenous sustainable
education which recognises the role of chaperones in Batek children’s education.
This approach could also be extended to other Orang Asli communities.
Keywords education quality · sustainable education · school dropout · indigenous

community · chaperone
Résumé
Modélisation d’une éducation autochtone durable : le rôle des accompagnateurs dans
l’éducation des enfants bateks en Malaisie – Cet article se penche sur l’éducation
durable pour les enfants bateks, un sous-groupe ethnique du peuple autochtone orang
asli en Malaisie. Tout un ensemble de personnalités dont des chefs d’établissements,
des enseignants, des parents et des pairs sont nécessaires afin de soutenir des pro-
Extended author information available on the last page of the article
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876 M. A. Abdullah et al.
jets pour améliorer la qualité de l’éducation au sein des communautés autochtones.

Toutefois, des études ont indiqué qu’un ensemble de problèmes chez les enfants
orang asli, par exemple les faibles résultats scolaires, l’abandon de la scolarité et
les taux d’absentéisme élevés, les empêchent de réussir. Pour contribuer à remédier
à ces problèmes, il faut développer des rapports plus favorables entre ces enfants et
leurs établissements scolaires. L’étude qualitative présentée dans cet article porte sur
le rôle des accompagnateurs (des auxiliaires des enseignants) dans un programme
intitulé Let’s Go to School (allons à l’école) organisé dans une école de village à
Pahang, en Malaisie. Des interviews semi-structurées ont été réalisées auprès de qua-
tre personnes : deux anciens du village (qui ont servi d’accompagnateurs aux élèves),
un directeur (principal) et un enseignant. Cinq sujets ont été déterminés comme
étant liés au rôle des accompagnateurs et au succès du programme : la confiance,
l’engagement, un cadre propice, une politique et une réglementation appropriées et
le soutien de la communauté. Cela a permis de conclure que les accompagnateurs
faisaient fonction d’enseignants informels, qu’ils soutenaient efficacement les enfants
bateks, ainsi que la communauté, tant sur le plan scolaire qu’à l’extérieur de l’école.
Les résultats indiquent la nécessité de modéliser comme il convient une éducation
autochtone durable reconnaissant le rôle des accompagnateurs dans l’éducation des
enfants bateks. Cette approche pourrait aussi être étendue à d’autres communautés
orang asli.
Introduction
Malaysia has seen many initiatives to improve the quality of education among the
country’s Indigenous communities. Intan Waheedah Othman (2022) states that
in the budget for 2021, RM 50.4 billion,1 representing 15.6% of total government
expenditure, was allocated for schools and education in Malaysia. According to
Sharifah Md Nor et al. (2011), the 5 Year Plan (2010–2015) of the National Indige-
nous Pedagogy Centre of Excellence (PKPPK) aimed to emphasise research and
innovation, and the networking of experts, to enhance the education of Orang Asli
children, the professionalism of Orang Asli school teachers, and the sustainability
and preservation of Orang Asli culture. In 2013, the Ministry of Education (MoE),
in collaboration with the Malaysian Orang Asli Development Department, launched
the Orang Asli Education Development Plan (MoE 2013) to improve and address
Orang Asli education problems, especially among preschool children (Harun et al.
2020).2 There have been numerous education system attempts to reduce inequalities
and facilitate social integration in Malaysia, but they have not been fully successful
due to a lack of sensitivity to the needs of Indigenous children. This is especially
true with regard to the education of Orang Asli children (ibid.).
1
RM = Malaysian Ringgit, the currency unit of Malaysia.
2
Orang Asli is the collective term for the Indigenous peoples of Peninsular Malaysia. There are three
main tribal groups of Orang Asli: Senoi, Proto-Malay and Negrito. These are further divided into 18 eth-
nic subgroups, including Batek (the focus of this article).
13
Indigenous sustainable education modelling: The role of… 877
Mohd Nazri Abdul Rahman et al. (2019) note that the formal education of Orang
Asli children began after British colonisation and the Second World War. It was ini-
tially managed by the Department of Aboriginal Development (JAKOA), before it
was completely taken over by the Government of Malaysia in the 1980s. Quality
education builds students’ self-confidence, provides a conducive learning environ-
ment and empowers young people to realise their potential as citizens of their coun-
try (Harun et al. 2020). The proliferating digital opportunities and challenges of the
modern world have revolutionised planning, action and implementation in educa-
tion. Hence, the Industrial Revolution, which has now entered its fourth phase (IR
4.0), has indirectly impacted Orang Asli communities, especially with regard to the
lack of education among Orang Asli children (Rahman et al. 2019). The delivery of
mainstream education to Orang Asli children is an important element in sustaining
communities. In addition, education that is based on Orang Asli culture can indi-
rectly help children to develop and maintain an interest in schooling and prevent
them from falling behind or dropping out (Rahman et al. 2019).
Challenges in Orang Asli education
Living in remote areas without sufficient access to quality education has been a
problem for Orang Asli peoples since Malaysia’s independence from the British
Empire in 1957 (Shah et al. 2020). School absenteeism is still high (Salleh and
Ahmad 2009), and participation of Orang Asli students in formal education remains
low, even after nearly three decades of research and government approaches and
policies to address the problem (Rahman et al. 2019). Othman (2022) states that
despite various initiatives, including the Indigenous Education Transformation Plan
(PTPOA), which ran from 2013 to 2017 (JAKOA 2022a), there has been a failure
to uplift the education of the Orang Asli. Among the failures mentioned by JAKOA
(2011), Dianna Suzieanna Mohamad Shah et al. (2020), Noor Hanim Binti Harun
et al. (2020) and Othman (2022) are the problems of low educational attainment and
the dropping out of primary and secondary Orang Asli schoolchildren.
Rahman et al. (2019) explain that low academic achievement among many Orang
Asli children can be attributed to the failure to master the language of instruction,3
psychosocial challenges and lack of economic development. In addition, Hariharan
Krishnasamy (2019) states that the performance of Orang Asli children at the pri-
mary school level is lagging, which has contributed to high attrition and absentee-
ism, and poor performance in school examinations. This is partly due to the rejec-
tion by Orang Asli communities of the national education system. They perceive the
curriculum as irrelevant to their lives and the pedagogy as incompatible with the
3
According to Ethnologue, Malaysia is “home to 111 living indigenous languages. One of these, Stan-
dard Malay, is an official language of the country. … In addition, 20 living non-indigenous languages
are established within the country. One of these, English, is also an official language of the country. In
formal education, 3 indigenous languages are used as languages of instruction” (Eberhard et al. 2023,
online).
13
socio-culture of Orang Asli communities (SUHAKAM 2010; Krishnasamy 2019;

