Review of General Psychology

The “Genius” and “Madness” of Bobby Fischer: His Life

From Three Psychobiographical Lenses
Joseph G. Ponterotto and Jason D. Reynolds
Online First Publication, August 26, 2013. doi: 10.1037/a0033246

CITATION
Ponterotto, J. G., & Reynolds, J. D. (2013, August 26). The “Genius” and “Madness” of Bobby
Fischer: His Life From Three Psychobiographical Lenses. Review of General Psychology.
Advance online publication. doi: 10.1037/a0033246
 Review of General Psychology © 2013 American Psychological Association
2013, Vol. 17, No. 3, 000 1089-2680/13/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0033246

The “Genius” and “Madness” of Bobby Fischer: His Life From Three
Psychobiographical Lenses
Joseph G. Ponterotto and Jason D. Reynolds
Fordham University

Robert (Bobby) James Fischer (1943–2008) remains one of the most puzzling and enigmatic personalities
in modern American history. In 1972, at the height of Cold War tensions between the Soviet Union and
the United States, Bobby Fischer defeated Soviet Boris Spassky to become the first official world chess
champion from the United States. Two decades later, after playing a rematch with Spassky in war-torn
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Yugoslavia, Fischer became a fugitive from U.S. justice. Although always an independent, autonomous,
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and forthright person, Fischer’s behavior after the 1972 championship grew increasingly strange and
bizarre. “Who was Bobby Fischer and what happened to him” is a lingering question that has not been
adequately answered by psychologists, historians, and biographers. The present article examines the life
of Bobby Fischer from three diverse psychobiographical lenses: Erikson’s (Erikson, E. H. [1950].
Childhood and society. New York, NY: Norton) psychosocial development model; the clinical diagnostic
model of the Shedler-Westen Assessment Procedure (SWAP; Shedler, J. [2009]. Guide to SWAP-200
Interpretation. Shedler-Westen Assessment Procedure: Where Science Meets Practice. www
.SWAPassessment.org); and a strengths-based positive psychology model (Peterson, C., & Seligman,
M. E. P. [2004]. Character strengths and virtues: A handbook and classification. Oxford, UK: Oxford
University Press.). Suggestions for advancing the science of psychobiography are put forth with
particular emphasis on incorporating mixed methods approaches to research.

Keywords: psychobiography, biographical research, lifestory, personality assessment, Bobby Fischer,

chess, genius, mental illness

Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0033246.supp

“When he was at the board playing, it was like God was playing. The
purity of his thought, the search for truth, the ability to go to the core
of the problem. Bobby never looked for an easy move that would blow
away his opponent. He looked for the truth in chess.”
(Chess Master and Journalist Shelby Lyman as Shared With
Nicholas & Benson, 2003, p. 8).
Psychologists have always been interested in the study of
“genius” and “madness,” the outliers on the normal distribution
of human personality. The general public as well has enjoyed a
long-standing fascination with the personal and professional
lives of “public figures” – those individuals thrust into the
Joseph G. Ponterotto and Jason D. Reynolds, Division of Psychological
and Educational Services, Graduate School of Education, Fordham Uni-
versity.
We thank Dean Keith Simonton, Amelio A. D’Onofrio, Alexander W.
Fietzer, and two anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback on
earlier versions of this article. Further, we honor the memory of Christo-
pher Peterson, one of the founders of Positive Psychology and co-
developer of the Values in Action Inventory of Strengths (VIA-IS), who
passed away on October 9, 2012.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Joseph G.
Ponterotto, Division of Psychological and Educational Services, Room
1008, Graduate School of Education, Fordham University at Lincoln
Center, 113 West 60th Street, New York, NY 10023-7478. E-mail:
Ponterotto@Fordham.edu
1
public spotlight (willingly or unwillingly) through their politi-
cal ambitions and accomplishments or through their creative
production in art, writing, and science (Mayer & Leichtman,
2012). At times, the study of “genius” and “madness,” or
“creativity” and “mental illness,” converge in the same person.
Popular examples of such convergence are in the lifestories of
John Nash, the mathematician and Nobel Laureate who suffered
from Schizophrenia (Nasar, 1998), Sylvia Plath, the renowned
poet who suffered from major depression and who committed
suicide (Cooper, 2003), and the 19th century international chess
phenomenon, Paul Morphy, who may have succumbed to de-
lusional disorder (Ponterotto, 2012).
One descriptively rich approach to the study of “outliers” is the
method of psychobiography, defined as “the explicit use of formal
or systematic psychology in biography” (Runyan, 1982, p. 201).
Historians of personality research note that psychobiography dates
back centuries to Plutarch’s profiles of Aristides and Themistocles
(Hofling, 1976). However, it was Freud’s (1910/1957) study of
Leonardo da Vinci that legitimized and popularized the research
approach in the early part of the 20th century (Hofling, 1976;
Runyan, 1982). By midcentury, however, psychobiographical re-
search lost its momentum as the positivist research paradigm took
hold among psychological researchers and promoted chiefly ex-
perimental and other quantitative research approaches (Runyan,
1982). However, in the last 1/3 of the 20th century and continuing
into the present, the field of psychology has witnessed a resurgence
of interest in psychobiography and other methods tied to personol-
 2 PONTEROTTO AND REYNOLDS
ogy and narrative research (Elms, 1994; Kőváry, 2011; McAdams
& Ochberg, 1988; Runyan, 1988; Schultz, 2005a, 2005b).
An appropriate case example of the convergence of creativity
and possible mental illness is the story of Robert (Bobby) James
Fischer, the 11th World Chess Champion. Bobby Fischer remains
one of the most iconic and enigmatic public figures of the last half
century (see Brady, 2011; Kasparov, 2003; Olafsson, 2012; Pon-
terotto, 2012). His life serves as an important case study of a child
prodigy with great potential who lost his way in life. Certainly, the
psychobiographical study of creative individuals and their life
course can inform psychologists and educators working with tal-
ented and at-risk youth and their families (Howe, 1997; Kőváry,
2011; Ponterotto, 2012).
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The significance of Bobby Fischer’s life and career is recogniz-
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able to almost anyone living during or studying the Cold War
period in world history. In the mid-20th century, chess, with its
cachet of the “intellectual game,” was dominated at the elite levels
by Soviet players. In fact, before Fischer’s 1972 victory over
Spassky, the Soviets had held the world title for 35 years (see
Brady, 2011; Ponterotto, 2012). In the midst of Cold War tensions
between the United States and the Soviet Union, Fischer, an
independent, self-trained, outspoken genius at the board brought
great pride to the United States. Fischer became an American hero
and an international icon; and TV personality Dick Cavett re-
marked that for the period of 1972–1973 he may indeed have been
“the most famous celebrity on earth” (cited in Chabris, 2009, p. 1).
At present, not much is known about “what happened to Bobby
Fischer” from a psychological perspective; how a chess genius and
World Champion at the age of 29 would soon thereafter become
isolated, abandon competitive chess, become openly anti-Semitic
(despite his own Jewish origins), become a fugitive from United
States justice, exhibit increasingly bizarre behavior, and die a
relatively young death (at the age of 64) in his adopted country of
Iceland. To be sure, more has been written about Bobby Fischer
than any other world chess champion and even many world lead-
ers. Winter’s (2013) history of chess Web site logs all books on or
about Bobby Fischer, and from 1962 through 2013, 101 books
have appeared on his list. However, most of these books were
written by journalists, biographers, and chess historians and fall
short of providing a deep psychological understanding of Fischer.
Only two deeply psychological profiles, or psychobiographies,
written by mental health professionals/academic psychologists
have appeared on Bobby Fischer. The first was the Freudian
analysis of Fischer penned by Fine (1973/2008), a renowned
psychoanalyst and chess grandmaster, who from December 1938
through June 1942 was consistently rated one of the top three
players in the world (www.Chessmetrics.com). The second psy-
chobiography was written by Ponterotto (2012), a counseling
psychologist and avid chess player (though not competing nor
ranked).
