Comprehensive Examination Paper

Emma Posca

Part One: General Component

a) Histories: Colonialism

b) Theories and Methods: Ethnography/Ethnographic Storytelling

c) Special Topics: Indigenous Feminism (amplification of Indigenous voices)

Question #3:

There is significant literature on the connection of Indigenous feminisms and storytelling.

Explore the significance/importance of grouping together and expanding upon the continuing

impact of colonialism on Indigenous communities with its connections to Indigenous Feminism

and Ethnographic Storytelling? Can a resistance to colonialism be accomplished via

ethnographic storytelling?

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 Indigenous Women's Resistance to Colonialism and Whiteness:
The connection to ethnographic storytelling
and the significance of Guest Responsibilities as a Settler Scholar
(is the title of the paper I want to use)

Preface:

I want to begin this examination paper with two quotes that are significant amongst the
ethnographic literature that is used by Indigenous women as a resistance towards colonialism.
Patricia Monture-Angus was a Mohawk legal scholar and lawyer that has figured strongly in the
fight against legal colonial structures in Canada. I will expand on Patricia’s significance in the
resistance against colonialism in the rest of my paper, but it is necessary that I set the stage with
these quotes from her book Journeying Forward;

“This book was born out of antagonism and frustration. It is born out of the pain I carry
every day because of what I see happening in our communities and to the lives of our
children. This book contains the thoughts of more than a decade” (Monture-Angus 1999,
05).
“Although I still believe in justice and peace, I no longer have the faith necessary to
maintain a close relationship with Canadian laws, lawmakers or judicial resolution of
disputes as we know them all today. This book is very much an examination of the reasons
for which I was unable to maintain my individual faith in Canadian law. Law was and is
my ultimate lesson in colonial oppression. I am not seeking escape but rather a way to put
my understanding of colonialism and law to better use” (Monture-Angus 1999, 10).

Introduction:

Due to the existence of colonization there exists the notion of a white hegemonic society that
reinforces the ideas of the way things should be as opposed to the way things are. Colonialism
creates dehumanizing situations and alienates those that are colonized not only from themselves
but from their culture, language and lands. Settler colonialism is defined as “settlement over
Indigenous people and lands and is rooted in domination, self-righteousness, and greed” (Hart

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2007, 02). The colonization of Indigenous lands by white settlers was done in the name of the
capitalist accumulation of lands, resources and ultimately wealth. By connecting colonialism to
Indigenous people in Canada, especially women, I focus on the ideas of eradication,
marginalization and assimilation. “Indigenous people were forced onto reserves after being
removed from the history and geography of Canada” (Canon 2011, 09). For Indigenous
communities in Canada, especially women, colonialism, created controlling and eradication
mechanisms in the form of residential schools, Indian hospitals and eventually reserves which
have had long term physical and psychological effects consequences.consequences.

Indigenous communities are currently dealing with the ongoing impact of colonialism;
especially in the form of intergenerational trauma. Therefore, the relationship between
Indigenous people and colonizers was and continues to be tumultuous. Indigenous people in
Canada, specifically women, are currently at a social, legal, academic and economic
disadvantage as they have had to give up their lands and identities and are forced to live on
reserves if they wish to maintain their status. Indigenous people are given limited access to
education and formal resources due to a lack of government intervention. The institutional face
of the reserve is that it gives the optics that Indigenous people have everything when the actual
physical location limits their access to everything the things taken for granted by the rest of us.
The colonial and patriarchal violence that is continuously experienced by Indigenous women is
evident in the research I conducted on Murdered and Missing Indigenous women and girls
(MMIWG). My research on MMIWG yielded that due to the existence of colonialism; that
Indigenous women and girls of all ages and from all clans and bands either have their fate
unknown because they have gone missing and/or have been brutally murdered (Brant 2016, 01).
Through colonization, the Canadian federal government and its agents such as the police
(RCMP), cCourts and social services has inflicted all forms of violence against Indigenous
women and girls for over 100 years because of the existence of patriarchy through laws, policies
and institutional structures.

Historically, settlers came to Canada only to create trade routes from mother countries such as
Britain, France, and Spain. However, once it became apparent to colonizers, such as the British,
that there was more to be gained from having just trade routes, there became a shift towards the
development of colonies and the hostile take-over of Indigenous lands. The shift towards the

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development of colonies also created a relationship between Indigenous communities, especially
the matriarchs of these communities, and white colonizers that was solely beneficial to the
colonizer. For example, upon the take-over of Indigenous lands, colonizers enacted laws about
trading, farming and land management that became a way to marginalize and/or restrict
Indigenous people as a whole, especially women (Canon 2011, 89). These laws were a way to
accomplish the goal of marginalization and the eradication of the Indigenous way of life and
eventually Indigenous people because the white colonial British patriarchal life was deemed to
be preferential.

Patriarchy normalizes the notion that women, especially Indigenous women, are to be excluded
from a place in society, especially from powerful places where they were involved in decision
making. Matriarchy, an egalitarian form of community composition, was at the core of many
Indigenous communities prior to colonization. Prior to colonization, Indigenous women were
powerful guides who were child-rearers, led ceremonies, and formed the centre of the family.
Colonialism therefore, deemed the matriarchs of Indigenous communities unacceptable and
created a pervasive structure that excludes all Indigenous people, especially women from
employment, education, housing, healthcare and social structures. Therefore, post-colonization;
Indigenous women were forced to adhere to patriarchal norms that made them submissive to
white colonial society. This is where I make connections to Beverly Jacobs and the “Response
to Residential Schools.” Beverly Jacobs is poignant in solidifying the impact of colonialism on
entire Indigenous communities as well as solidifying strong community connections;

“I want to say that as mothers, we teach our boys and our girls, equally. That is what I
am here to say, that although I represent the Native Women’s Association, we also
represent men and women because that is our traditional responsibility. It is not just
about women’s issues. It is about making sure that we have strong nations again”
(Jacobs, 224).

Winona Stevenson in her article entitled, “Colonialism and First Nations Women in Canada,”
provides a discussion of the “rationalization of the subjugation and imposition of patriarchy via
federal legislation” (Stevenson 2011, 44). British colonizers created and attributed binary
definitions to Indigenous women which maintained that the “ideal woman” involved
subordination to men and not individual autonomy. Power and privilege do not belong to non-
white women under patriarchal regimes (Stevenson 2011, 47). With the enactment of the Indian

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Define ‘status’?

Act, the colonial project “defined who was/was not an Indian; who did/did not get status; who
lost their status; and who was ineligible to gain access to resources” (Granzow 2020, 153).
Therefore, the government implemented a patriarchal system of inheritance and lineage and thus
systematically disqualified women, two-spirit, and children from claiming their rights and status.