Harun et al. 2020; Md Nor et al. 2011).
A study by Md Nor et al. (2011) found that the lack, due to poverty, of an envi-
ronment which is conducive to learning was a contributing factor to school absen-
teeism and dropout among the Orang Asli. Due to economic necessity, many par-
ents also view their children’s participation in the workforce as more important than
education, so that they can earn an income as soon as possible (Krishnasamy 2019).
Another factor is the lack of infrastructure; remote villages typically lack good and
accessible roads to schools. Md Nor et al. (ibid.) note that transportation services
are generally poor, unsafe and, in the case of boat rides, expensive. Furthermore,
parents who do not care or who lack awareness about their children’s education are
also unable to encourage learning (Abdullah et al. 2021). Many parents themselves
have a low level of education (Md Nor et al. 2011) and most have low (or no) lit-
eracy skills; hence, they are unable to help their children (Yew et al. 2021). Many
students also lack motivation (Abdullah et al. 2021), interest in schooling (Md Nor
et al. 2011) and awareness regarding formal education (Shah et al. 2020).
The physical and cultural environment in which the Orang Asli reside means they
do not readily accept progress (Abdullah et al. 2021). Norfarahzatul Asikin Zakari
et al. (2022) observe that nature (e.g. forestry) is the main livelihood for Indigenous
peoples in Malaysia. Most are satisfied with their current lifestyle; thus, they can
find it difficult to accept change, especially with regard to education. In addition to
being known as reserved learners with poor interaction and communication skills, a
lack of skills in Bahasa Malaysia (Standard Malay) has made it difficult for Orang
Asli students and teachers to communicate (Kadir et al. 2019; Abdullah et al. 2021).
Zakari et al. (2022) note that communication problems slow the learning process
when teachers cannot identify students’ level of understanding and interest in the
lesson being delivered. Finally, standardised national examinations often make stu-
dents feel academically unprepared, forcing them to drop out and stay home, look
for jobs that seem more rewarding or find other less stressful alternatives to school
(Md Nor et al. 2011).
In other countries, such as Australia, the factors contributing to education chal-
lenges among Indigenous peoples are somewhat different. Australia saw historical
exclusion and limited access to education for Indigenous children until the 1960s,
and in some instances even later. Until this time, many Indigenous children living
in remote communities either received no schooling or were educated in “mission”
(church-run) schools. There were instances of Aboriginal students being excluded
from state schools in Western Australia into the 1930s and beyond, resulting in long-
lasting effects such as low school attendance, poor retention rates, and low literacy
and numeracy outcomes (Renganathan and Kral 2018). In addition, Indigenous chil-
dren in Australia face worse oral health than their non-Indigenous counterparts, with
higher rates of dental caries, hospitalisations, extractions and anaesthesia. This can
affect children’s well-being, school attendance and educational focus (Butten et al.
2019). Another Australian study found that eating disorder symptoms also indirectly
impact educational outcomes (Mulders-Jones et al. 2017).
However, socioeconomic factors play a similar role in the education challenges
experienced by Indigenous populations in both Australia and Malaysia. Indigenous
13
communities in both countries often face higher levels of poverty and unemploy-
ment, and limited access to resources and opportunities (Renganathan and Kral
2018). These challenges can create barriers to education, including limited access
to quality schools, resources and support systems. Furthermore, the frequently
lower socioeconomic status of Indigenous populations, as demonstrated by research,
particularly in Australia, is associated with a heightened risk of educational disad-
vantage (Schellekens et al. 2022). Māori populations in New Zealand face similar
socioeconomic disparities, which create barriers to education and hinder students’
academic success (Oetzel et al. 2017).
A mismatch between cultural values and the education system also contributes
to education problems. In Australia, Indigenous cultural values and English profi-
ciency often do not align well, which can hinder learning and academic achievement
(Schellekens et al. 2022). This also happens in New Zealand, where the education
system has historically been based on Western models and has not adequately incor-
porated Indigenous knowledge, languages and cultural practices. This cultural mis-
match leads to disengagement and a lack of relevance in the educational experience
for Māori students (Oetzel et al. 2017). Similar challenges are experienced by Orang
Asli communities in Malaysia.
As detailed above, findings from various studies conducted in Malaysia highlight
the persistent and complex challenges confronting Orang Asli communities in the
realm of education. These problems are compounded by a range of factors, including
geographical location, education system, learning environment and facilities, paren-
tal education and attitudes, student motivation, socioeconomic conditions, cultural
dynamics and communication barriers. Notably, socioeconomic, cultural and educa-
tion system-related factors are common barriers experienced by Indigenous com-
munities not only in Malaysia but also in countries like Australia and New Zealand.
However, despite the common problems of absenteeism and attrition among
Orang Asli children, one village school – Sekolah Kebangsaan Kuala Tahan [Kuala
Tahan Primary School] – has become an exception to the norm. Since the 2018
inception of the MoE’s Chup Badui Sikulah (Let’s Go to School) programme to
support the education of Orang Asli children, the school has managed to sustain
the regular attendance of Batek students. The success of the programme in this
school could also be an alternative way to reduce the problems discussed above in
other areas. Overall, the strategy responds to the desire of Orang Asli students for a
diverse and easy-to-understand teaching approach (Kadir et al. 2019), and for class-
room teaching and learning that follows the context of the local community to meet
the educational needs of students (Harun et al. 2020).
Education in Orang Asli communities
“Orang Asli” is a Malay term which can be translated as “original people”. Over
30% of Orang Asli still live in isolated areas, with minimal infrastructure and basic
amenities (Md Nor et al. 2011). Orang Asli can be divided into three main ethnici-
ties, which can be further categorised under different sub-ethnicities (see Table 1).
13
Table 1 Orang Asli ethnicity groups in Malaysia

Ethnicity Subcategory
Proto-Malay Jakun, Orang Kandaq, Orang Kuala, Orang Seletar, Semelai and Temuan
Senoi Che Wong, Jahut, Mahmeri, Semai, Semoq Beri and Temiar
Negrito Batek, Jahai, Kensiu, Kintak, Lanoh and Mendriq
According to JAKOA (2022a), the population of Orang Asli in 2022 was