The traditionally Freudian conceptualization of Fischer’s psy-
chological motivations is captured well in Fine’s interpretation of
the meaning of victory to Fischer’s ego structure:
“Fischer, brought up without a father, from adolescence on even
without a mother, is a man who has been singularly unsuccessful in
everything outside of chess. Hence victory in chess for him must
gratify all kinds of revengeful omnipotent fantasies, in which he gets
back at all the men who have humiliated him throughout his life. By
the same token, defeat brings him back to the situation of the helpless
abandoned little boy, where he felt so desperately unhappy” (Fine,
1973/2008, p. 82).
Fine’s (1973/2008) treatise on the inner psyche of Bobby Fi-
scher has been criticized for being too narrow and limited in focus
and unsupported by the available data on the life of Bobby Fischer
(Saidy, 2008). In all fairness to Dr. Fine, he was conceptualizing
Fischer’s lifestory from a Freudian perspective in the context of
the early 1970s. A close reading of Fine’s analysis of Fischer
highlights the centrality of a sense of paternal (and at times
maternal) abandonment on his developing personality structure.
Ponterotto’s (2012) more recent psychobiography is multitheo-
retical, building off of psychodynamic theory, the diathesis
(nature-nurture) stress model of mental illness (and creative ex-
pression), theory in expert performance, and sociocultural perspec-
tives in personality development. In one of the book’s chapters the
author provides the first differential diagnoses of Fischer based on
extensive archival data (with appropriate validity and ethical cau-
tions), concluding that of all the disorders attributed to Fischer in
the popular literature/media (e.g., Asperger Disorder [Quinn &
Hamilton, 2008], Schizophrenia, Paranoid type [Krylov as cited in
Kasparov, 2003]), the evidence is strongest for paranoid person-
ality disorder in young adulthood and delusional disorder in later
years.
Like Fine’s (1973/2008) psychoanalytic assessment, Ponterot-
to’s (2012) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM–IV–TR,
American Psychiatric Association, 2000) assessment was criti-
cized for being too narrow in focus and even unnecessary to the
story of Bobby Fischer (Carielli, 2012). One concern was Pon-
terotto’s (2012) sole reliance on the DSM–IV–TR for the mental
illness assessment and differential diagnosis. The DSM–IV is a
categorically based system designed to decide whether an individ-
ual has a mental disorder, and if so which one (though one can
have dual diagnoses). In recent years, researchers and clinicians
have proposed more of a dimensional diagnostic assessment sys-
tem, where symptoms for various disorders are weighed, assessed,
and plotted to gather a broader and more holistic view of the
person’s levels of mental illness and psychological resources
(Westen, DeFife, Bradley, & Hilsenroth, 2010; Widiger &
Mullins-Sweatt, 2010).
The purpose of the present article is to build on the extant
psychobiographical information on Bobby Fischer (Fine, 1973/
2008; Ponterotto, 2012) by relying on both descriptive (idio-
graphic) and empirical (nomothetic) approaches and by incorpo-
rating more recently developed and validated assessment systems.
As such, this article advances the use of mixed methods designs
(see Creswell & Plano Clark, 2007) in the psychological study of
historic and public figures. The article begins with a very brief
biographical snapshot of Fischer’s life, followed by a condensed
application of Erikson’s (1950) psycho-social development model
to his life story. The second part of the article shifts to a more
empirical approach where two Fischer psychobiographers com-
plete both a clinical diagnostic and a strengths-based assessment at
two critical time periods in Fischer’s life.
Though psychobiography is witnessing renewed momentum
among psychological researchers of varying specialties (Kőváry,
2011), its advancement as a scientific endeavor has been hampered
by methodological limitations. Among the criticisms often leveled
 “GENIUS” AND “MADNESS” OF BOBBY FISCHER
at the field of psychobiography are the following: (1) the research
often relies on single theoretical models, particularly psychody-
namic approaches, which obscures the complexity of the individ-
ual human life; (2) it is often pathography focused (an emphasis on
mental illness and/or character flaws), ignoring the positive and
strength characteristics of subjects; (3) it emphasizes “originol-
ogy” (see Erikson, 1969) by attributing too much significance to
select early childhood experiences/events; and (4) has overrelied
on qualitative research (document analysis, interviews) ap-
proaches, and would benefit by greater incorporation of quantita-
tive methods (Elms, 1994; Runyan, 1982; Schultz, 2005b). The
present study addresses each of these concerns to some degree, and
provides a model for more comprehensive research designs in
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psychobiography.
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Descriptive Understanding of Bobby Fischer
A Biographical Snapshot
Bobby Fischer was born on March 9, 1943 at Michael Reese
Hospital in Chicago, Illinois (Brady, 1973). He was the only son
and second child of Regina (Wender) Fischer, who five years
earlier had given birth to a girl, Joan. At the time of Fischer’s birth,
Regina Fischer was financially destitute, and she and her newborn
baby boy lived in the Sarah Hackett Memorial Home for indigent
single mothers with newborn infants (Brady, 2011; Ponterotto,
2012). At one point during her stay at the Memorial Home, Regina
Fischer was arrested for disturbing the peace. She received a
court-mandated psychiatric assessment (on June 22, 1943) and was
diagnosed at Chicago’s Municipal Psychiatric Institute as a “stilted
(paranoid) personality, querulent [sic] but not psychotic” (from
FBI Reports as cited in Ponterotto, 2012, p. 39). In terms of family
psychiatric history, it is important to note that Regina Fischer’s
mother (Bobby Fischer’s maternal grandmother) was a long-term
psychiatric patient at the Greystone Psychiatric facility in New
Jersey from 1918 until her death in 1921 (Ponterotto, 2012).
During the early years of Fischer’s life his family struggled
financially as Regina Fischer worked various jobs while caring for
her two young children. As would become known publicly many
years later, complicating the matter was the issue of Fischer’s
paternity (Nicholas & Benson, 2002). Though Hans Gerhardt
Fischer, a German scientist, was listed on Fischer’s birth certificate
as the father, he was very likely not the biological father. Fischer’s
biological father was (with 90% confidence; Ponterotto, 2012) a
Hungarian Jewish immigrant scientist, Dr. Paul Felix Nemenyi,
who Regina Fischer had met in Colorado in the early 1940s when
and where an affair ensued.
Paul Nemenyi was a respected scientist (e.g., see “Nemenyi’s
theorem” reviewed in Truesdell, 1952) with marked spatial apti-
tude and a gifted memory, traits often associated with Bobby
Fischer. There is also an uncanny facial and body type similarity
with Bobby Fischer that is outlined in Fischer investigative reports
(Nicholas & Benson, 2002, 2003), documentary films (Bobby
Fischer Against the World, 2011), and psychobiographies (Pon-
terotto, 2012). Biographers have documented no contact between
Bobby Fischer and his sister’s father, Hans Gerhardt Fischer, and
only occasional contact with (and some financial support from)
Paul Nemenyi. Along with his marked intelligence, Paul Nemenyi
also exhibited some signs of psychological disturbance, including
3
some paranoid and obsessive– compulsive tendencies which are
carefully documented in the FBI dossier, in investigative reports
(Nicholas & Benson, 2002, 2003), and in psychobiographical work
(Ponterotto, 2012).
Earlier we highlighted some of the family and financial stress
experienced around the time of Fischer’s birth in 1943. Another
great source of stress on the Fischer family at that time was the fact
that Mrs. Fischer became the subject of FBI investigation on
suspicion of being a Soviet spy. The FBI had amassed a 994-page
dossier on Regina Fischer which has been exhaustively analyzed
by Ponterotto (2012). It is important to remember that this period
was the start of the Cold War and the FBI effort to root out
Americans with communist ties and sympathies (Regina Fischer
was a member of the communist party in the United States from
1945 through 1953 [Ponterotto, 2012].) Ongoing FBI surveillance,
which included FBI field agent interviews with Regina Fischer’s
associates, extended family, neighbors, employers, and coworkers,
would create a marked burden for the Fischer family and would
hinder Mrs. Fischer’s efforts to find steady employment (Pon-
terotto, 2012).