British colonizers saw Indigenous land as wealth, and power and opportunity and therefore
began the hostile take-over of lands that were rooted in the ideas of racial inequalities which
created oppressive situations and structures. British settler colonialism in Canada, shaped the
political, legal, social, educational, and institutional structures that reinforce the existence of the
white colonial mentality (Henry, F.et.al, 2017). The ideas of “whiteness” and “white
heterogeneous” principles exist(ed) to be able to re-assert modes of imprisonment, the
construction of identities, and the marginalization of Indigenous people, especially women
(Henry, F.et.al, 2017). The concepts of race and gender are inextricably linked when discussing
the white patriarchal state of Canada that prohibits equality for Indigenous people. I examine the
concept of the subaltern discussed by Antonio Gramscai, and the concept of the “racialized
other” that was outlined by Frantz Fanon as being interconnected and applicable to my analysis
of whiteness and the way that Indigenous people, especially women are defined. Throughout
colonial history in Canada, whiteness defined Indigenous people as being the subaltern, and "the
racialized other", in order to be referred to as being undesirable, racialized and deemed suitable
for tasks such as slavery and/or those that need to be “excluded, marginalized and eradicated”
(Hart 2009, 04 and Fanon 1967, 111). This is further referenced in the article, “Decolonization
is not a Metaphor” by Tuck and Yang when they cite that colonization defined Indigenous
people as being, “slaves, savages and unnatural” which are the negative stereotypes that continue
to currently impact Indigenous people, especially women in Canada (Tuck and Yang, 04).

Ethnographic storytelling becomes a form of resistance for Indigenous communities as it allows

for the examination of the social, political and cultural significance of colonization and
patriarchy on the matrilineal way of life. By reading the stories of Indigenous people such as
Patricia Monture-Angus, Audra Simpson, Maureen Lux, Laurie Meijer Drees, Jesse Thistle,
Beverly Jacobs, Ma-Nee Chacaby and Kim Anderson- I was able to comprehend the historical
and ongoing impacts of colonization through the eyes of Indigenous people. My review of these

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ethnographies alongside readings of Indigenous feminism paved the way for a more complete
understanding of the colonial desire to eliminate Indigenous communities; which started with
matriarchy, women and the role of being a mother and being mothered. InWithin Indigenous
communities, these attributes motherhood and being mothered have a significancegoes beyond
biology, rather,-it is about being raised within a community, culture, connection to the land and
especially one another. Without these bonds between Indigenous women and children the
community connection is unable to be formed properly and therefore the strength and vitality of
a community is lostnot forged;, which is the implicit intent ofwhat colonialism wants to
accomplish. .This makes the quotes by Monture-Angus at the beginning of this paper so vital.
Monture-Angus, an Indigenous matriarch, was a Mohawk lawyer that spoke out against
colonialism through her book Journeying Forward. Her book is her personal story (auto-
ethnography) that depicted her struggle as an Indigenous woman to become a lawyer and to be
able to identify and fight against the legal colonial structures that negatively impact Indigenous
communities. In so doingThrough her book, Monture-Angus identified the problems with the
Canadian legal system that has been structured to disadvantage Indigenous people all over across
Canada. Although, Angus has no faith in the Canadian legal system, she worked within the
system to be able to influence change for Indigenous people.

Indigenous feminism is important to this paper and to the analysis of the amplification of
Indigenous voices in order to contextualize the ongoing impact of colonialism on Indigenous
communities. The stories of the experiences of brutality in captivity and/or the dealing with
intergenerational trauma opened a window to an activist stance against colonial governments.
The ideas concept of racism and discriminatory practices that are foundational to at the heart of
colonialism need to be rethoughtreconsidered, resisted and removed from current Canadian
consciousness and lexicon to be replaced by using Indigenous feminism. “Feminism, when
linked to Indigenous women, is both a theoretical approach and an activist stance” (Green&
Bourgeois 2017, 07). The definition of Indigenous feminism, which is fluid and evolving,
draws on one or more elements of Indigenous cultures “which is the connection to the land,
territory through relationships framed as a sacred responsibility predicated on reciprocity and
definitive ideas of culture and identity” (Green& Bourgeois 2017, 04). Making connections
between ethnographies, Indigenous feminism, and resistance towards colonialism has allowed
for Indigenous communities to be brought closer together; especially because only recently have

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the truths about Indigenous people in Canada been spoken about and accepted as an activist
stance against colonial governments. “Feminism has worked to remove the binary definitions
that are given to Indigenous women that were/are based on white colonial attitudes” (Stevenson
2011, 46). Using Indigenous feminist theory with a connection to anti-oppressive frameworks
to analyze the gender and race-based violence that is perpetrated against Indigenous people is
necessary for three reasons. First, it will allow for the examination and the creation of spaces for
Indigenous feminism; second, it will allow for a resistance towards this violence; and third it will
create an awareness of the violence that continues to plague Indigenous people especially women
(Green & Bourgeois 2017, 69). -remove or keep?

Ethnographic storytelling creates an education about the ongoing impact of colonialism on

Indigenous people in Canada that will make room to breakdown the stereotypes and stigmas.
This would mean not only the collaboration of Indigenous communities to revolt against colonial
structures but also the formation of alliances between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people to
work collaboratively towards a more just society. Through alliances and education there can be
a movement towards decolonization. Tuck and Yang reinforce the fact that decolonization is not
just talking about the impact of colonization on Indigenous people because it is not a metaphor.
It is about listening and creating actions. Decolonization is about listening to these experiences
and through action remove the colonial thinking and violence from consciousness to reinforce
equality. This is what Tuck and Yang referred to as “decolonize our schools,” and “use
decolonizing methods,” and “decolonize student thinking” (Tuck and Yang 2012, 03). This
becomes an education for non-Indigenous people about the ongoing impact of colonialism and
the way to formulate alliances under decolonial movements. Alliances between Indigenous and
non-Indigenous people are reinforced by scholars such as Audra Simpson, Tuck and Yang and
Dua and Lawrence. Allies are defined as, “the dominant group members who work to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status to give support of non-dominant groups” (Henry.et.al. 2017, 05-08). Allies,
then, are not fighting someone else’s battle, they are aligning themselves within a battle.
Therefore, these alliances create a resistance against these racist and discriminatory colonial
structures. Decolonial movements then are developed to understand and dispel the experiences
of racial tensions and discriminations that exist in places such as academic institutions,
employment sectors, and health care structures due to the existence of whiteness. As a white

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settler scholar, I fully take my lead from Indigenous people, especially women, such that the
entire burden of so that they no longer do all the work to be able to creatinge a movement
towards changing oppressive structures does not fall entirely on their shoulders(Koleszar-Green
2019, 13). As a guest of Indigenous people, who is a settler, who is still learning to be a guest, I
will work in alignment by listening to Indigenous communities to understand their needs and
wants to ensure that Indigenous ways of knowing and being in the world “survive and thrive”
(Koleszar-Green 2019, 13).