209,575. This number comprised 115,712 Senoi (the biggest ethnic group at 55.21%
of the population), 87,541 Proto-Malay (41.77%) and 6,322 Negrito (3.02%) (see
Figure 1).
The right to education for Orang Asli children is enshrined in Article 17 of the
Orang Asli [Aboriginal Peoples] Act 1954 (Act 134), which stipulates that Orang
Asli cannot be prohibited from entering any school (GoRUM 2006 [1954]). Further-
more, Articles 14 and 15 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indige-
nous Peoples (UNDRIP) state that:
(1) Indigenous peoples have the right to establish and control their educational
systems and institutions providing education in their languages, in a manner
appropriate to their cultural methods of teaching and learning;
(2) Indigenous individuals, particularly children, have the right to all levels and
forms of education in the State without discrimination; and
(3) States shall, in conjunction with Indigenous peoples, take effective measures,
for Indigenous individuals, particularly children, including those living outside
their communities, to have access, when possible, to an education in their own
culture and provided in their language (OHCHR 2007, pp. 13–14).
Education provides numerous benefits and opportunities to Indigenous individu-

als and their communities. Michelle Pidgeon (2016) notes that education is essen-
tial for improving academic achievement and increasing employment opportunities
for Indigenous individuals, resulting in better job prospects, higher incomes and
improved socioeconomic status. Education equips people with the knowledge and
skills needed to succeed in various fields and to contribute to the development of
their communities. Incorporating Indigenous knowledge and perspectives into cur-
ricula can also help preserve and promote cultures, languages and traditions. This
allows Indigenous students to see themselves reflected in their education, fostering
a sense of pride and identity (Edwards-Vandenhoek 2018). Furthermore, culturally
responsive teaching practices and support services, such as tutoring and Aborigi-
nal education units, play a vital role in supporting Indigenous students’ success and
retention in higher education (Benton et al. 2021).
Better education has a positive impact on the health and well-being of Indigenous
communities by improving health literacy, leading to better health outcomes and
healthier lifestyles (Milroy 2022). It also plays a role in addressing mental health
disparities and reducing discrimination experienced by Indigenous peoples (Haregu
13
Figure 1 Population of Orang

Asli in Malaysia according
to ethnicity. Source: JAKOA
2022a
et al. 2021). Education is a key strategy in addressing inequality and closing the
gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations. It does this by con-
tributing to a reduction of socioeconomic inequalities, improving access to resources
and opportunities, and promoting social and economic empowerment (Stanley et al.
2021). Lastly, education equips individuals with the knowledge and skills needed
to contribute to community growth and development and self-determination (Over-
mars 2010).
In sum, education is of paramount importance to Indigenous communities. It not
only provides individuals with opportunities for personal growth and success, but
also contributes to cultural preservation, health and well-being, helping to close the
gap and foster community development. Recognising and incorporating Indigenous
knowledge, perspectives and cultural practices within education systems is crucial
for ensuring meaningful and inclusive education for Indigenous populations.
Heroes in Orang Asli education
Studies have shown that a number of important figures play a vital role in supporting
and sustaining the interest of Orang Asli children in education. They include school
leaders (principals), teachers, parents and peers.
School leaders
Schools are the main authority that can contribute to sustainable education4 for
Orang Asli students. Krishnasamy (2019) believes that school leadership cannot be
separated from the Orang Asli community in which it is situated, because the school
functions as a part of the community. School leadership is therefore pertinent to
improving Orang Asli children’s education, helping to produce good results, achieve
performance targets and empower the community to develop educational leaders
(Krishnasamy 2019). School leadership, management and administration are closely
linked. In the case of Orang Asli schools, school principals and administrators
4
In the context of our study, sustainable education refers to the integration of sustainable development
principles into educational practices and the development of transformation competencies.
13
(ibid.) are equipped with instructional leadership skills to enhance the performance
of schools in rural areas (Wahab 2021). School principals, in particular, play a piv-
otal role in making education attractive and interesting for Orang Asli children, so
that they attend school voluntarily rather than seeing it as a separate world to which
they do not belong (Krishnasamy 2019).
Teachers
A study by Mahidah Abdul Wahab (2021) found that a significant relationship

exists between teachers’ instructional practices and school performance. Effective
teacher–Indigenous student interactions were shown to positively influence perfor-
mance and academic achievement. These relationships can be nurtured by provid-
ing Orang Asli students with effective and practical instruction, clearly communi-
cating learning expectations, integrating students’ culture in class, becoming better
acquainted with students’ families and communities by encouraging them to regu-
larly visit classrooms, and generally establishing close connections with students
(Othman 2022).
Parents
Studies by Md Nor et al. (2011) and Wong Chin Yew et al. (2021), along with
our own research (Ahmad et al. 2022), have viewed parental involvement in their
children’s education as an important prerequisite to success. However, a study by
Krishnasamy (2019) revealed that most parents expect more assistance from their
school leadership than they receive. To better enable parents to be involved in their
children’s learning, the Orang Asli and Penan Adult Education Class (KEDAP) pro-
gramme was initiated in 2008 by the MoE to reduce the illiteracy rate among Orang
Asli adults and increase their quality of life (Md Nor et al. 2011). Parents are also
sometimes assigned to motivate their children to learn (Rosly and Mokhtar 2021).
Krishnasamy (2019) believes that the voices of parents can provide useful insights
into how a community thinks, as well as the issues that challenge it, such as pove-
rty, infrastructural support, leadership, school absenteeism and poor performance in
examinations.
Peers
Another positive force behind Orang Asli educational success is peer support.
According to Nurul Jamilah Rosly and Nor Zainiyah Zarita Mokhtar (2021), a stu-
dent’s peers play an important role in their success. For example, when their friends
go to school, students are more likely to be enthusiastic about attending.
Chaperones?
In addition to the above-mentioned support systems for Orang Asli students, the
employment of “chaperones” (teachers’ aides) is another approach. Not many
13
studies have been done on the efficiency and effectiveness of employing people in
this role. Hence, the current study aimed to identify factors that contribute to the
role of chaperones in the Batek community in supporting formal education. Our
study also aimed to investigate the obstacles faced when employing chaperones to
convince children to attend school.
The Chup Badui Sikulah (Let’s Go to School) programme: chaperones’