Bobby Fischer as a Chess Phenomenon
As most fans of chess history know, Bobby Fischer was intro-
duced to the game of chess by his sister Joan when the family
settled in New York City (Brady, 1973, 2011). A socially awkward
child who was often alone or with his big sister while his mom
worked long hours (Brady, 2011), Fischer found solace and reli-
able companionship in the game of chess; after all, he could even
play against himself and did not need to rely on anyone to engage
his developing passion. By the age of eight or nine, Fischer was
hooked on chess, and he got very good at around 11 years of age
(Brady, 1973). At 13 years of age he won the U.S. Junior Chess
Championship. Remarkably, at the age 14 Fischer won the U.S.
Chess Championship, and held that title for the eight years in
which he participated in the national tournament.
In 1958, Fischer would become the youngest International
Grandmaster in chess history after placing 5th at the Interzonal
tournament in Portoroz, Yugoslavia. In his march to the World
Chess Championship, Fischer first dominated the 1970 Interzonal
tournament in Palma de Majorca, Spain, and then defeated con-
vincingly renowned grandmasters Mark Taimanov, Bent Larsen,
and Tigran Petrosian in successive multigame matches. He had
now earned the right to challenge reigning champion Boris
Spassky of the Soviet Union for the World Chess Title. In the
summer of 1972, Fischer defeated Spassky by the convincing score
of 12 [1/2] to 8 [1/2] to become the 11th World Chess Champion
(see Brady, 1973 for Fischer’s chess career).
Bobby Fischer’s “Wilderness” and Final Years
After his 1972 championship, Fischer relocated to the Los
Angeles area where he was involved with World Wide Church of
God. He refused the playing conditions set by FIDE (Federation
Internationale des Echecs, or the International Chess Federation)
for his required 1975 title defense against another Soviet player
Anatoly Karpov. Thus in 1975 Fischer resigned his title, and
entered what Fischer biographers call his “Wilderness Years”
(Brady, 2011). From the mid-1970s through the late 1980s, Fischer
 4 PONTEROTTO AND REYNOLDS
lived in relative isolation, talking with and trusting few individu-
als. During this time he ended relationships with multiple former
friends and chess colleagues who he thought had betrayed him by
writing about him or speaking to reporters about his life.
During his wilderness years, Fischer struggled financially and
often lived in one room motels or sublets (see Brady, 2011). At one
point in May of 1981, Fischer was arrested by Pasadena (Califor-
nia) sheriff officers for vagrancy and spent two days in jail. Fischer
described the incident in his self-published essay, “I was tortured
in the Pasadena jailhouse” (Fischer, 1982). There is evidence that
his retirement from the marked structure and demands of compet-
itive chess along with his social isolation contributed to his in-
creasingly bizarre behavior and escalating psychological symp-
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toms (Ponterotto, 2012).
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In 1992, Fischer emerged from his “wilderness” to play an
unsanctioned (by FIDE) rematch against Boris Spassky in Yugo-
slavia. Playing chess for profit at that time was in violation of U.S.
Treasury Department’s sanction against business in war-ravaged
Yugoslavia. Fischer ignored the U.S. order not to play in Yugo-
slavia and an arrest warrant was issued. Fischer would never again
return to the United States and lived in Hungary, Germany, the
Philippines, and Japan (Ponterotto, 2012).
On July 13, 2004, while checking in at Tokyo’s Narita airport
for a flight to the Philippines, Fischer was arrested on the charge
of attempting to fly with a revoked passport. Fischer would spend
the next eight months in a Japanese prison (Brady, 2011). While
the U.S. Treasury Department was working to have Fischer de-
ported back to the United States to stand trial, friends and family
were trying to secure citizenship for him in another country. It was
Iceland, the land where he had captured the world title in 1972,
that offered him full citizenship. On March 24, 2005, Fischer
walked out of prison onto a flight to Reykjavik, Iceland, where he
would spend the remainder of his life. Fischer died of kidney
failure on January 17, 2008, after refusing most forms of medical
intervention for his escalating illness. Vivid descriptions of Fisch-
er’s prison experience and his final years in Iceland are provided
by Brady (2011) and Olafsson (2012).
An Eriksonian, Psychosocial Development Perspective
A long-standing theory of personality formation is Erikson’s
(1950, 1980, 1982) psychosocial identity model. Anchored in the
psychodynamic stage model tradition, Erikson’s model integrates
personal development within a social-cultural context. Healthy
human development is centered on encountering and resolving
psychosocial tasks or crises sequentially over the life span. Suc-
cessful resolution of each identity crisis promotes healthy person-
ality development and meaningful interactions with others in sub-
sequent life stages. In contrast, unsuccessful resolution at any life
stage stagnates healthy development and interferes with successful
crisis resolution at advanced stages. Erikson outlined eight stages
of psychosocial development with approximate age ranges for
each stage. Table 1 summarizes the eight stages as applied to the
life of Bobby Fischer (see Table 1). A complete stage-by-stage
application of Erikson’s model is beyond the goals of this brief
summary, so instead we review particularly notable stages in
Fischer’s psychosocial development.
Erikson’s (1950, 1980) first psychosocial stage of development,
Trust versus Mistrust, occurs between birth and one year. During
this stage, an individual’s task is to develop a sense of safety and
trust in the world based on early experiences with a primary and
reliable caregiver. According to Erikson (1950), failure to develop
a sense of safety in one’s caregiver leads to a general fear and
mistrust of others. Biographers, family members, and acquain-
tances of Fischer (Brady, 2011; Olafsson, 2012; Ponterotto, 2012)
described an inexorable suspicion of others throughout Fischer’s
life. From an Eriksonian (1950) conceptualization, Regina Fisch-
er’s financial difficulties, absence from the home, unstable housing
conditions, and psychological challenges were contributing factors
to Fischer’s enduring suspicion and mistrust of others. Further-
more, there was no father at home to serve as a primary caregiver
(see Table 1).
Erikson’s (1950, 1980) fourth psychosocial stage of develop-
ment, Industry versus Inferiority, occurs between six and 12 years
of age. The individual’s task is to learn skills to deal with social
and academic demands. Successful resolution leads to intellectual,
social, and/or physical aptitude. Fischer was introduced to the
game of chess at age six by his sister Joan and was soon consumed
by the game, practicing often and learning new languages to
enhance his access to quality chess literature, for example Russian
books and chess journals (Brady, 2011). Thus, Fischer acquired an
intense industriousness for chess that anchored his development
and engendered a sense of self-efficacy, environmental control,
and eventual self-mastery. Off the chessboard, however, Fischer’s
mistrust of others thwarted his academic and social competence
deemed normative for this Eriksonian stage of development (Pon-
terotto, 2012).
Erikson’s fifth psychosocial stage of development, Identity ver-
sus Role Confusion, is situated in adolescence (12 to 17 years). The
adolescent’s task is to make choices about personal values, career
goals, and interpersonal relationships independent of one’s family
(Erikson, 1950). Fischer’s industriousness and dedication to chess,
at the expense of other activities and social encounters, solidified
an identity that could not be discrete from chess (Ponterotto,
2012). Whereas most adolescents explore a variety of academic,
social, romantic, and vocational pursuits during this stage, Fischer
became totally absorbed in chess. As Fischer remarked in his
often-watched YouTube Park Bench Interview, “Chess and me, it
is hard to take them apart; it is like my alter ego” (Anything to Win,
2004).
Finally, Erikson’s (1950) eighth psychosocial stage of develop-
ment, Ego Integrity versus Despair describes the tasks of late
adulthood. The individual’s task is to come to terms with one’s
successes, failures, and missed opportunities while reflecting on
perceptions of self-worth. Potential outcomes from this stage are
wisdom or regret. Fischer’s personal and professional accomplish-
ments following his defeat of Spassky in 1972 were scant, and thus
Fischer likely experienced despair over career and interpersonal
goals. Biographers (Brady, 2011; Targ, 2008, 2011) reported that
in his final days while lying in a Reykjavik hospital, Fischer
requested pictures of his mother Regina and sister Joan from his
brother-in-law Russell Targ in California. This may have sug-
gested that Fischer was reflecting on the two most important and
enduring relationships he ever had in his life (Ponterotto, 2012).