Therefore, tThe following paper will expand upon the ongoing impact of colonialism on
Indigenous communities while focusing on the significance of using ethnographic storytelling by
Indigenous people as a form of resistance against colonialism. Furthermore, by grouping together
linking Indigenous feminism and storytelling in this paper there will be attention will be given to
the formulation of decolonial movements that work towards dismantling colonialism and
whiteness that perpetuate race and gender-based discriminations and violence.

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Part One: Colonialism & Storytelling

Storytelling, as used by the Mohawk community that is at the centre of Audra Simpson’s book
entitled, “Mohawk Interrupts: Political Life Across the Borders of Settler States,” is essential to
providing an account of the struggle against the state. The stories in this book are the tales of
sovereignty that exist within themselves. The stories, as told by Mohawk women in the
Kahnawake nation are the struggles with nationhood, belonging and sovereignty. These women
must deal with the idea of nested sovereignty because they have had to confront the boundaries
and unlawfulness exerted upon on them and therefore must exist within themselves to be able to
reinforce a community and culture (Simpson 2014, 95). Storytelling as reinforced by Simpson
ensures that Indigenous women will be able to survive colonialism and that a culture and peoples
do not fall away and disappear into the past. In Simpson’s book, Indigenous women use
storytelling as a form of resistance against the Canadian government that which took away their
lands and identities and forced them onto reserves. As indicated by Simpson, for Indigenous
women, the concept of identity is linked to sovereignty as well as lands and labor. Settler
colonialism put Indigenous women first in residential schools and Indian hospitals; then in
laborious jobs and then on reserves out of the desire to eradicate, marginalize and assimilate all
in the name of colonialism. Under the guise of civilizing a population, Indigenous women were
and are socially and legally deprived from their connection to the land which prevents the
development of language, culture, identity and family - the very things upon which are what
matriarchal Indigenous communities are founded upon. Audra Simpson was poignant when she
outlines the following about the stories shared by those in the Kahnawake nation as being
opposition to and struggles against the state.

“The people that I worked with care deeply about ceremony and tradition but hinged those
concerns to the language and practices of nationhood, citizenship, rights, justice, proper
ways of being in the world, the best to be in relation to one another, political recognition
and invigorating the Mohawk language” (Simpson 2014, 97-98).

Another example of storytelling used by Indigenous women that I came across in my research is
the wampum belt. As cited in, “Reading Wampum,” by Penelope Myrtle Kelsey, wampum is
significant for the “Hodinoshoni collective memory, thought, epistemology, aesthetics, narrative,
history, protocol and treaty rights” (Myrtle Kelsey 2014, 02). Wampum belts, as expanded
upon, in this book are a profound investment in the Hodinoshoni perspectives and histories. The

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history of the Hodinoshoni, as is with all Indigenous people in Canada, is fraught with friction
and violence in their dealings with colonial peoples like the French and the British in Canada,
which are described by wampum belt teachings. Wampum belts engage with the
conceptualization of oral, written and visual traditions that outline original land agreements and
treaties between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. For the Hodinoshoni, the larger
traditions of the “matrilineal longhouse people are methods used to record treaty agreements,
cultural belts, prophecies and grief from colonial powers” (Myrtle Kelsey 2014, 12). White
colonial governments and guests wanted to silence the Hodinoshoni from telling their stories of
the negative and violent experiences at the hands of colonizers who stole their land, culture and
autonomy. This was further reinforced with the enactment of laws that would make it illegal to
produce stories and truths of Indigenous people as told by Indigenous women. For example, in
the 1800’s in both Canada and the United States, Wampum laws were made effective for the
purposes of “robbing the Hodinoshoni of their intellectual traditions and for the purposes of
divesting records and the self-determination” (Myrtle Kelsey 2014, 12). Colonial governments
and guests wanted to control, eradicate and claim the history of Indigenous people such as the
Hodinoshoni by making wampum belts illegal and easy to seize. A noteworthy quote from this
book that has made me recognize the significance of wampum belts to Indigenous women and
communities such as the Hodinoshoni is as follows:

“The various historical efforts both at the individual and institutional level to make
wampum belts illegal stands as a definitive example of the violation of the sanctity of
Indigenous knowledge practices but also the desire to disrupt and control Hodinoshoni
stories and understanding of the self” (Myrtle Kelsey 2014, 12).
I further recognize the significance of the eradication of these wampum belts by colonizers.
These belts represent a history of Canada that most colonizers would rather forget because they
reinforce the horrendous actions that led to forced assimilation and eradication of Indigenous
people. By In making wampum belts illegal made it became possible to eliminate records of land
ownership, treaties, language and culture that would make Canada “whiter and more
homogenous” (). Forced assimilation was on the agenda for colonizers rather than the
acceptance of a people and population that was already here. Wampum belts are more than just
“woven strands of white/purple tublar clamshells or fresh water mussel shells. They are the
original stories of grief, stolen family members, language, culture and lands” (Myrtle Kelsey
2014, 32). Wampums were historical records about Indigenous people that were desired to be

10
silenced by colonizers which has influenced me to examine them as forms of resistance against
the colonial state. The article written by Ruth Koleszar-Green entitled, “What is a guest? What
is a settler” is formative in the discussion on wampum belts and building upon a resistance
against colonialism. In order to outline the impact of colonization on Indigenous people, like the
Haudensaunee, and the concept of guest/settler relations-Koleszar-Green uses 4 wampums; the
Dish with One Spoon, Hospitality/Welcome Belt, the Coming of People with White
Faces/Record Belt and the Two-Row Wampum (Koleszar-Green 2018, 16). As outlined by
Koleszar-Green; colonizers were guests of Indigenous people and were supposed expected to be
respectful of their roles and the land they were occupying. Colonizers were supposed to learn
from Indigenous people with respects to living off the land and honor the treaties that were made
negotiated and expressed via wampum. Instead, colonizers “foiled the dish, took lands that were
not theirs, also known as taking more than what was expected of them. Colonizers were
ungrateful guests that felt no connection to the land” (Koleszar-Green 2018, 167-168). By using
Wwampum belts are a means by which, Indigenous people are able tocan express themselves
and the impact of colonialism has had on their economies, their spirituality, livelihood,
teachings, culture and land. These then become symbolic and the demonstrate the ability to
formulate a resistance against colonialism.