positive effect
Batek Negritos from the vicinity of Taman Negara National Park in West Malaysia
are hunter-gatherers who are experiencing rapid encroachment by the modern world
(Faulstich 1985). According to JAKOA (2022a), the total population of the Batek
ethnic subgroup is 1,962. The largest Batek community is located in the state of
Pahang (with 1,124 people), along with communities in Kelantan (789 people),
Terengganu (37 people), Perak (five people), Negeri Sembilan (three people), and
Selangor and Johor (two people in each).
Sekolah Kebangsaan Kuala Tahan (Kuala Tahan Primary School) is located in
the village of Kuala Tahan, in the Jerantut District in Pahang, Malaysia. Nearby is
the main entrance to Malaysia’s National Park. The school has a total of 313 stu-
dents, consisting of 176 male students and 137 female students. Of the total student
population, 13.7% (43 students) are Batek. This is the only school in Malaysia that
has many Batek children enrolled. It is also the only school providing them with an
education system that incorporates Batek culture.
The education of Batek children in Pahang is an ongoing issue faced by the state’s
education department. Department representatives have made many visits to all the
Batek villages to invite and motivate children to go to school, but thus far they have
failed. Insurmountable obstacles have included Batek people’s shyness, nomadic
lifestyle and life priorities.
Chup Badui Sikulah (Let’s Go to School) is a programme that fully focuses on
Batek students. The programme was collectively initiated at Sekolah Kebangsaan
Kuala Tahan by a range of authorities: the school, Jerantut District Education Office,
Pahang State Education Department, MoE, JAKOA Malaysia, National Registration
Department (Jerantut), Jerantut Parliament, PIBG (Teachers and Parents Associa-
tion), Bird Group Taman Negara (a non-government organisation [NGO]) and Batek
leaders (known as Tok Batin). The programme started on 18 January 2018 and is
currently in its fifth year. While the mainstream syllabus focuses on the “3 Ms”
– membaca (reading), menulis (writing), and mengira (calculating) – the Let’s Go to
School programme uses the “5 Ms”:
(1) Main/pangguh* (play), where students play outdoor or indoor games provided
by the school, such as football, netball, carrom and chess.
(2) Makan/minum/minum teh* (eat/drink/tea break), where students learn how to
eat and drink with good manners and in a hygienic environment.
(3) Muzik* (music), where students learn to sing, play musical instruments and
watch entertainment videos.
13
(4) Mengenali diri* (learning about themselves), where students learn about toileting
hygiene, and how to clean themselves, their clothes and their homes.
(5) Mempelajari* (academic learning), where students learn reading, writing and
numeracy (Muhammad 2020).
*refers to the Malay word with a similar meaning
As part of the programme, the school worked to sustain the attendance of Batek
children by assigning respectable people from the Batek community to assist them
to go to school every day. As mentioned by Krishnasamy (2019), the use of vil-
lage leaders and elders to create harmony and protect community interests prevails
over individual interests in Orang Asli communities. According to Johari Talib and
Nazri Muslim (2007), Orang Asli communities practise a system of compliance with
leaders’ advice and instructions. The role of the Tok Batin as tribe leader is crucial,
functioning as a mediator between the government and a community. Orang Asli
highly respect their leaders, and abide by their rules, commands, instructions and
decisions (Mokhtar and Rahman 2021). While most do not care much about chil-
dren’s education, the Tok Batin in the Batek villages in Kuala Tahan support the
education of their children.
Tok Batin Dayak and Tok Batin Sena both work closely with Sekolah Kebang-
saan Kuala Tahan to make sure that all Batek children go to school. In this pro-
gramme, they assigned two elders as chaperones, to accompany and look after the
children in school at all times. Despite the widespread issues of school absentee-
ism and dropout among Orang Asli children, Sekolah Kebangsaan Kuala Tahan has
proven to be different. The school has one special class for Orang Asli children, and
the Batek students were found to be attending without fail every day.
Methodology
The current exploratory study aimed to investigate the experiences of chaperones

from the start of the Let’s Go to School programme in Sekolah Kebangsaan Kuala
Tahan in 2018 until the present year (2023). The study was designed to investigate
the role of chaperone as a “middle person” between the school and the Batek com-
munity in four villages (Kampung Yong, Kampung Teresek, Kampung Dedari and
Kampung Aur). We selected this setting based on literature that shows the Batek
are the most marginal and least educated among all Orang Asli ethnic groups.
There is a fear that, as one of the smallest subgroups (with less than 3,000 people),
they will become extinct (SUHAKAM 2010). Prior to the study commencement,
ethics approval was obtained from Universiti Teknologi MARA Cawangan Pahang
[approval number REC/05/2022 (PG/MR/99)].
Our research employed a qualitative approach, with semi-structured interviews
as our main data source. The respondents we selected for the study included two
elders who were acting as chaperones, from two different villages in Taman Negara,
as well as the school principal and a teacher. A description of the respondents is pre-
sented in Table 2. We also visited the school and the two villages to make observa-
tions for the study.
13
Table 2 Description of the respondents

Pseudonym Description
Respondent 1 (R1) R1 was an elderly Batek woman in her early fifties who resided in a village closest
to the school. Her village is about 3 kilometres from the school and the main
activity in this village is making souvenirs to sell to tourists in one of the “show
villages” (which is open to tourists).
Respondent 2 (R2) R2 was an elderly Batek man in his fifties who resided in a village on the perimeter
of the Taman Negara National Park. His village is accessible either by a ten-
minute boat ride or a few hours of jungle trekking; hence, most children go to
school by boat. The main activities in this village are cultural demonstrations to
tourists and preparing souvenirs to sell. R2 would occasionally go into the jungle
to hunt and gather forest produce.
Respondent 3 (R3) R3 was the school principal of Sekolah Kebangsaan Kuala Tahan. The school has
Orang Asli children enrolled and one special class for Batek children.
Respondent 4 (R4) R4 was an experienced teacher responsible for the Batek children’s class.
Prior to the interviews being conducted, each participant was provided with an
information form about the project and a consent form to sign. R1 and R2 were
interviewed in their respective villages at a time convenient to them. Interviews
were conducted in the national language (Malay) as both participants were fluent
and no translation was needed. The questions were semi-structured to allow us to
delve deeper into the responses given. The interviews with R3 and R4 took place at
premises near the school and were also conducted in Malay. Interviews lasted
approximately 30 minutes each. They were video- and audio-recorded and later
transcribed and translated into English for the purposes of this article. Data from
the interviews were analysed and common themes identified. Similar incidents that
reflected and supported the themes were also identified and categorised accordingly.
Findings
Our visit to the Batek children’s classroom at Sekolah Kebangsaan Kuala Tahan
found the children clean and dressed in proper school attire, sitting on their chairs,
facing the teacher and focusing on the teaching and their work. However, while the
Batek students were well-dressed and clean at school, this was not the case when
we visited their village. Thus, the Let’s Go to School programme appeared to have
changed their attitudes on appropriate clothing, hygiene, posture and behaviour
when attending school.
Our analysis of our interviews with the four participants revealed five themes that
can be connected to the success of the programme and the functions of the chaper-
ones: (1) trust; (2) commitment; (3) conducive environment; (4) appropriate policy
and regulation; and (5) community support.5 We discuss each of these themes in
more detail below.
5
Thematic charts for each of these are available at https://figshare.com/articles/dataset/REVI_00233/
24799368.
13
Table 3 Number of Orang Asli students attending primary school in Malaysia

Registration (Year 1) Graduation (Year 6) Dropout number Dropout %
Year Number Orang Asli Year Number Orang Asli
registered graduated
2012 4,190 2017 4,345 155 3.70%

2013 3,967 2018* 3,771 196 4.9%
2014 4,013 2019* 3,812 201 5.0%
2015 4,170 2020* 4,034 136 3.3%
2016 3,939 2021* 3,995 –56 –1.4%
2017 3,998 2022* **
Source: JAKOA (2022b)