Erikson’s (1950) model is longstanding, covers the entire life
span, and has been used successfully to describe and understand
the inner psychological lives of historic figures (e.g., Erikson’s
[1958, 1969] psychological profiles of Martin Luther and Ma-
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Table 1
Application of Erikson’s Psychosocial Model to Bobby Fischer

Stage or psychosocial “crisis” Stage goals Significant events for Bobby Positive or negative outcome

Trust vs. Mistrust Infant begins to understand that the world is a
Birth to 1 year safe place because of consistent and
sensitive caregiving from Mother or
primary caregiver; understands caregiver as
reliable.
Autonomy vs. Shame and Doubt Child begins to develop a sense of
1–3 years independence, success, self-esteem, self-
control, and self-restraint tied to use and
practice of new cognitive and motor skills;
goal directed behavior.
Inconsistent home environment; Regina
struggled with homelessness, single
parenthood, and financial situation;
ambivalent attachment to Regina.
Family moved many times; lack of
stable home and peer environment
Hope vs. fear/mistrust/suspicion of
others
Bobby perceives world as unsafe;
developed a fear/mistrust of
others.
Willpower vs. self-doubt
Bobby senses a loss of control of
the external world and a
proclivity for shame and doubt
about personal control.

Initiative vs. Guilt
3–5 years
Industry vs. Inferiority
6–12 years
Identity vs. Role Confusion
12–17 years; adolescence
Intimacy vs. Isolation
18–40 years; young adulthood
Child imitates more adult-like responsibility;
initiates own directions and enjoyment of
accomplishments.
Child learns important academic and social
skills with same-age peers in neighborhood
and school environments. Gains
competence in intellectual, social, and
physical skills.
Adolescent begins making choices about
relationships, values, and vocation; acquires
ability to see oneself as a unique and
integrated individual.
Adult becomes willing to commit oneself and
one’s identity to others through loving and
Bobby often in the care of Joan; Bobby
begins spending time alone.
Joan introduces Bobby to chess. Bobby
lacks academic and social skills
motivation in activities outside of
chess; Bobby develops strong chess
skills and high chess self-efficacy;
stands out as chess prodigy.
Chess is a major component of
Bobby’s personal identity; Bobby
does not explore alternate life or
career roles.
Bobby struggled to form an intimate
commitment to anyone throughout
Purpose vs. guilt over thought and
action
Bobby establishes ability to
initiate own directions.
Competence vs. lack of
competence
Intense industriousness tied to
chess; otherwise, lack of
academic and social
competence.
Fidelity vs. confusion over one’s
life roles
Personal identity and chess
identity become linked;
uncertain as to other life roles.
Love vs. fear of intimacy
Bobby does not find a reciprocal
“GENIUS” AND “MADNESS” OF BOBBY FISCHER

Generativity vs. Stagnation
41–65 years; middle age or middle
adulthood
Ego Integrity vs. Despair
66 years end of life; late adulthood
reciprocal relationships. his life; lived much of his life in
isolation.
Care and concern about future generations: Bobby published books and articles on
Adult wishes to produce something of chess; Bobby looked for a wife to
lasting value through ideas, work, and/or bear a child, but was unsuccessful.
children.
Confidence in meaning of life and sense of Bobby experienced dissonance
fulfillment with one’s life successes; regarding his life expectations and
realizes and accepts the dignity of life; goals; Bobby recognized his
wisdom. immortality; requested family
pictures in final days.
partner or shared identity;
ambivalence about trusting
significant others.
Care vs. self-absorption
Bobby lived a self-absorbed,
interpersonally impoverished
life; struggled with mental
health issues.
Wisdom vs. regret
Wisdom and reflection on
important relationships; despair
over career and relationship
plans.
5
 6 PONTEROTTO AND REYNOLDS
hatma Gandhi, respectively; and Stewart, Franz, & Layton’s
[1988] analysis of Vera Brittain, the British feminist and peace
activist). Though an established and often-cited theoretical model
in psychobiography, Erikson’s approach is not without limitation.
Specifically, the model is primarily nurture-focused and does not
adequately account for genetic predispositions to both creative and
disturbed thinking, nor does it address the neurobiology of child
neglect and trauma that is proving increasingly important to un-
derstanding later life challenges in individuals (see De Bellis,
2010; LaPrairie, Heim, & Nemeroff, 2010).
It is reasonable to assume that mental illness (according to the
Western conception of mental illness and the DSM–IV–TR) was
potentially lying dormant in Fischer and that certain predisposi-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
tions or latent factors were silenced by his hyper-focus on chess
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
(Fine, 1973/2008; Ponterotto, 2012). Following his World Cham-
pionship win in 1972, Fischer’s ability to consolidate his identity
in a scary world unshielded from chess became a persistent strug-
gle. Did Fischer actually suffer from mental illness? This topic is
addressed in the next section.
Empirical Approaches to Point-in-Time Assessments of
Bobby Fischer
In this section two established assessment tools are used to
evaluate Bobby Fischer’s mental health at two critical points in
time: in the 1972–73 period when he was at the height of his fame
and career achievements, and in the 2005– 06 period when he was
in marked psychological decline. It is important to preface this
section with ethical considerations as the American Psychological
Association’s (2002) ethical principles generally caution against
forming distant (without repeated psychological-based interviews)
diagnostic impressions of an individual of interest. More specifi-
cally, the guidelines note that if an examination of subject is not
possible, as would be the case for deceased individuals, then
“psychologists document the efforts they made and the result of those
efforts, clarify the probable impact of their limited information on the
reliability and validity of their opinions, and appropriately limit the
nature and extent of their conclusions or recommendations” (Ameri-
can Psychological Association [APA], 2002, 9.01 (b) Bases for As-
sessment, p. 13).
Furthermore, when using standardized assessment tools to
evaluate a subject, “psychologists take into account the purpose
of the assessment as well as the various test factors . . . that
might affect psychologists’ judgments or reduce the accuracy of
their interpretations. They indicate any significant limitations of
their interpretations” (APA, 2002, 9.06, Interpreting Assess-
ment Results).
With these interpretive cautions in mind, this section turns to
a clinical diagnostic assessment procedure and a strengths-
based character assessment of Bobby Fischer. As highlighted
earlier, the DSM–IV–TR categorically based diagnostic assess-
ment process is limited in that it does not capture the dimen-
sional process of mental health and illness. By contrast, a
particularly noteworthy (and empirically tested) dimensional
assessment systems is the Shedler-Westen Assessment Proce-
dure (SWAP; Shedler, 2009; Shedler & Westen, 2007; Westen
& Shedler, 1999a, 1999b, 2007). In the next section, the SWAP
will be applied to Bobby Fischer.
Much of the literature on Bobby Fischer has focused in two
areas: a) his genius at the chessboard, and b) his increasingly
bizarre behavior, psychological decline, and likely descent into
serious mental illness (e.g., Chun, 2002; Ponterotto, 2011).
Thus the implication gleaned from the literature on Fischer is
that he was a chess genius who was, or became, mentally ill. A
focus on career achievement (vocational psychology) and psy-
chopathology (clinical psychology and psychiatry) is not new to
the psychology field, however these foci leave out critical
human dimensions necessary to truly understand the inner life
of a person. Another lens with which to understand Bobby
Fischer is through the perspective of Positive Psychology, one
of the newer specialties within the broad psychology discipline.
Rather than a “disease model” focused on diagnosing and
alleviating psychological distress, Positive Psychology is an-
chored in a “strengths model” focused on promoting human
potential and enhancing quality of life (Peterson & Seligman,
2004; Seligman, 2002).
Peterson and Seligman (2004) endeavored to develop a “man-
ual of sanities” to counteract and balance the “manual of
insanity,” that is, the psychopathological diagnoses classifica-
tions in DSM–IV. Integrating a diverse 20-year research pro-
gram, these researchers built an assessment model of human
character strengths that generally proved to be cross-culturally
transcendent. The manual defines 24 strengths organized along
six core virtues: wisdom and knowledge, courage, love and
humility, justice, temperance, and spirituality and transcen-
dence. Among the core components of character strengths are
that 1) they are trait-like in that the character strength manifests
in the full range of the person’s behavior—thoughts, feelings,
and/or actions, and displays itself in different contexts over
long periods of time; 2) the display of a character strength does
not diminish other people in the vicinity; 3) they are valued in
their own right independent of the positive outcomes of the
character strength display; and 4) they are ubiquitous or valued
in almost every culture throughout the world and throughout
history. (The core virtues and their component character
strengths are presented in an online supplemental Table.)