Therefore, by connecting oral stories and histories like the ones outlined by Simpson and the
ones outlined using physical wampus by Koleszar-Green and Myrtle Kelsey is a way to
interweave the concepts of identity and membership are interwoven within in a sovereign nation
where Indigenous people have been denied access to the nation as well as the rights and
resources that accompany thissuch. These oral traditions and physical objects are the way to tell
the truth about Indigenous lives but also resist colonialism. For example, “reservationization”
presents the optics that Indigenous communities have everything by living on reserves which
could not be further from the truth as they do not have access to healthy foods, they lack of
access to running water and electricity. (Simpson 2014, 99; Anderson2011, 127). Indigenous
women that currently live on reserves endure difficulties in their personal lives and social
relationships as well as havinge a lower economic status, lower educational achievement, and
problems with their physical and mental health (Green & Bourgeois 2017, 266). Indigenous
women that live on reserves suffer from preventable illness, early death, incarceration, assault
and murder. Indigenous people, especially women, that live off reserves also feel the negative

11
impact of colonialism. Those who have personally survived the residential school and/or Indian
hospital systems are dealing with the unhealed trauma from thate brutal experience. The
children of survivors are dealing with intergenerational trauma. The colonial government has not
given provided Indigenous people (survivors and/or their children) with the tools to heal from
any type of trauma. Instead, tThere has been no access given to western psychological services
nor has there been access to traditional Indigenous medicine wheels, sweat lodges and/or elder
healing that prohibits healing from the past.

Furthermore, tThe Canadian welfare system has not changed much significantly over the past
100 years and it continues to negatively impact Indigenous people. This system continues to
take over the apprehension and removal of Indigenous children from their families and
communities. Sine the 1960’s Canada’s welfare system has forcibly removed Indigenous
children from their families and secured their fostering and/or adoption with primarily non-
Indigenous families. Recent statistics demonstrate that there are more Indigenous children in the
custody of the Canadian state agencies than at the height of the residential school system (Brant
2016, 156). A further analysis of the statistics from the Canadian welfare system yielded the fact
that Indigenous children suffered high rates of physical and sexual violence, psychological
distress and death (Green & Bourgeois 2017, 263). Many Indigenous children, especially young
women and girls, are not given much attention by the child welfare system if they go missing.
White foster families rarely report missing Indigenous children in order to keep the money that
they are paid by the government. Indigenous families are not do not know immediately aware
that their children are have gone missing and by the time they do know and report the occurrence
an investigation is rarely completed. One of the most troublesome examples is that of Tina
Fontaine who was involved in the child welfare system and was murdered in the summer of 2014
in Winnipeg. Tina was, in fact, reported missing however, an immediate, the investigation was
not undertaken immediately by police which resulted in and Tina’s was tragically murdered.
Indigenous people, like Tina, are deemed disposable and un-human which is why governmental
institutions like the child welfare system and the police do not take their disappearances seriously
().

It is necessary to tell the story of Tina Fontaine because when Indigenous people are excluded
from nations they are excluded from access. The exclusion that Indigenous people face from the

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Canadian nation limits their access to resources and the security of community. This exclusion
is rooted in the colonial mentality of classifying individuals as being different, unacceptable,
foreign and uncivilized. Indigenous people that are placed in this category are therefore divided,
unable to truly belong to a sovereign nation and/or formulate identities. For example, Indigenous
people are therefore excluded from employment, education and social structures. Power and
privilege do not belong to non-white women, especially Indigenous women, under white colonial
patriarchal regimes. A further example of exclusion occurs in places such as the academy
racial discrimination is prevalent because of the ideas of whiteness. Indigenous people,
especially women, are silenced, isolated, excluded, overworked, and are made to feel unsafe via
exclusionary procedures on University campuses. As cited, “Indigenous scholars tell the stories
of exclusion, marginalization, and interactions with white colleagues that perpetuate both
structural and institutional racism in complex and sophisticated ways” (Henry et., 2017, 115).
This mentality leaves room to give academic freedom only to those that are white and disregards
Indigenous research, knowledge, academics and students. By telling their stories of exclusion
raises awareness is raised and formulates a resistance formulated towards these practices in order
to influence change.

Furthermore, the inclusion of Jesse Thistle’s auto-ethnography entitled, “From the Ashes”
became significant in providing context to the way colonialism impacted Indigenous children
and their families and to the formulation of a collective resistance towards colonialism. Jesse has
used a physical object, a book, to be able to tell their story. Throughout Jesse’s book we see the
constant examples of being impacted by a white colonial government that wanted nothing more
to assimilate him, marginalize Indigenous communities and to eradicate everything that was
Indigenous from Canada. Jesse, like many Indigenous people in Canada, struggled to find their
his place culturally, socially, academically and economically. Jesse tells the tale of a tumultuous
childhood with his grandparents and growing up as a poor adult on the streets, going to jail and
becoming involved with illegal drugs and activities due to a lack of government support.
Indigenous people, like Jesse, lacked access to government resources for physical and mental
health, housing, education and employment. Jesse emphasized the life and the lands that were
stolen from himself and Indigenous people due to colonization. The chapter entitled, “The Fake
Italian” referenced and reinforced the fact that he did not know much about himself, his heritage
and culture….. “and neither did anyone else” (Thistle 2019, 77). Often times, Jesse went along

13
with the narrative about being Italian because Indigenous people were “said and thought to be
dead and because he did not know how to answer the question about his heritage” (Thistle 2019,
77). The song “Run the Hills” was referenced by Jesse in his autoethnography as the song was
part of Canadian consciousness, schools and in the media where it reinforced the stereotype and
history of Indigenous people as “being dead, selling whiskey and destroying the buffalo” (Thistle
2019, 78). Colonization made it both dangerous and unacceptable to be Indigenous and
thereforeprompting Jesse to thinkthought it was easier to simply pretend to be Italian.

Throughout his book, I have understood the story of not just Jesse but the storythat of many
Indigenous people due to within colonial regimes. Under colonial rule, Indigenous families,
were and continue to be divided as many Indigenous children were and still arecontinue to be
placed in foster care. Colonialism has not provided many options to Indigenous people as it has
marginalized Indigenous people on reserves and forced those that live off reserves to live in
poverty and endure race and gender-based discrimination and violence. The life that Jessie led
was not one of his choosing,ice or decision but rather one that was decided and designed for him
due to white patriarchal colonial structures. Reoccurring hunger, poverty, life in foster care, lack
of representation in education, employment, social structures, dependency on drugs and alcohol,
race and gender-based discrimination and violence are what Indigenous people constantly face.
This is what makes Jesse’s book so significant to the resistance against colonialism because it
produces an analysis of discrimination and restricted access to resources towards and for
Indigenous people due to as a result of colonialism. For example, the opening poem entitled,
“Indigenous Affairs” was a poignant piece that solidified reinforced the fact that Indigenous
people were not protected by the federal government and/or their agents (police, courts and
social services). This section of the government is supposed to assist and provide aid to
Indigenous people yet there has been nothing of substance that has come out of this for
Indigenous people. As found in the opening pages of this book,

“The RCMP who guarded the fountain always saw me coming from way down at the
bottom of the Rideau Hill. Near the Milestones and Chateau Laurier but he never stopped
me. Instead he’d sit and wait for me. Watch as I shovelled wet change into my pockets.
Then before I got too greedy, rush out and chase me away. He always let me escape. We
both understood what was going on. Why I was there. Stealing from the Centennial
Flame.” (Thistle 2019, 01-02).