Notes: *Student data based on the student data management application of the Ministry of Education
Malaysia (APDM KPM); **not available
Justification of the success of the Let’s Go to School programme can be verified by

data provided by JAKOA (2022b). Table 3 shows the number of Orang Asli students
who registered for primary education (Year 1) and went on to complete Year 6.6
Analysis of the data shows that between 2012 and 2014, the number of Orang Asli
school dropouts increased steadily, with an average of 184 students leaving each
year. However, in 2016, dropouts reduced to 136 (3.3%) and became negative (–56
or –1.4%) in 2017, when there were no dropouts and instead an increase in the num-
ber of Orang Asli students. The reason for this turnaround was cited by JAKOA as
an increase in the number of Orang Asli students who registered in the middle of the
school year. Thus, these data show that the programme has successfully attracted
Orang Asli children to go to school.
Below, we present the five themes that emerged from the interviews, also includ-
ing excerpts from the participants’ responses to illustrate each theme.
Trust
In the realm of Indigenous education, the concept of trust emerged from our inter-
view data as a pivotal factor influencing the success of educational initiatives. Our
conversations with the interviewees illuminated the role of trust in fostering the par-
ticipation and engagement of Indigenous children in formal education. R1 advised
that the
“Tok Batin informed me that JAKOA needs a representative from Batek to
persuade the villagers because they are not familiar [with the department].
After that, my job is to bring and wait for the students at school.” (R1)
She added:
6
Primary education in Malaysia goes from Years (Standards) 1 to 6, beginning at age seven.
13
“In the beginning, Batek children were afraid because at school there were
health and dental examinations. Now they are not afraid any more and they
love going to school.” (R1)
These comments from R1 confirm the importance of aiming educational initia-
tives at the Batek community, as well as being culturally sensitive and involving
the community. The interviewees also emphasised the positive impact of these
efforts, as evidenced by the children’s change in attitude towards school from fear to
enthusiasm.
R3 spoke about the challenges and considerations involved in introducing pro-
grammes to the Batek community: “When the programme first started, the school
began the process of persuading [them to attend]”. R3 also emphasised that trust
was needed to facilitate communication and understanding between the external pro-
gramme and the community, and to address the community’s desires and concerns:
“If there is no middleman [or middlewoman], it is difficult, as the Batek community
wants someone to listen to them”.
Comments from R4 narrated a journey of initial scepticism and resistance within
the Batek community towards sending their children to school. Over time, however,
persistent efforts, changes in approach and evidence of the school’s care and com-
mitment led to a transformation in community perception, ultimately resulting in
trust and willingness to send children to school.
“At first, the school went to [the village of] Kg Pagi to persuade the children
there, but the [parents] didn’t want to [let them go] because they didn’t believe
the school would take good care of their children.” (R4)
“From 2010 to 2017, the KPM [Ministry of Education] and PPD [District Edu-
cation Office] failed to persuade Batek children to go to school and finally the
Kuala Tahan School was entrusted to persuade children in Batek villages.”
(R4)
“In the early stages, children come with their parents, and their parents sit
in school until school hours end. This is because they do not believe that the
school can take care of their children.” (R4)
“After eight months they see their children treated well, given school clothes,
and already good at reading and there is no double standard between Malay
children and their children. They start to believe in the school.” (R4)
“The school can teach his child but the school has to send a teacher to his vil-
lage.” (R4)
These comments reflect the imperative of having community representatives (e.g.
chaperones) who understand the cultural intricacies and can bridge the gap between
Indigenous values and the formal education environment. The intermediary role
serves not only to garner trust but also to ensure that educational initiatives align
with the community’s needs and aspirations.
13
Commitment
The theme of commitment emerged as a cornerstone, reflecting the dedication

and persistence required to create a meaningful and lasting impact. Commitment
was found to play a pivotal role in fostering positive changes within Indigenous
communities’ educational experiences. Comments from interviewees collec-
tively illustrate the multifaceted nature of commitment, encompassing a range of
aspects from educational infrastructure to personal growth and transformation.
During the programme, there has been a positive evolution in Batek chil-
dren’s perception of school, from initial fear to a strong fondness for attending.
There has also been a commitment to education from both students and educa-
tion authorities. This is evidenced by efforts to ensure school attendance even in
adverse weather conditions and the provision of transportation services to make
school accessible: “In the rainy season, children still go to school and there are
vehicles to pick them up in all villages” (R1).
R2 highlighted the presence of children with aspirations for higher educa-
tion (beyond primary school). He emphasised the importance of accommodating
students’ educational goals and ensuring opportunities for them to pursue high
school education: “There are children who want to go to high school.” R3 also
noted a substantial and positive transformation in the self-management abilities
of students: “In terms of self-management, these students have changed 180%.”
This underscores the potential for education and supportive environments to have
a profound impact on students’ personal development, beyond their academic
achievements.
As a teacher, R4 noticed a significant shift in student behaviour regarding seat-
ing arrangements. The children had moved from their traditional practice of sit-
ting on the floor to using chairs and tables: “At first, the students sat cross-legged
because they were not used to sitting on chairs. Now, all students sit on the chair
and use the table properly.” This highlights students’ adaptability, the influence
of education and their willingness to embrace new ways of doing things as they
progress in their educational journey.
From transforming fear into enthusiasm, to ensuring consistent access, nur-
turing personal growth, fostering aspirations and facilitating cultural adaptation,
commitment emerged as a multifaceted force driving positive changes in Indige-
nous education. This underscores the essential role of dedication and persistence
in achieving meaningful and sustainable educational outcomes within Indigenous
communities.
Conducive environment
The creation of a conducive environment emerged as a foundational element

for nurturing meaningful learning experiences. The right kind of environment
was found to be important in promoting engagement, academic success and
overall well-being within Indigenous education initiatives. Comments from the
13
respondents collectively underscore the multifaceted nature of a positive environ-

ment, encompassing aspects such as community support, cultural integration and
the provision of essential resources.
R1 described the motivations of the Batek community for sending their children
to school as including a desire for stability and economic opportunities: “They like
children to go to school because they no longer move around, and parents will try to
find a job near a school.” Incentives, like videos and food, were also used to encour-
age school attendance. R1 said, “Before they go back [home], they will watch a
video and they are also provided with food to take back home”. These comments
indicate a community-based approach to education that addresses both educational
and practical needs.
R2 noted that the “parents of Batek children like their children to go to school”.
This underscores the positive attitude of Batek parents towards education and their
willingness to send their children to school. It highlights their recognition of the
potential benefits of education and their investment in the future well-being of their
children.
R3 commented on the positive attitude of Batek students towards attending
school: “All students are happy to be at school.” They also noted the strong enrol-
ment numbers when the programme began: “A total of 52 Batek ethnic students from
Kg Aur (Lata Jeram), Dedari, Teresek and Kg Yong registered.” The students’ hap-
piness suggests a positive learning environment, and the enrolment figures indicate
the programme’s reach and inclusivity within different Batek ethnic communities.
R4 emphasised the importance of taking a culturally aware approach to educa-
tion for Batek children, including factors such as nutrition, playtime and music. The
positive outcomes achieved through this approach have sparked interest in education
among the Batek community, potentially leading to long-term benefits.
“Batek children need to be taken care of [with regard to] their food, sec-
ond, they are allowed to play and, third, music should be played during class
because they will do their schoolwork diligently when music is played.” (R4)
“Since the programme has been successful, there has been interest among
Batek ethnic children to go to school.” (R4)
The insights gained from the interviewees emphasise how crucial it is to create a
supportive learning environment in education. The combination of support, cul-
tural sensitivity, community aspirations and student engagement foster an environ-
ment where education is valued, embraced and seamlessly integrated into Indige-
nous communities. Thus, a conducive environment plays a role in encouraging both
growth and communal progress within Indigenous education.
Appropriate policy and regulation
Policy and regulation play a role in education by influencing the opportunities,