Quantitative Personality and Character Assessments:
A Consensus Approach
Method
Assessment Tools.
Shedler-Westen Assessment Procedure. The Shedler-Westen
Assessment Procedure (SWAP; Shedler, 2009) is based on the
premise that psychological difficulties are often rooted in person-
ality and therefore reflected in characteristic patterns of feeling,
thinking, and relating to others (Shedler, 2009). A unique aspect of
the SWAP assessment is that it effectively integrates the depth and
layered complexity of the clinical case formulation method with
the empirical rigor of psychometric testing. In completing a SWAP
assessment the clinician or researcher rates the client or subject on
200 descriptive items using a Q-sort procedure. The essential
feature of SWAP is prototype matching where the subject’s char-
acteristic symptoms are weighed against carefully developed ideal
or pure prototypes of personality disorders and syndromes. The
closer the match the more applicable a particular diagnosis may be.
 “GENIUS” AND “MADNESS” OF BOBBY FISCHER
The SWAP results are standardized across the various personality
disorder prototypes and thus assessment results provide a dimen-
sional (magnitude and valence) in addition to a categorical diag-
nosis.
Procedurally, the SWAP can be used by a trained mental health
professional after a minimum of six psychotherapy sessions with a
client or patient. If the SWAP is used for purely assessment
purposes, as in a one-time forensic evaluation or research study, it
can be completed in a 2 [1/2] hour clinical diagnostic interview
(see Shedler, 2009). Naturally in completing the SWAP for a
deceased person as was done in the present article, the researcher
relies on archival data, records, and informant interviews among
other sources of data. Understandably, the greater the depth and
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breadth of information available on the subject in such a case the
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
higher the validity of the assessment.
The SWAP scoring software generates three personality score
profiles: Personality Disorders (PD T-Scores), the Personality Syn-
dromes (Q-Factor T-Scores), and Personality Trait Dimensions (Fac-
tor T-Scores). The PD T-Scores align with the DSM–IV Axis II
Personality Disorder diagnoses. The Q-Factor T-Scores assesses an
empirically derived set of personality syndromes that redress limita-
tions of the DSM–IV system and more faithfully capture the person-
ality patterns and syndromes seen in psychological practice. Finally,
the Factor T-Scores provide scores on 12 personality factors or trait
dimensions that were identified in factor analytic work on the 200-
item SWAP (see Shedler, 2009 for an extensive discussion on the
SWAP process).
Profile scores are standardized based on a norm group consist-
ing of a clinical sample of patients with DSM–IV Axis II (Person-
ality) disorders. T-Scores are used to summarize and present re-
sults, where a T-Score of 60 ⫹ indicates the subject would be
given the specified personality disorder diagnosis by a consensus
of knowledgeable clinicians. Scores that range from 55–59 indi-
cate the presence of clinically significant features of the disorder,
but do not reach the “threshold” for the formal diagnosis. Each of
the SWAP personality score profiles also include a Psychological
Health Index (High-FX) where a T-Score of 50 indicates an
average level of psychological strengths. A T-Score of 60 ⫹
indicates significant psychological strengths and resources such as
using one’s talents and abilities effectively, finding meaning and
fulfillment in life’s activities, and sustaining meaningful relation-
ships. T-Scores of 40 and below indicate severe personality pa-
thology and little psychological resources and capacities.
The SWAP was developed in the late 1990s (Westen & Shedler,
1999a, 1999b) and has since been subject to rigorous psychometric
scrutiny. Interrater reliability of SWAP diagnostic scales has been
consistently above r ⫽ .80, whereas the 4 – 6 month retest stability
coefficients across scales reached a median coefficient of r ⫽ .85
(Blagov, Bi, Shedler, & Westen, 2012; Shedler & Westen, 2007).
Coefficient alpha as a measure of internal consistency was also
satisfactory across the factor-analytically derived scales reaching
mean ␣ of .73 and .81 in two recent studies (Westen, Shedler,
Bradley, & DeFife, 2012; Westen, Waller, Shedler, & Blagov, in
press). Convergent and discriminant score validity evidence for the
SWAP scales has been consistently strong across multiple studies
(reviewed in Blagov et al., 2012). Some concern had been ex-
pressed that the asymmetrical Q-sort scoring procedure of the
SWAP might artificially inflate correlations between independent
SWAP profiles. To evaluate this criticism, Blagov et al. (2012)
7
conducted a Monte Carlo simulation of 10,000 randomly generated
and paired SWAP profiles and found resultant correlations nor-
mally distributed and centered around the mean correlation of M ⫽
.001, thus laying to rest the asymmetry inflation scoring concern.
The majority of published SWAP studies focus on larger sam-
ples, though Lingiardi, Shedler, and Gazzillo (2006) provide a
clinical application in the case of “Melania,” a 30-year-old self-
referred Italian woman living in Rome, Italy. This single case
study demonstrates the SWAP’s sensitivity to document change
(therapeutic progress) over the course of two years of therapy. The
present authors’ use of the SWAP parallels that of Lingiardi et al.,
in terms of rating the SWAP at two “historic” points in time,
though without the benefit of therapy for the psychobiographical
subject.
Values in Action Inventory of Strengths. Peterson and Selig-
man (2004) developed an online self-report survey that measures
and ranks the character strengths for the respondent. The Values in
Action Inventory of Strengths (VIA-IS) includes 240 items orga-
nized along the 24 character strengths. Each character strengths
includes 10 items scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale, with three
items per strength reverse-scored. The online VIA-IS usually takes
30 minutes to complete, and a paper-and-pencil version is also
available (www.viastrengths.org). The VIA-IS has been completed
by more than 150,000 adults in 175 countries (with 85% from the
United States), and the accumulated psychometric evidence for the
assessment is impressive. All 24 scales have coefficient alphas that
exceed .70, and four-month test–retest stability coefficients also
exceed .70 for each scale. Furthermore, self-nominations of char-
acter strengths correlate significantly (rs ⫽ .5) with scale scores.
With regard to score validity, character strength scores corre-
lated in theoretically predicted ways with attitudes toward work,
friendship, romance, recreation, leisure, and life satisfaction. Pos-
itive psychology interventions over a semester raised significantly
VIA-IS scores of university students, demonstrating instrument
sensitivity to targeted programming. A comprehensive psychomet-
ric review and sample items are provided in Peterson and Seligman
(2004).
Procedure
Raters. The two authors of this manuscript completed all
assessments on Bobby Fischer. The senior author is an established
psychobiographer of Bobby Fischer who has been studying his life
since 2008. The second author is a novice psychobiographer who
has been studying the life of Fischer for roughly two years. Both
raters are practicing mental health professionals with experience in
psychological assessment. The assessments relied on an extensive
archival database on Bobby Fischer inclusive of numerous biog-
raphies, documentary films, written and video-recorded inter-
views, and investigative reports (including extensive FBI files
received by the first author through the Freedom of Information
Act).
Assessment process. The assessment process involved two
separate steps. First, the assessments were completed indepen-
dently by each psychobiographer to assess interrater reliability.
Second, the authors used a consensus approach to arrive at a
collective assessment. It has been a fairly common practice for
psychobiographers to retrospectively complete quantitative assess-
ments on public figures based on archival and observational data
 8 PONTEROTTO AND REYNOLDS
sources (e.g., Craik, 1988; The Historical Figures Assessment
Collaborative, 1977; Winter & Carlson, 1988). The value of in-
corporating statistically based personality assessments to support
subjective clinical case conceptualizations is well established
(Westen & Weinberger, 2004).