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“Reconciliation” which is one of the final sections in Jesse’s book is ever so poignant because it
forces us to look at consider the CALLS TO ACTION that are found in the Truth and
Reconciliation Rreport that indicate the amends that have yet to be made towards Indigenous
people. Both the poem and the section became noteworthy because Jesse was able to over come
his struggles the hurdles in front of him and become part of the academy, allowing him to now
create change and safe spaces for Indigenous people in academic institutions such as York
University.

Indigenous people like Patricia Monture-Angus, Beverly Jacobs, Leanne Simpson, Audra
Simpson, Jesse Thistle and Chelsea Vowel reinforce buttress the need to tell the stories of the
impact of settler colonialism and the impact of the white colonial mentality. By telling their
stories Indigenous people are creating a resistance that counters the white hegemonic perspective
that is brought on by colonialism. These stories create awareness of the gender and race-based
discrimination and violence to create an oppositional standpoint against the ideas of privilege,
subordination and domination. When Indigenous people are overt about oppression there is a
movement away from assimilation to end “white homogenous practices” () that are at the core of
social and economic structures. When Indigenous people, especially women share their totality
of their life experiences they formulate a resistance grounded in the desire to create change.

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Part Two: Colonialism & Indigenous Feminism

Patriarchy normalizes the notion that women, especially Indigenous women, are to be excluded
from theira place in society, especially from powerful places environments where they can be
involved in decision making. Matriarchy, an egalitarian form of community composition, was at
the core of many Indigenous communities prior to colonization. Prior to colonization,
Indigenous women were powerful guides who were child-rearers, led ceremonies, and formed
the centre of the family. Colonialism, therefore, deemed the matriarchs of Indigenous
communities unacceptable and created a pervasive structure that excludes all Indigenous people,
especially women from employment, education, housing, healthcare and social structures.
Therefore, pPost-colonization,; Indigenous women were forced to adhere to patriarchal norms
that made them submissive to a white colonial society.

The concept of “incommensurability” as referenced by Tuck and Yang in their article entitled,
“Decolonization ins not a Metaphor,” have referenced the fact that British colonizers created
and attributed binary definitions to Indigenous women (Tuck and Yang 2012, 25). These
definitions transmitted conveyed that the “ideal” woman was expected to be domestic and
subordinate and subservient to men. Women were expected to be nurturers, selfless, gentle and
support their families. There was no expectation that women were to would be cultural
references and/or have female autonomy. Colonizers disapproved of the fact that Indigenous
women could divorce, have freedom outside the marriage as well as control lands and resources.
As cited by Winona Stevenson, in her article entitled, “Colonialism and First Nations Women in
Canada,” - “colonizers imposed their authority on women and children who suffered terrible
psychological and physical pain at their hands. For example, women were held without food,
subjugated in public and children were forcibly moved into residential schools” (Stevenson
2011,48).

The extreme violence against Indigenous women is linked to the concepts of gender, sex and
patriarchy. The roots of patriarchy are found in white supremacy and colonial domination.
Colonizers attempt to eradicate and silence a population by approving of this gender-based
violence. Both patriarchy and gender are interconnected under colonialism. because bBy
oppressing Indigenous women there is the oppression of Indigenous children are also oppressed
and the growth of a population is stunted. The need of colonizers to eradicate a population, in

16
significant numbers, limits the amount of Indigenous people that they were required to
assumemust take responsibility for especially after taking away usurping their lands and
sovereignty. The replacement of matriarchy with patriarchy was and is vital for the colonial
government because they want to ensure that Indigenous women constantly face perpetual
marginalization and violence. This violence is part of the racial and discriminatory practices of
the Canadian state. Gender violence and marginalization are simple tools of patriarchal control
because as they use racist mentalities and ideologies to justify the alienation from the land that
inscribes duties and cultural relevance to dismantle matriarchy (Bemporad 2018, 14).

Indigenous feminism is important to the analysis of the amplification of Indigenous voices in

order to contextualize the ongoing impact of colonialism on Indigenous people. The stories
recounted of the experiences of brutality experiences in captivity, the impact of intergenerational
trauma, and the ongoing impact of colonialism on Indigenous people- opened a window to an
activist stance against colonial governments. The ideas concept of racism and discriminatory
practices that are at the heart of colonialism need to be rethought, resisted and removed from
current Canadian consciousness and lexicon by using Indigenous Feminism. “Feminism, when
linked to Indigenous women, is both a theoretical approach and an activist stance” (Green&
Bourgeois 2017, 07). The definition of Indigenous feminism, which is fluid and evolving, and
draws on one or more elements of Indigenous cultures “which is the connection to the land,
territory through relationships framed as a sacred responsibility predicated on reciprocity and
definitive ideas of culture and identity” (Green& Bourgeois 2017, 04). Making connections
between ethnographies, Indigenous feminism, and resistance towards colonialism has allowed
created the opportunity for Indigenous communities to be brought closer together; especially
because only recently have the truths about Indigenous people in Canada been spoken about and
accepted as an activist stance against colonial governments. “Feminism has worked to remove
the binary definitions that are given to Indigenous women that were and are based on white
colonial attitudes” (Stevenson 2011, 46).

By examining Bell-Hooks as part of my analysis of feminism and ultimately Indigenous

feminism I have been able to determine concluded that women cannot be equal to men under
Western laws and/or social structures because no two men are equal in western, white,
patriarchal societies. Indigenous women cannot be considered equal to Indigenous men because

17
Indigenous men, in fact, are not considered equal to white men. Indigenous people are not
considered to white people (Bemporad 2018, 14). Again, the intersects of race and gender are
important here because it is due to the negative constructs of race and gender towards Indigenous
people- that creates the barriers and discriminatory practices by which they are conftronted.that
they face. This is significant because according to Bell-Hooks, oppression and discrimination
impact everyone that is non-white in similar fashion,; thus the changes that need to occur to
achieve equality under the Feminist movement requires all people to be involved to perpetuating
equality. This is what Bell-Hooks calls the “multi-dimensional gathering of both genders to fight
for the raising up of women and entire collective entities” (Green & Bourgeois 2017, 70 & Bell-
Hooks 1999, 03).