challenges and strategies that emerge within communities. Our analysis explored
the interactions between policy frameworks, community goals and obstacles
13
Indigenous educational initiatives face. This included policy considerations such

as access to education, age restrictions, curriculum design and allocation of
resources.
R2 mentioned a significant challenge that the Batek community faces in terms
of educational access. That is, even when Batek children want to go to school,
a lack of birth certificates and identification cards is a barrier to enrolment.
Addressing this issue is critical to ensuring that all children receive an education
and have access to the benefits and services that should be available to them.
“There are more Batek children who want to go to school, but the problem
is that among the children there are no birth certificates and there are also
parents who do not have identification cards.” (R2)
R3 noted both the positive momentum towards education and the practical chal-
lenges the Batek community face, particularly with regard to age limits for school
enrolment and a lack of birth certificates. To overcome these barriers and ensure
that all Batek children have access to education and associated government facili-
ties, creative solutions and support systems are required.
“Now more and more children want to go to school. However, the school
set the learning age limit from 2021 to be less than 12 years. When this pro-
gramme first started, we took children from 14 to 17 years old to be used as
decoys to lure their younger siblings into school.”
“No birth certificate is the main problem for the Batek people. [There are]
27 students who do not have identification. Due to this problem, these stu-
dents do not get access to services from the government.” (R3)
As a teacher, R4’s comments reveal the multifaceted nature of educational ini-
tiatives for the Batek community, including comprehensive support mechanisms,
enrolment barriers and curriculum development challenges – along with the col-
laborative efforts required to address these areas. The teacher-led curriculum
development process demonstrates efforts to create a culturally sensitive and rel-
evant education system.
“During the seven to eight months they are in school, the school not only
gives food to the students but also to the parents of the students.” (R4)
“There are other children who want to go to school but there are constraints
from the school, which are limited seats and food facilities. There are no
financial resources to cover the costs which are now provided by Mykasih
[an NGO] and RMT [a supplementary food programme].” (R4)
“We have asked PPD [the District Education Office] and KPM [the Ministry
of Education] [about] the syllabus we want to teach Batek students. They
informed [us] that there is no existing syllabus that is suitable for Batek
students and it is difficult for them to formulate a syllabus only for Batek
students.” (R4)
13
“KPM and PPD have given freedom to teachers to create their syllabus. Sev-
eral discussions were held and the 5M syllabus was drafted and approved by
PPD.” (R4)
The respondent quotes highlight the delicate dance that exists between policy and
Indigenous educational initiatives. From access barriers rooted in documentation to
resource allocation challenges and curriculum customisation, policy considerations
intersect with community aspirations, necessitating innovative strategies and collab-
orative approaches. Flexible, community-sensitive policies are necessary to enable
Indigenous communities to overcome obstacles and build a robust educational eco-
system tailored to their specific needs.
Community support
Community support emerged as another crucial theme within the tapestry of Indige-
nous education, underpinning the success and sustainability of educational initia-
tives. Comments from the interviewees provide insights into the dynamic ways in
which community members engaged with and supported Indigenous children’s edu-
cational journeys. Their quotes highlight the multifaceted nature of community sup-
port, which includes linguistic assistance, emotional nurturing, cultural bridging and
inclusivity advocacy.
R1 emphasised the critical role of a chaperone in assisting Batek children who
face language barriers and other challenges in the school setting. Her comments
show her dedication and commitment to assisting these children in overcoming
obstacles to education.
“I can’t leave children at school [without me] because they don’t know how to
speak Malay.” (R1)
“If I don’t go, children who don’t speak Malay well won’t go to school because
I will translate Malay into Batek for them.” (R1)
“If I’m not there, I worry about them not being in class and wandering
around.” (R1)
“I sat in class and looked at them. If there’s something they don’t know, I’ll
help. If they don’t understand what the teacher is teaching, I will translate for
them.” (R1)
“Tok Batin told me to take care of this child. At first, he asked other individu-
als but they were not interested. I just want to help these children ...” (R1)
R2 spoke about how a chaperone can assist Batek students as they transition to a
formal school environment. The presence of a caretaker provides comfort and assis-
tance to students, especially during the early stages when they may struggle to adjust
to the classroom setting. This emphasises the significance of cultural sensitivity and
individualised support in Indigenous and marginalised students’ education.
“Batek students like for me to wait for them at school.” (R2)
13
“When I first sent Batek children to school, they were not used to the learning
environment. They like to play outside and don’t want to go into the class-
room. I will ask them to enter the class and I will wait outside.” (R2)
R4 commented on the importance of addressing emotional and language barriers,

and ensuring culturally relevant education. Overcoming these obstacles is critical to
ensuring that children can attend school comfortably and receive a meaningful and
culturally sensitive education.
“Batek ethnic children want to go to school but they have no self-confidence,
causing them to be afraid to go to school.” (R4)
“We ask the Tok Batin to appoint an elder as a parent representative because
there are children who do not understand Malay.” (R4)
“We learn how they live and use it in school.” (R4)

Respondent quotes were consistent with the resounding theme of community sup-
port in Indigenous education. Community members are instrumental partners in fos-
tering a supportive and holistic learning environment, from linguistic bridging to
emotional nurturing, inclusivity advocacy to cultural integration. This highlights the
profound impact that community support has on Indigenous children’s educational
journeys, laying the groundwork for meaningful engagement, success and empower-
ment within their communities and beyond.
Discussion
Trust is an important consideration in the education of Indigenous early childhood

educators, childcare workers and teachers in order to foster the participation and
engagement of Indigenous children in schooling. In addition, non-Indigenous educa-
tors must receive cultural safety training and reflect on organisational policies and
practices that may impede Indigenous education. They also need to recognise the
importance of addressing challenges stemming from geographic distances and fam-
ily commitments, which frequently require parents to entrust the care of their chil-
dren to extended family members while the children attend school elsewhere (Peter-
son et al. 2019).
The theme of trust is critical in the context of fostering positive relationships
between Indigenous communities and educational institutions. The compartmen-
talisation of knowledge and emphasis on colonial assessment methods in schools
contribute to a cultural mismatch between home and school for Indigenous students,
eroding trust and impeding their educational experiences. Thus, there is an urgent
need to incorporate Indigenous epistemologies and holistic assessment approaches
that align with children’s natural learning processes (White 2022).
Trust also has a significant impact on relationships between educational insti-
tutions, researchers and Indigenous communities, necessitating a transparent and
13
reflexive research process that incorporates Indigenous perspectives (Isabirye 2021).