The SWAP (Shedler, 2009) and VIA-IS (Peterson & Seligman,
2004) were completed in retrospective fashion and applied to
Bobby Fischer at two distinct points in time. First, we applied both
assessments to Fischer in the 1972–1973 period when he was
29 –30 years of age, had just won the World Chess Championship,
and could be said to be at the height of his career and personal
success. We then repeated the assessment for the 2005–2006
period, when Fischer was a fugitive from U.S. justice and had been
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
granted asylum (through full Icelandic citizenship), settling in
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
Reykjavik, Iceland. Each psychobiographer took roughly one hour
to complete the VIA-IS and two hours to complete the SWAP at
each time period assessed.
Given neither the SWAP nor VIA-IS was designed to be used
retrospectively on deceased public figures, the senior author
contacted the instrument developers and received permission to
use the assessments in this fashion (J. Shedler, personal com-
munication, February 18, 2012; and C. Peterson, personal com-
munication, April 20, 2012). With regard to the SWAP, we
calculated Pearson correlations across the two raters for the
three assessment areas (Personality Disorders T-Scores,
Q-Factor T-Scores, and Factor T-Scores) in both the 1972–73
and 2005– 06 time periods. For the 1972–73 period, correlations
were .80, .83, and 70, respectively. For the 2005– 06 period, the
correlations rose to .99, .95. and .84. All correlations were
statistically significant at the p ⬍ .001, save for Factor T-Scores
in the 1972–73 period which reached a p ⬍ .01 level. It is
noteworthy that the correlations were much higher for the later
2005– 06 period, likely because of the extensive video interview
data available on Fischer. Interestingly, in the Lingiardi et al.
(2006) two-point-in-time assessment of “Melania,” the interra-
ter correlation also rose markedly from the first to second
testing (from r ⫽ .90 to r ⫽ .98), although they used a
consensus discussion model rather than traditional independent
assessor interrater reliability (thus likely inflating both coeffi-
cients).
With regard to the interrater agreement on the VIA-IS scores,
which rank order the results, the Spearman rank correlation across
raters was .66 (p ⬍ .001) for the 1972–73 period, and .68 (p ⬍
.001) for the 2005– 06 period. Three of the top five character
strengths transcended raters at both testing points.
Having established good reliability of ratings across raters, the
second step involved the raters completing the assessments to-
gether in a consensus approach. The SWAP was completed by the
research team in roughly six hours over three meetings, and the
VIA-IS was completed in three hours in one meeting. The proce-
dure of having a team or panel of psychobiographers collectively
complete assessments is long standing in political and personality
psychology, and has often focused on trying to predict the behavior
and leadership patterns of politicians running for office. It is
believed that a panel of psychobiographers working together in an
interactive fashion, may produce more valid and objective assess-
ments than the single psychobiographer working alone (see Elms,
1976).
Results
SWAP
Bobby Fischer in 1972–73. At the height of his fame, wealth,
and career success, Bobby Fischer had a reservoir of psychological
strengths and resources as indicated by his Psychological Health
Index T-Score (High-Fx) of 58.6 on the Personality Disorders and
Personality Syndromes profiles and a T-Score of 65.8 on his
Psychological Health Factor T-Score (see Figure 1; a Table of all
SWAP scores is presented in the online supplemental material).
Sample SWAP items associated with psychological resources in-
clude the following that certainly applied to Fischer in 1972–73:
“Is able to use his or her talents, abilities, and energy effectively
and productively,” “is able to find meaning and satisfaction in the
pursuit of long-term goals and ambition,” “is creative; is able to
see things or approach problems in novel ways,” and “enjoys
challenges; takes pleasure in accomplishing things” (Shedler,
2009, p. 30).
Along with his psychological strengths, Fischer was also man-
ifesting thinking, feeling, and behaving patterns characteristic of
psychological difficulties in the 1972–73 period assessed. With
regard to personality disorders (see Figure 1), Fischer’s T-Scores
indicated the presence of paranoid personality disorder (T-Score ⫽
60.2) with obsessive– compulsive features (T-Score ⫽ 56.3). Ex-
amining the SWAP empirically derived personality syndromes,
Bobby had a score indicative of obsessive personality syndrome
(T-Score ⫽ 62.0), along with paranoid personality features (T-Score ⫽
59.5; see Figure 1).
According to the SWAP manual (Shedler, 2009), descriptive
traits and personality dynamics related to Paranoid and Obses-
sional syndromes would include the following. For Paranoid:
“Patients who match this prototype tend to hold grudges and may
dwell on insults of slights for long periods. They are quick to assume
that others wish to harm them or take advantage, and tend to perceive
malevolent intentions in others’ words and actions. They tend to feel
misunderstood, mistreated, or victimized . . . [tend] to be critical of
others; to be angry and hostile; to get into power struggles; to be
oppositional, contrary, or quick to disagree; and to react to criticism
with feelings of rage or humiliation. They tend to see certain others as
‘all bad” and lose the capacity to perceive positive qualities the person
may have . . . They tend to be self-righteous or moralistic, and often
elicit dislike or animosity in others” (Shedler, 2009, p. 13).
For Obsessional:
“Patients who match this prototype are excessively devoted to work and
productivity, to the detriment of leisure and relationships. They tend to
see themselves as logical and rational, uninfluenced by emotion; . . .
appear to have a limited or constricted range of emotions . . . They tend
to deny or disavow their own need for caring, comfort, closeness, and so
forth, or to consider such needs unacceptable. Additionally, they tend to
be controlling; competitive with others (whether consciously or uncon-
sciously); critical of others; conflicted about authority; . . . prone to get
into power struggles; . . . They are also self-critical, tending to set unre-
alistically high standards for themselves . . . They may adhere rigidly to
daily routines and become anxious or uncomfortable when they are
altered” (Shedler, 2009, pp. 14 –15).
Finally, with regard to the SWAP personality trait dimensions,
Fischer had elevated levels of Hostility (T-Score ⫽ 63.0) and
 “GENIUS” AND “MADNESS” OF BOBBY FISCHER 9
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Figure 1. SWAP Personality Disorders, Personality Syndromes, and Personality Trait Dimensions.

Obsessionality (T-Score ⫽ 61.9), with schizoid orientation (T-
Score ⫽ 58.9) features (see Figure 1). Hostility “measures chronic
anger, hostility, suspiciousness, and mistrust”; while Obsessional-
ity “assesses excessive concern with rules and procedures, preoc-
cupation with detail, rigid adherence to routine, concerns about dirt
and cleanliness, a cognitive style characterized by intellectualiza-
tion, and a tendency to experience intrusive obsessional thoughts”
(Shedler, 2009, p. 26).
Biographers (e.g., Brady, 1973, 2011; Edmonds & Eidinow,
2004; Kasparov, 2003; Olafsson, 2012; Ponterotto & Reynolds,
2013), psychobiographers (Fine, 1973/2008; Ponterotto, 2012),
and journalists (Nicholas & Benson, 2002, 2003) who have studied
the life of Bobby Fischer would likely adjudge many of the
characteristics noted in the above paranoid and obsessional per-
sonality syndrome profile to be accurate in their relevance to
Fischer. Unfortunately, as Bobby Fischer left the structure, sup-
port, and cognitive involvement of the elite chess competition
world and moved into virtual hiding and isolation, his psycholog-
ical symptoms intensified (Ponterotto, 2012) as can be seen in the
next SWAP assessment.
Bobby Fischer in 2005– 06. Our second SWAP assessment
focuses on the year 2005– 06 as Fischer settled into his new life in
Reykjavik, Iceland. Starting with his Psychological Health Index,
we note a sharp decline relative to his 1972–73 score. His pro-
jected T-Scores across the three SWAP profiles in 2005– 06 were
42.5 (High-Fx) on the Personality Disorders and Personality Syn-
dromes profiles (see Figure 1) and 45.7 on the Personality Trait
Dimensions (see Figure 1). According to the SWAP manual (Sh-
 10 PONTEROTTO AND REYNOLDS
edler, 2009), T-Scores of 40 and below are indicative of severe
personality pathology and limited psychological resources and
capacities. Fischer’s scores did not reach the T-Score ⱕ40 thresh-
old, but came close.