A further extension of the existence of race and gender-based discriminatory colonial practices
against Indigenous people by the Canadian federal government is the Indian Act. As found in
my research conducted on Indigenous feminism and the Indian Act, Green & Bourgeois make
the following significant statement;

“The Indian Act was established as a way to discriminate against classes of Indians in the
matter of status and entitlement to programs and rights-to the dispersal and subordination
of groups like the Metis, and including policies such as racist and genocidal education and
child care practise of colonial governments, both of which have fractured Indigenous
families and denied children their family relationships, languages and cultural frameworks”
(Green & Bourgeois 2017, 04).

The Indian Act has patriarchal and patrilineal frameworks at their its core. The Indian Act was
established with the ideology notion that men were supposed to be principal toat the core of
Indigenous communities when in reality many Indigenous people defined their communities by
their matrilineal line. Matriarchy was deemed unacceptable by white European colonizers that
had no comprehension of the Indigenous way of life and wanted to model Canada on European
traditions (Bemperad 2018, 20). The Indian Act was a piece of legislation that was key to
providing the binary definitions of who was white, non-white, Indian, non-Indian to marginalize,
assimilate, and eradicate Indigenous populations. This piece of legislation provided the legal
definitions of who is and is not an “Indian” so allowing forthat the government can to control
who they provide for under existing and future treaties (Green & Bourgeois 2017, 13). There
have been changes to the Indian Act and updates to Bill C-3l that hes have returned status to

18
agiven a significant number of Indigenous people, especially particularly women back their
status.. Initially, Indigenous women, that made up a significant proportion of the Indigenous
population and were responsible for their physical growth,; were unable to retain their status if
they married someone that was not Indigenous nor were they able to pass on suchgive status to
their children. Bill C-31 as enacted, had the effect of marginalizing Indigenous women and
children and by entrenching it within the was entrenched within the Indian Act was significant to
the marginalization of Indigenous women and children as it was enacted with the purpose of
removing status so that the government would have less Indigenous people for which to be it
would be responsible for.

The status of Indigenous people in Canada is a complex one because of the Indian Act and Bill
C-31. Chelsea Vowel, a Metis legal scholar provides an account of Indigenous status in chapter
three of her book, “Indigenous Writes.” In this chapter, Vowel articulates the following;

“Indian status is not a system created by Indigenous people-as it is different from

Indigenous identity. Status is an administrative idea-that was developed and enforced by
the Canadian federal government to be able to control and marginalize Indigenous people.
Those that hold status are defined and provided resources as stipulated by the Indian Act.
Status Indians are persons who under the Indian Act are registered. For this reason, status
Indians are referred to as “registered Indians” (interchangeable terms). “Non-status
Indians” are those that exist through various pieces of legislation, lost their status or
become eligible because their parents and/or grandparents have lost their status” (Vowel
2016, 25-28).

This creates a divisive structure where Indigenous people live separately from each other either
on/off reserves and separate from their clans and bands. The federal government has created
complex definitions that have changed many times. This is rooted in the unwillingness to
provide access to resources to Indigenous people as was agreed upon under various treaties and
agreements that were established prior to the establishment of the Indian Act.

Therefore, wWhen the Indian Act and Bill C-31 are examined using through the lens of
Indigenous feminism we one can see the patriarchal control and the enfranchisement of
Indigenous people that forcibly assimilated them out of legislative existence, extinguished their
rights, and solidified colonial control over lands and resources. In 1985, an amendment to Bill
C-31 was passed that was supposed to bring the Indian Act in line with the gender-equality
provisions that were reflected in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and were supposed intended

19
to end the process of enfranchisement. These amendments were supposed to reverse sexual
discrimination that caused Indigenous women who married non-Indigenous men to lose their
status. Under the old provision of the Indian Act, Indigenous women and children were targeted
for their loss of status; while Non-Indigenous women could become registered based on marriage
rather than birth. The amendments to the Bbill in 1985; eliminated the fact that non-Indigenous
women could get obtain status by marrying an Indigenous man and those that had status before
1985 retained status and new categories of “status Indians” called 6(1) and 6 (2) Indians. Both
categories provided full status as there was no such thing as half status and that it would be
possible to lose status after two generations if one married non-Indigenous people. Therefore,
these amendments did not correct the inherentfix the problem of the gender-based discrimination
that is entrenched within the Indian Act. While Indigenous women who had their Indian status
reinstated under Bill C-31 had status but not their children did not and therefore were unable to
children could not pass down status themselves unless they marry status. Indigenous men who
married non-Indigenous women passed on status to their previously non-status wives and
children have full status and can pass on status to the next generation. With that said, the story
and legal case of Sharon McIvor is pivotal because it launched a Ccourt problem challenge to
deal with Bill C-31. This story and legal case became the tipping point to resistance to colonial
governments and the tenacity of Indigenous women and community overall. As a result of this
This Ccourt battle evolved to a Bbill that was introduced into Parliament to promote gender
equality for Indigenous people. Bill C-31 was given Royal Assent on December 15, 2010 and
came into law on January 31, 2011. A great many grandchildren of women who lost their status
were able to regain and pass on status.

When using Indigenous feminism to analyze the impact of the Indian Act I cannot help but
notice the lack of development of Indigenous identities and community development due to the
legal and social deprivation that is embedded within the Aact. I also cannot help but notice the
controlling, marginalization and eradication techniques that have been put in place against
Indigenous people. The gender and race-based discrimination that are rooted in this piece of
legislation are obvious. Although, both Indigenous men and women are impacted by the Indian
Act the differences are significant stark when it comes to Indigenous women and children.
“Colonialism has been and continues to be a gendered process” (Anderson 2011, 127).
Therefore, wWhen we tell the stories of the gendered impact of the Indian Act it becomes

20
obvious that it is a way means by whichto prevent Indigenous women are prevented from
socially, legally, and culturally connecting to the land. This prevents them from achieving their
matriarchal positions but also prevents the development of language, culture, identity and family
– the very foundations of which are what Indigenous communities are founded upon. This has
paved the way for patriarchy and the regulation and marginalization of Indigenous communities
overall.

For the purposes of this essay I have also provided an analysis and made connections to the race
and gender-based discriminatory practices under colonialism and I have referenced Hage, Fanon,
Gramsci, Roedgiger, Davin and Seshadri-Crooks.