To foster respectful engagement with Indigenous knowledge systems, it is critical
to avoid stereotyping and romanticising them. At the same time, it is important to
actively collaborate with Indigenous communities in the development of curricula
and teaching methods rooted in Indigenous ways of knowing. Finally, incorporating
Indigenous ecological knowledge and traditional practices into environmental edu-
cation can also play a role in building trust in communities (Nesterova 2020).
Commitment is another essential component of successful Indigenous education.
Research indicates that valuing education is a key determinant of positive outcomes
for Indigenous students. They are more likely to achieve academic success when
they enjoy school and have a genuine appreciation for education (Martin et al. 2021).
Furthermore, a strong sense of academic efficacy has been identified as a critical
predictor of educational outcomes for Indigenous students, who are more likely to
excel when they have a firm belief in their academic abilities (Martin et al. 2021).
Creating a conducive environment entails organising classrooms to facilitate
learning, understanding Indigenous learners’ backgrounds and experiences, sus-
pending personal judgement, and fostering the exploration of and respect for diverse
perspectives (Martin et al. 2021). Research highlights the importance of creating
a supportive and academically challenging environment for Indigenous students
(Milne 2017). This type of environment is critical to Indigenous schooling success
(Jones et al. 2019). Access to a suitable study environment, promotion of Indigenous
culture and consideration of future aspirations are all important aspects of an envi-
ronment that supports Indigenous students (Macdonald and Gringart 2022).
Policy and regulation play an important role in Indigenous education, shaping
students’ educational experiences and outcomes. The literature emphasises the
importance of policies that recognise and address the historical and ongoing effects
of colonisation on Indigenous education. The use of Indigenous, Decolonising
School Leadership (IDSL) frameworks is recommended to guide policy develop-
ment and implementation (Khalifa et al. 2018). These frameworks, which emphasise
Indigenous ancestral knowledge, self-reflection, community empowerment, altruism
and inclusive communication practices, serve as alternatives to colonial schooling
models, which have perpetuated inequities and marginalised Indigenous students
(Khalifa et al. 2018).
Policies that challenge colonial models and prioritise community-based per-
spectives and practices can help to create a more inclusive and supportive envi-
ronment for Indigenous students. Ensuring culturally responsive school leadership
and acknowledging Indigenous agency in decision-making are critical components
of effective policy and regulation (Khalifa et al. 2018). Furthermore, policies that
promote Indigenous participation and self-determination in education, such as the
recognition and respect of Indigenous worldviews, traditions and aspirations, can
significantly contribute to Indigenous students’ success (Pratt and Drefs 2023).
Governments around the world have implemented a variety of policies and initia-
tives to assist Indigenous children in their education. For example, Australian Indig-
enous Mentoring Experience (AIME) programmes have demonstrated the effective-
ness of policies that inspire and empower Indigenous students through culturally
relevant mentoring and support (Harwood et al. 2015). In New Zealand, policies
13
have been designed to align higher education strategies with Indigenous social,
cultural and economic aspirations. These policies recognise Indigenous under-
representation in higher education and emphasise the importance of cultural sup-
port, community connection and giving back to tribal communities (Theodore et al.
2017). Māori graduates’ experiences have also been used to offer insights into how
to promote Indigenous higher education achievement in New Zealand (Theodore
et al. 2017). In Canada, the Ministry of Education has enacted policies that priori-
tise Indigenous student success and incorporate Indigenous content into curricula,
including addressing the challenges of effectively implementing Indigenous curricu-
lar material (Milne 2017).
Finally, community support has been shown to be critical in assisting Indigenous
children in their education across multiple countries. The active engagement of fam-
ilies and communities is recognised as a crucial component of improving Indigenous
education in Canada, New Zealand and Australia (Wiebe et al. 2022). Indigenous
children in Canada were found to benefit from comprehensive school-based inter-
ventions that incorporate culturally relevant nutrition education and involve families
and community members (Gillies et al. 2020). Also in Canada, community-engaged
approaches, such as the development of culturally appropriate educational materi-
als, improved Indigenous children’s knowledge about stroke and its prevention (Hill
et al. 2017). In Australia, Indigenous families have advocated for equitable access to
high-quality education that respects and integrates Indigenous knowledge systems
(Locke 2022).
Research highlights the importance of incorporating and valuing Indigenous
knowledge and perspectives in educational settings, combating stereotypes and pro-
viding culturally respectful and relevant education for Indigenous children. Anna
Lees (2016) found that Indigenous community partners in urban teacher preparation
programmes help to better prepare teachers for the needs of Indigenous children and
communities. Indigenous educators have also been acknowledged as important lead-
ers in the integration of Indigenous knowledge and perspectives in early childhood
education and care settings (Locke 2022).
In addition to the factors mentioned above, several considerations specific to
Indigenous education have been highlighted in various studies. One such factor is
the emphasis on cultural relevance and inclusion, as outlined by Alison Francis‐
Cracknell et al. 2023). This involves incorporating Indigenous knowledge, languages
and cultural practices into the education system, encompassing culturally respon-
sive teaching methods and curricula designed to engage Indigenous students and
enhance their academic success. Another critical factor is community engagement
and empowerment, as emphasised by Emma O’Brien and Aoife Chawke (2022) and
elsewhere (Ahmad et al. 2022). This approach actively involves Indigenous peoples
in community-led initiatives and integrates Indigenous perspectives into educational
planning and policy development, which can significantly contribute to favourable
educational outcomes.
The importance of addressing institutional racism within mainstream education
systems has been underscored by Anna Socha (2021). This step is imperative for
fostering inclusive and equitable educational environments that support the needs of
Indigenous students. Furthermore, providing comprehensive health and well-being
13
Figure 2 Model for sustainable education for Batek (and other Orang Asli) communities
support plays a crucial role in the educational success of Indigenous students, as