Examining possible personality disorders (see Figure 1) it is
noted that Bobby reached T-Score levels indicative of Paranoid
(T-Score ⫽ 70.0), Schizotypal (T-Score ⫽ 62), and Antisocial
(T-Score ⫽ 60.8) personality disorders, with Narcissistic
(T-Score ⫽ 58.6), Passive-Aggressive (T-Score ⫽ 57.0), and
Schizoid (T-Score ⫽ 55.5) features. Three of Fischer’s personality
syndrome scores (see Figure 1) reached T-Scores of 60⫹: Paranoid
(T-Score ⫽ 66.1) and Hostile-External (T-Score ⫽ 63.5), and
Schizoid (T-Score ⫽ 60.6); and one additional syndrome, Antiso-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
cial (T-Score ⫽ 59.9) reached the clinical feature level.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
According to the SWAP manual (Shedler, 2009), descriptive
traits and personality dynamics related to Schizotypal, Antisocial,
Hostile-External, and Schizoid personality syndromes (the Para-
noid syndrome was described earlier) would include the follow-
ing. For Schizoid-Schizotypal (note, SWAP research does not
support the distinction between these personality disorders and
thus describes them as a single personality syndrome; see
Shedler, 2009):
“Patients who match this prototype lack close friendships and
relationships. They appear to have little need for human company
or contact and to be indifferent to the presence of others. They lack
social skills and often appear socially awkward or inappropriate
. . . Their appearance or manner may seem odd or peculiar (e.g.,
grooming, hygiene, posture, eye contact, speech rhythms . . . They
appear to have a limited or constricted range of emotions . . . They
appear to be unable to describe important others in a way that
conveys a sense of who they are as people, and their descriptions
of others come across as two-dimensional and lacking in richness.
They have little psychological insight into their own motives and
behavior . . . Their reasoning processes or perceptual experiences
may seem odd and idiosyncratic . . . and their perception of reality
can become grossly impaired under stress (Shedler, 2009, pp.
12–13).
For Antisocial:
“Patients who match this prototype . . . have little empathy and seem
unable to understand or respond to others’ needs and feelings unless
they coincide with their own . . . tend to act impulsively, without
regard for consequences; to be unreliable and irresponsible (e.g.,
failing to meet work obligations or honor financial commitments) . . .
tend to be angry or hostile; to get into power struggles . . . to blame others
for their own failures and shortcomings and believe their problems are
caused by external factors . . . have little psychological insight into their
own motives and behavior” (Shedler, 2009, pp. 11–12).
For Hostile-Externalizing:
“Patients who match this diagnostic prototype tend to get into power
struggles. They tend to be angry or hostile (whether consciously or
unconsciously); to blame others for their own shortcomings; and to
believe their problems are caused by external factors. They tend to be
oppositional, contrary, or quick to disagree. They tend to be critical of
others; controlling; . . . tend to be conflicted about authority .. and to
react to criticism with feelings of rage or humiliation. They tend
to feel misunderstood, mistreated, or victimized; . . . They are likely to
hold grudges, dwelling on insults or slights for long periods. They
often appear inhibited about pursuing goals or successes, so that their
aspirations or achievements may be below their potential” (Shedler,
2009, p. 23).
Finally, with the SWAP-derived factor analytic profile (Person-
ality Trait Dimensions), Bobby reached elevated levels on two
factors and feature-level score on an additional two factors: Hos-
tility (T-Score ⫽ 71.4), Thought Disorder (T-Score ⫽ 62.6), Schiz-
oid Orientation (T-Score ⫽ 59.9), and Obsessionality (T-Score ⫽
56.5). The SWAP manual (Shedler, 2009) summary descriptions
of these elevations are as follows: Hostility, “measures chronic
anger, hostility, suspiciousness, and mistrust”; and Thought Dis-
order, “(or schizotypy) assesses peculiarities in thinking and rea-
soning and deficits in reality testing. Higher scores on this factor
are associated with increased likelihood of having a biological
relative with a psychotic disorder” (Shedler, 2009, pp. 26 –27).
SWAP Multi-Annual Interpretation
Personality is complex. All humans possess some levels of
psychological strength and resources and some levels of psycho-
logical challenge. The notion of “mentally healthy” versus “men-
tally ill” as a two-choice categorical variable is limiting and fails
to capture the complexity of the human experience. Mental health
and mental illness may be better characterized dimensionally with
levels of both coexiting concurrently. In 1972–73, at the height of
his personal and professional success, Bobby Fischer had marked
psychological strengths and some level of possible psychological
illness as assessed by one team of psychobiographers incorporat-
ing one assessment system and relying on archival evidence. Some
three decades later, Fischer was adjudged by this research team to
have significantly more psychopathology and less psychological
health/resources.
It is important to note the limitations of using the SWAP “at a
distance,” that is through the retrospective application to a de-
ceased psychobiographical subject. Mayer and Leichtman (2012,
p. 14) caution that “the potentially strong negative consequences of
many diagnostic labels suggest that the uttermost caution should
be applied when practitioners openly pair diagnostic labels with
public figures.” The SWAP assesses characteristic ways of think-
ing, behaving, and responding, but it is not intended to interpret the
sociocultural context in which the personality characteristics are
expressed. Let us consider some context-based interpretation of
Fischer’s elevated Paranoid and Obsessional Personality Syn-
dromes for the 1972–73 period assessed. First, through much of
Bobby Fischer’s early life (from 1943 through 1973, from his birth
until the age of 30), his mother Regina Fischer was a subject of
FBI investigation. When Fischer was a youth, his mother cau-
tioned him not to talk to strange men who might very well be FBI
agents trying to gather information on his mother (Bobby Fischer
Against the World, 2011).
Furthermore in the late 1960s and early 1970s, Fischer accused
the Soviet chess players of cheating in international competitions
by agreeing to quick draws among themselves, thereby saving their
energy for western-hemisphere players, particularly him. Though
the Soviet Chess Federation dismissed Fischer’s accusations as
paranoid, empirical research later proved that, in fact, the Soviet
players were colluding in these tournaments. More specifically,
examining international tournament results from 1940 through
1978, researchers found the probability of accrued match results
relying on open, fair play to be 25%, whereas results based on the
 “GENIUS” AND “MADNESS” OF BOBBY FISCHER
draw-collusion hypothesis reached 60% probability (Moul & Nye,
2009). Thus, was some of Fischer’s “paranoia” a mark of mental
illness or an accurate assessment of his life experiences in his
community and in the competitive chess world?
Second, with regard to Fischer’s elevated score on Obsession-
ality, the SWAP interpretive manual notes that subjects with high
scores
“generally fall toward the healthier end of the personality spectrum,
and the psychological characteristics described in the diagnostic pro-
totype are often accompanied by significant ego strength. Except in
extreme cases, obsessional personality does not reach the severity of
pathology typically associated with [DSM–IV] Axis II personality
“disorders” and may be better conceptualized as a personality pattern
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or style” (Shedler, 2009, p. 14).
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Furthermore, when one considers the demands and stress expe-
rienced by elite chess players, along with the thousands of hours of
deliberate practice necessary to reach expert levels (Gladwell,
2008), a single-minded obsession with one’s craft is understand-
able.
Looking at Fischer’s, 2005-06 SWAP results, additional inter-
pretive cautions should be noted. Though all biographical accounts
of Fischer’s life during this period (e.g., Brady, 2011; Olafsson,
2012; Ponterotto, 2012) describe his increasingly disturbed and
bizarre behavior, it is important to remember that he had recently
been released from a Japanese prison and was adjusting to a new
culture and language in Iceland. Often, prison is a traumatic
experience, and refugee status accompanied by spontaneous flight
to freedom can also be fraught with deep psychological stressors.
Therefore, some of the characteristics assessed by the SWAP in
2005– 06 and interpreted clinically may have represented natural
and normal reactions to dealing with the double trauma of sudden
prison release and rapid relocation to a new country.