I examine the concept of the subaltern discussed by Antonio Gramscai, and the concept of the
“racialized other” that was outlined by Frantz Fanon as being interconnected and applicable to
my analysis of whiteness and the way that Indigenous people, especially women are defined.
Throughout colonial history in Canada, whiteness defined Indigenous people as being the
subaltern, and "the racialized other", in order to be referred to as being undesirable, racialized
and only being deemed suitable for menial tasks such as slavery and/or those that need to be
“excluded, marginalized and eradicated” (Hart 2009, 04 and Fanon 1967, 111). Race is also
determined and categorized by those that are white to marginalize, infantilize, ghettoize, and
even eradicate groups of people from white societies. As indicated by Davin, whiteness
categorizes the identities of those that are non-white in order to establish superiority and exert
power over those that are defined as different. Visual differences, as indicated by these authors,
are defined based on the idea of accentuating differences rather than accepting differences.
Definitions of the “racialized other” are based on what people look to create exclusionary and
inclusionary procedures. Discourses of race penetrate social consciousness in order to enhance
the “practice of visibility” (Seshadri-Crooks 2000, 06). Through the practice of visibility, the
ideas of racial difference construct the symbolic order. The symbolic order is based on the way
that race is socially constructed to build upon the fact that it is acceptable to discriminate and
exclude various subjects, which usually end up being non-white and/or Indigenous subjects from
a population. This symbolic order is usually developed by those in power, that are white, in
order to “fix the notion of superiority” (Roedigiger 2007, 17). By “fixing the notion of
superiority”, thus fixes the symbolic order that perpetuates a system that induces the social and

21
legal validation of race as a natural order and discourse is also corrected. As outlined in the
article entitled, “Wages of Whiteness” written by Roedgiger, the development and justification
of slavery and was accomplished because of the legal and social domination of the white
identity. Those that are non-white are given roles of slaves and/or dominated by those that are
white.

22
Part Three: Decolonization & Guest Responsibilities as a Settler Scholar

Throughout this paper I have introduced and expanded upon the fact that ethnographic
storytelling crates creates an education about the ongoing impact of colonialism on Indigenous
people for the purposes of a resistance and decolonization. Interconnecting ethnographic
storytelling and decolonization are significant vital to providing an education about and
contextualizing the ongoing race and gender-based discrimination and violence that creates
erects barriers to to access to educational and, employment opportunities, housing and health
care. Tuhiwai Smith, in her article entitled, “On Tricky Ground: Researching the Native in the
Age of Uncertainty;” agrees that recognizing the oppression, marginalization, and isolation of
Indigenous people is a way to shed light on the fact that the federal government has put barriers
in place against Indigenous people. For example, Smith outlines that Indigenous people that live
on/off reserves often cannot access employment, basic health care, education and/or housing. As
we have seen in this paper, “reservationization” which is referenced by Smith as well, creates
situations of depression, high suicide rates, high rates of alcoholism, drug abuse and low rates of
literacy ().

SBy sharing experiences using ethnographic storytelling using via oral stories, physical
wampums and written books provide an educateion one about the history of colonialism and its
ongoing impact on Indigenous people. UBy using these methods will pave the way to for the
development of decolonial movements. These decolonial movements to formulate a resistance
and break down the colonial structures that perpetuate the violent and discriminatory structures
that exist against Indigenous people. Tuck and Yang indicate that decolonization is important
and necessary because there is no foreseeable positive outcome given that real happy ending
because the Canadian government has and continues to ignore their role in the past, present and
future of Indigenous people” (Tuck and Yang 2012, 25). This is referenced by Dua and
Lawrence as they cited that decolonization needs to be taken seriously to create the shift towards
recognizing the existence of forced assimilation of Indigenous people by the government to the
dominant white culture. For example, many Indigenous people are cut off from their own
communities, language, culture and ceremonial practices whether they live on and/or off reserves
( Lawrence and Dua () and Anderson 2011, 127).

23
Furthermore, Tuck and Yang cite that decolonization is not just talking about the impact of ,
colonization on Indigenous people because it is not a metaphor. It is about listening and creating
actions. Decolonization is about listening paying attention to these experiences and through
action remove the colonial thinking mentality and violence from consciousness to reinforce
equality. This is what Tuck and Yang referred to as “decolonize our schools,” and “use
decolonizing methods,” and “decolonize student thinking” (Tuck and Yang 2012, 03). For
Bonita Lawrence in her chapter entitled, “Mixed Blood Urban Native People and the Rebuilding
of Indigenous Nations”- Indigenous communities decolonize by becoming immune to the
agendas of white people. As a form of decolonization and reinforcement of Indigenous
identities there is the resistance towards “white colonial mentalities” (). Decolonization then
would mean not only the collaboration of Indigenous communities to revolt against colonial
structures but also the formation of alliances between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.
Non-Indigenous people need to challenge the existence of racism, discrimination and
marginalization in society against Indigenous communities as part of decolonial work
(Lawrence, 102).

Through alliances and education there can be a movement towards decolonization. This becomes
an education for non-Indigenous people about the ongoing impact of colonialism and the way to
formulate alliances under decolonial movements. Alliances between Indigenous and non-
Indigenous people are reinforced by scholars such as Audra Simpson, Tuck and Yang and Dua
and Lawrence.

(need more – sharing circles)

Alliances-book?

Allyship is an important part of this discussion. It is significant to remember that when

Indigenous people formulate expressa resistance it can sometimes be met with further resistance
from non-Indigenous people. There is a lack of understanding and labelling from non-
Indigenous people who have no choice but to stand up for themselves. Through decolonization,
alliances can be formulated where those that are non-Indigenous align themselves with those that
are Indigenous it allowings for the creation and reception of equity practices for Indigenous
people in employment, education, housing and health care. Allyship leaves room for the
development to express views about racism without having that expression be dismissed as

24
“angry and/or too emotional” (Henry. Et. al 2017, 111) Those that are non-Indigenous can
become allies for Indigenous people to evoke inclusionary spaces. Those that occupy white
privileged spaces need to stand up to create change. “Women of color and/or Indigenous
women who talk about these things carry a different weight than someone who is not a person of
color and/or Indigenous talking about those things. Women of color and/or Indigenous women
have no choice but to stand up for themselves. After all, having a choice is itself a privilege”
(Suzack 2013, 99).

As a caucasion settler-scholar, who is white, I fully take my lead from Indigenous women who
can no longer do all the work to be able to create a movement towards changing oppressive
colonial structures (Koleszar-Green 2019, 13). As a guest of Indigenous people, who is a settler,
who is still learning to be a guest, I will work in alignment with Indigenous women to listen to
their needs and wants to ensure that Indigenous ways of knowing and being in the world to
“survive and thrive” (Koleszar-Green 2019, 13).

The article entitled, “What is a guest? What is a settler?,” by Ruth Koleszar-Green has provided
the clarity to understand that I am a guest of Indigenous women and lands, also known as a
settler, still learning to be a guest of Indigenous people. The Hodinoshoni, were and are the
original people of Canada who should have defined the true essence, culture and heritage of
Canada rather than the colonial settlers who were the guests of these lands. Colonizers are
responsible for the have created past and present troubles struggles offor Indigenous people in
Canada as theiry had a goal was of the eradication of this population. Racist ideologies and
assimilationist policies and practices were and are still pervasive in current Canadian society
which create inequities for Indigenous people when compared to the rest of white Canadians. As
cited, there is a lack of adequate housing, employment and education and health care for
Indigenous people, like such as the Hodinoshoni in Canada.