indicated by Clare Flack et al.(2020). Incorporating Indigenous knowledge and
research methodologies into educational practices is another valuable factor that
enhances the learning experience for Indigenous students. Lastly, the development
of tailored programmes and interventions designed to address the specific needs of
and challenges faced by Indigenous students can significantly contribute to their
educational success, as highlighted by Michelle Fitts et al. (2021). However, it is
important to recognise that the factors contributing to successful education among
Indigenous populations in other countries may differ from those found in this study
due to variations in culture, environment and regulations.
Constructing an Indigenous sustainable education model
The themes that emerged from our study can serve as reliable variables in the devel-
opment of a sustainable education model for the Batek children living in the vicinity
of Malaysia’s National Park. This model could also be expanded to include other
Orang Asli tribes in Malaysia. Figure 2 depicts the conceptual model we developed
based on our findings.
Conclusion
Our findings reveal that trust, commitment, conducive environment, appropriate pol-
icy and regulation, and community support are all significant factors in sustaining
Batek children’s education. The parents of the Batek children connected to our study
13
trusted the school, but only after careful deliberation, observation and negotiation.
The devotion of the chaperones, teachers, school leaders and parents also improved
the children’s behaviour and attitudes. A positive environment was vital in fostering
trust among the school administration, students and Batek community. Furthermore,
solid legislation and regulations governing the right of Batek children to education
as well as community support were required, particularly in the early stages of the
Let’s Go to School programme. Chaperones were instrumental in bridging the gap
between the two worlds (home and school), and they also functioned as informal
teachers to the Batek community.
Overall, these findings imply that to provide a pleasant and sustainable learning
environment for Batek children, education programmes require collaboration and
support from numerous stakeholders, including the community itself. It can be a
difficult process to persuade Orang Asli children to go to school. Absenteeism and
dropping out will continue unless decisive efforts are made and support is given to
address the challenges. Noticeable changes were seen among the Batek children in
our study (i.e. appropriate clothing, hygiene, posture and behaviour) because of the
programme they were involved in, providing evidence that progress is possible. It is
important in sustaining the education of Orang Asli children to consider factors of
trust, commitment, conducive environment, appropriate policy and regulation, and
community support. Besides identifying these factors, our study also found that the
role of chaperone – as a translator, guide, mediator and persuader for students – was
crucial in supporting Batek children’s education.
Future research
This research was conducted within the Batek community in Malaysia. In the future,
it could be replicated among different Orang Asli tribes/groups. Other studies could
potentially focus on the nonverbal communication of Orang Asli students, as well as
on classroom teachers and/or other related authorities directly involved with Orang
Asli education.
Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank the Ministry of Higher Education of Malaysia for the
financial support (Fundamental Research Grant Scheme FRGS/1/2019/SSI09/UITM/02/8) for this work.
We would also like to extend our gratitude to Universiti Teknologi MARA Cawangan Pahang, Malaysia,
for the academic support.
Data availability Not applicable.
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Publisher’s Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.
Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under
a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author self-archiving of the accepted
manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and
applicable law.
Mohd Amli Abdullah is a senior lecturer from the Faculty of Business Management, Universiti Teknologi
MARA Pahang Branch. He has over fifteen years of teaching experience and has been involved in numer-
ous research projects. His current focus in on sustainable entrepreneurship among the Orang Asli.
Badli Esham Ahmad is a senior lecturer in the Academy of Language Studies, Universiti Teknologi
MARA Pahang Branch. He received his doctoral degree from Universiti Teknologi MARA and has
twenty years of teaching experience. He is currently an Associate Fellow at the Institute of Biodiversity
and Sustainable Development (IBSD) at Universiti Teknologi MARA. His research interests and publica-
tions are in education, adult learning, self-directed learning and Orang Asli studies.
Mohd Rozaidi Ismail is a senior lecturer in the Academy of Language Studies, Universiti Teknologi
MARA Pahang Branch. He has over twenty years of teaching experience. His research focus includes
online learning, corpus linguistics and Orang Asli studies.
13
Authors and Affiliations
Mohd Amli Abdullah1 · Badli Esham Ahmad2,3 · Mohd Rozaidi Ismail2
* Badli Esham Ahmad

badli@uitm.edu.my
Mohd Amli Abdullah
amli_baharum@uitm.edu.my
Mohd Rozaidi Ismail
rozaidi@uitm.edu.my
1
Faculty of Business & Management, Universiti Teknologi MARA Cawangan Pahang, Pahang,
Malaysia
2
Academy of Language Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA Cawangan Pahang, Pahang,
Malaysia
3
Institute of Biodiversity and Sustainable Development, Universiti Teknologi MARA,
Shah Alam, Selangor, Malaysia
13

Indigenous Sustainable Education Modelling: The Role of Chaperones in Batek Children's Education in Malaysia

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Indigenous Sustainable Education Modelling: The Role of Chaperones in Batek Children's Education in Malaysia

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International Review of Education (2023) 69:875–901

Indigenous sustainable education modelling: The role

Mohd Amli Abdullah1 · Badli Esham Ahmad2,3 · Mohd Rozaidi Ismail2

Accepted: 9 September 2023 / Published online: 21 December 2023

Keywords education quality · sustainable education · school dropout · indigenous

Extended author information available on the last page of the article

jets pour améliorer la qualité de l’éducation au sein des communautés autochtones.

Challenges in Orang Asli education

socio-culture of Orang Asli communities (SUHAKAM 2010; Krishnasamy 2019;

Education in Orang Asli communities

Table 1 Orang Asli ethnicity groups in Malaysia

According to JAKOA (2022a), the population of Orang Asli in 2022 was

Education provides numerous benefits and opportunities to Indigenous individu-

Figure 1 Population of Orang

Heroes in Orang Asli education

A study by Mahidah Abdul Wahab (2021) found that a significant relationship

The Chup Badui Sikulah (Let’s Go to School) programme: chaperones’

The current exploratory study aimed to investigate the experiences of chaperones

Table 2 Description of the respondents

Table 3 Number of Orang Asli students attending primary school in Malaysia

2012 4,190 2017 4,345 155 3.70%

Source: JAKOA (2022b)

Justification of the success of the Let’s Go to School programme can be verified by

The theme of commitment emerged as a cornerstone, reflecting the dedication

The creation of a conducive environment emerged as a foundational element

respondents collectively underscore the multifaceted nature of a positive environ-

Appropriate policy and regulation

Policy and regulation play a role in education by influencing the opportunities,

Indigenous educational initiatives face. This included policy considerations such

R4 commented on the importance of addressing emotional and language barriers,

“We learn how they live and use it in school.” (R4)

Trust is an important consideration in the education of Indigenous early childhood

reflexive research process that incorporates Indigenous perspectives (Isabirye 2021).

support plays a crucial role in the educational success of Indigenous students, as

Constructing an Indigenous sustainable education model

Data availability Not applicable.

Authors and Affiliations

Mohd Amli Abdullah1 · Badli Esham Ahmad2,3 · Mohd Rozaidi Ismail2

* Badli Esham Ahmad

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