Ruth Koleszar-Green and Kathy Absolon share similar sentiments that that colonizers were
guests and they were supposed to respect their roles as well as the roles of Indigenous people.
They were supposed to learn from Indigenous people about how to live on the land and respect
the lands that did not belong to them. They were supposed to respect Indigenous people, the
treaties they made via wampum, and they were not expected to take what was not theirs. Instead,
they "foiled the dish, took lands that were not theirs and they took more that what was expected

25
of them They were ungrateful guests who felt no connection to the lands" (Koleszar-Green
2018, 167; Absolon 2011, 37) The connection to the land that Indigenous people, like the
Haudenosaunee have, cannot be ignored and neither can their places in the academy. Indigenous
people are the original owners of the this land but not just based on economics but based on the
fact that their spirituality, livelihood, teachings and culture are integrally linked to the lands upon
whichthat they live on. They use the lands and animals that live on various territories as symbols
in storytelling and teachings as well as to draw strength from. As a white ally my responsibility
is to point out the importance of the connections to the lands by Indigenous people and the fact
that white colonizers stole the land in order to eradicate a culture and peoples. It is my
responsibility as a guest-educator to create a movement towards changing oppressive structures
that exist, especially in places such as academic institutions.

Sarah Maddison is vital to the discussion on being a settler scholar. Maddison has cited in her
book, () that “settlerness” is bound up with whiteness and settler privilege and that the word
settler is supposed to be deliberately discomforting and underscoring the nature of non-
Indigenous people in relation to land and territories (). For Maddison, the dispossession of
Indigenous people crated the current economic, citizenship, and social integrity of non-
Indigenous people. By recognizing this it will be possible to conduct decolonial research to
make changes alongside Indigenous people. This will allow for more non-Indigenous people
like myself to be able to be recognize the responsibility towards Indigenous people, not to be a
saviour, rather. but to work alongside them.

For me, this is connected to the concept of positionality. Positionality for those that are white
allies is crucial to the analysis of knowledge and the understanding of the experiences of
Indigenous people. This idea holds, that perspective is determined by gender and ethnicity as it
is relational to social contexts constructs in which these identities operate. Positionality is an
important aspect of identity such as race and gender because they are relational markers of
relational positions rather than essential qualities. White allies must understand the position that
they hold as being able to dismantle the knowledge construction of those of various races and
genders. White allies must understand that identities of Indigenous women can be accepted and
erase the realities of prejudice, discrimination and exclusion. By influencing whites in

26
institutions and governments, creates a movement towards ending oppressive colonial
mentalities is created.

27
Conclusion:

In conclusion, aAs we have seen in this paper demonstrates, the discussion of intent how things
are supposed to be versus reality as it relates to Indigenous communities, how things really are is
an on-going discussion. The existence of colonialism and whiteness in Canada has and
continues to marginalize, oppress and eradicate those that are not part of the white hegemonic
ideal especially for Indigenous women. The identities of the racialized other has been defined,
categorized and constructed based on the existence of the structures of a white hegemonic
society. Indigenous women become part of the this category as identities are deemed
unacceptable and undesirable. Exclusionary procedures come into play for these women when
we look at the intersects of race and gender because we cannot help but notice that a white
patriarchal homogenous state prohibits equality especially in the academy.

By sharing their life experiences, through ethnographic storytelling, Indigenous women attempt
to expand upon their lived experiences as well as those in their communities to be able to build a
resistance against colonialism to create equality. Allyship is vital to this research paper because
alliances between Indigenous and non-Indigenous white women are reinforced as a way to ignite
change. By providing an education for white women, Indigenous women will create
decolonization movements efforts socially, legally, economically and academically. Being a
white ally that listens to the ethnographic/auto-ethnographic stories that are told by Indigenous
women there is a the recognition awareness and the taking of responsibility towards the
development of racialized identities, slavery, and the unlawful theft of lands in the name of
colonialism and capitalism.

Through allyship I will be able to maintain a respectful relationship with Indigenous women to
be able to make changes on behalf of an entire community. As outlined, by Ruth Koleszar-
Green, my main responsibility as a guest is to recognize the domination of Indigenous people
and to educate those that are ignorant about the past and current struggles of Indigenous women
in Canada. It is not possible to return to pre-contact days, but it is possible to demonstrate a
newthe respect for the lands. It is possible to be an ally and guest and give demonstrate respect
back to Indigenous women. By bBeing an ally and guest, I fully recognize that I need to open
up the eyes of non-Indigenous people about many facts. For example, this includes the fact that
Indigenous people live on reserves, how band council and chiefs still have to answer to the

28
council government, and the fact that the Calls to Action in the TRC have not been completed.
Even though, guests, like myself, are filled with may feel guilt for the atrocities of the past,; guilt
does not help Indigenous people. Guests need to be responsible for appearing in solidarity with
Indigenous people. By being an ally and guest, I will be able to learn, listen, unsettle and disrupt
white power and privilege. I will be able to settle ignorance and use my power and privilege to
the advantage of Indigenous people (Koleszar-Green 2018, 169). By acknowledging my white
privilege, I can work with other white allies who want to align with Indigenous women to build
a knowledge base and awareness that allows for Indigenous frameworks, methodologies and
ways of being to be a part of the academy. Allies will be able to include in their narrative anti-
colonial, and anti-racist Indigenous knowledges and decolonization frameworks. This will
allow for more Indigenous research units to be situated inside departments, research centres to be
situated within schools and/or faculties, research institutions which cross faculty and teaching
boundaries and make room for more Indigenous students.

Furthermore, as a white researcher, by taking responsibility to provide an education for the

actions of colonial governments there it is my hope to engage other will be the ability to gather
more white allies. The more white and Indigenous alliances that are formedulated will allow for
the creation of decolonial movements to end race and gender-based discrimination and end
inequality. Allyship will break down the hegemonic notions that structurally exist in order to
perpetuate racism, oppression and marginalization in educational, employment and socio-
political structures.

I will concludeend off this paper the way I began - with poignant another quote from Patricia
Monture-Angus’ book, “Journeying Forward” that was poignant to summarizing the race and
gender-based discriminatory practices that are perpetuated by Canada (federal government and
its agents);

“This presents an interesting problem, quite like a double-standard. Indians are expected to
respect the Canadian system of laws despite the fact that it has been unilaterally forced on
us. However, when that system side-steps its won rules on occasion, this does nothing to
foster Aboriginal respect for Canada’s cultural (and legal) differences” (Monture-Angus
1999, 78).

29
Works Cited

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