Another caution in interpreting Fischer’s 2005– 06 SWAP pro-
file centers on his elevated score on Antisocial personality. Fisch-
er’s score (T-Score ⫽ 60.8) on this personality syndrome barely
reached the diagnostic threshold, and though some of its prototyp-
ical descriptors seem to resemble his personality patterns, others
do not. More specifically, in addition to the excerpts of this
syndrome presented earlier, additional markers of the syndrome
include “tends to be deceitful, to lie . . . mislead people . . . take
advantage of others . . . manipulate others’ emotions to get what
Table 2
Ten Highest VIA-IS Character Strengths for Bobby Fischer in 1972–73 and 2005– 06ⴱ
1972–73 (Age 29)
1. Creativity, ingenuity, and originalityⴱⴱ
2. Industry, diligence, and perseveranceⴱⴱ
3. Bravery and valorⴱⴱ
4. Curiosity and interest in the world
5. Zest, enthusiasm, and energy
6. Self-control and self-regulation
7. Spirituality, sense of purpose, and faith
8. Honesty, authenticity, and genuineness
9. Love of learning
10. Hope, optimism, and future-mindedness
ⴱ ⴱⴱ
Based on “VIA-IS Survey of Character Strengths” (Peterson & Seligman, 2004).
Seligman, 2002).
11
they want” (Shedler, 2009, p. 11). These characteristics do not
seem to be applicable to Fischer as reflected in the numerous and
vivid biographical reports of his life (particularly, Bobby Fischer
Against the World, 2011; Brady, 2011; Olafsson, 2012; Ponterotto,
2012). It is also important to highlight that the SWAP Antisocial
personality prototype focuses more on psychological motives and
processes in contrast to the DSM–IV’s emphasis on overt behavior
and criminality.
Despite the limitations of applying the SWAP retrospectively to
the life of Bobby Fischer, the results do highlight a marked
increase in psychological challenges during the latter part of his
life. We believe the SWAP accurately captured a marked increase
in psychological dysfunction at the second administration. The
assessment results, naturally, do not explain how Fischer got from
point “A” (1972–73) to point “B” (2005– 06) from a psychological
perspective, but hypotheses on this progression are the focus of a
recent book-length psychobiographical work on the World Cham-
pion (Ponterotto, 2012).
VIA-IS Results
As can be seen in column one of Table 2, Bobby Fischer’s top
five character strengths as a 29-year-old recently crowned World
Chess Champion were “Creativity,” “Industry,” “Bravery,” “Cu-
riosity,” and “Zest.” His top character strengths some 32 years
later while a fugitive from U.S. justice and living in Reykjavik,
Iceland were “Bravery,” “Love of learning,” “Honesty,” “Creativ-
ity,” and “Curiosity” (detailed descriptions of all 24 character
strengths are presented in Peterson & Seligman, 2004).
An important component of Seligman’s (2002; Peterson &
Seligman, 2004) character strength model is the construct of sig-
nature strengths. Signature strengths can be distinguished from an
individual’s other top strengths in that the person readily identifies
with these strengths, owns and celebrates them, and exercises them
frequently in daily life. Most individuals identify from three to
seven of their top strengths as signature strengths.
In examining Bobby Fischer’s signature strengths across the
1972–73 and 2005– 06 points in time, we identified three character
strengths for each period that most completely characterize Fisch-
er’s essence respective to the “Manual of Sanities” (Peterson &
Seligman, 2004). For the 1972–73 time period, as Bobby Fischer
was a newly crowned World Chess Champion, his signature
2005– 06 (Age 61)
Bravery and valorⴱⴱ
Love of learningⴱⴱ
Honesty, authenticity, and genuinenessⴱⴱ
Creativity, ingenuity, and originality
Curiosity and interest in the world
Self-control and self-regulation
Fairness, equity, and justice
Appreciation of beauty and excellence
Spirituality, sense of purpose, and faith
Industry, diligence, and perseverance
Signature Strengths (see
 12 PONTEROTTO AND REYNOLDS
strengths were creativity, industry, and bravery. In terms of cre-
ativity, Fischer was not content in studying or playing chess in
conventional, standard ways; he was always searching for different
and novel approaches to the game. His creativity in the chess arena
was initially also quite adaptive in that it was applied to the
singular pursuit of being the best chess player in the world.
Bobby Fischer’s second signature strength was industry. Fischer
was diligent and persevering in his pursuit of chess mastery; he
allowed little distraction from his goal of being world chess
champion. Fischer would isolate himself for days at a time to study
the game if necessary in preparation for the candidates matches
leading up to the world championship, and of course in preparing
for the championship itself.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Fischer’s third signature strength in the 1972–73 period was
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
bravery and valor. As even the nonchess playing person knows,
Fischer never retreated from threat or possible consequences in
standing up for what he believed, including forfeiting his title in
1975 because his match demands were not met. Throughout his
late adolescent and young adult years, Fischer often challenged
chess tournament directors and chess associations if he felt
some injustice done to him or to American players in interna-
tional competitions (see Brady, 2011; Ponterotto, 2012).
Looking at Fischer’s top strengths in 2005– 06 (see Table 2) we
designated bravery and valor, love of learning, and honesty as his
signature strengths. Bravery was described in the previous para-
graph regarding his 1972–73 VIA-IS profile, and bravery and
valor continued as a signature strength for Fischer throughout his
life. He had the courage to fight U.S. sanction to play chess in 1992
when he played a rematch with Boris Spassky and risked steep
fines and arrest if returning to the United States (which he never
did). He held strong and resistant in two jail terms in Japan before
receiving Icelandic citizenship in 2005.
Bobby Fischer’s second signature strength in his later life
period was love of learning (which was ranked 9th in 1972).
Before 1972, Fischer mostly read and studied and discussed chess;
that was about it. His learning was high but very focused and
narrow. In his later life, according to his chief biographer Brady
(2011), Bobby read widely in the areas of religion, history, and
politics (see also Olafsson, 2012). He markedly expanded his
intellectual interests beyond the game of chess. His final signature
strength in the 2005– 06 time period was honesty, authenticity, and
genuineness. Fischer consistently shared and owned his opinions,
values, and views, and exercised no filtering of thoughts to please
or appeal to his audience. In his own way he was a “real,”
consistent, and authentic person; with Fischer, you got what you
saw and heard.
VIA-IS Multi-Annual Interpretation
Clearly, Bobby Fischer had a reservoir of character strengths
that he exhibited throughout his life. His signature strengths in the
early 1970s facilitated his ascendency to the world chess champi-
onship. These strengths, in concert with genetic predispositions,
and the structure, routine, and social support connected with tour-
nament life, likely helped Fischer maintain a reasonable quality of
life accented with the ultimate career achievement for a profes-
sional chess player. In the later years of his life, his modified set
of signature strengths likely helped him cope with prison terms and
marked isolation. Unfortunately Fischer did not have the personal
and mental health support structure necessary to ward off increas-
ingly severe psychological symptoms.
The VIA-IS conceptualization is not without limitation. More
specifically, one can question when a strongly exhibited character
strength can cross over into behavioral and social concerns. For
example, when is honesty and authenticity expressed to such a
degree that one loses sight of the impact on the receiver? McNulty
and Fincham (2012) highlight the importance of examining the
conditions under which character strengths may both promote and
threaten psychological well-being.
Discussion
What is known for sure about Bobby Fischer? His genius at the
chessboard and his impact on the status and popularity of chess in
the United States and worldwide in the early 1970s is unquestion-
able (see Brady, 2011; Kasparov, 2003; Ponterotto, 2012). He was
a trailblazer whose intellectual gifts played out on a “war game”
during the “Cold War.” For millions of chess fans worldwide,
Fischer’s resignation of his world title in 1975 and his flight into
isolation was a deep disappointment. His increasingly disturbed
behavior and vitriolic anti-Semitic and anti-American radio rants
further puzzled his fans. What had happened to Bobby Fischer?
Was he evil? Was he mentally ill? Was he just a courageous man
who spoke his mind without filter? This article has attempted to
place some of Bobby Fischer’s behavior in psychological context
by reviewing his life through the lenses of established psycholog-
ical theories and personality assessment methods.
From Erikson’s (1950) psychosocial development approach, it is
evident that some of Fischer’s struggles can be traced back to the
context of his early childhood identity and attachment struggles in
the 1940s. Relying on diagnostic models (i.e., DSM–IV–TR, APA,
2000; SWAP, Shedler, 2009), Fischer’s bizarre and troubling
behavior can be understood as possible signs of mental illness with
predictable patterns. Finally, from the strengths’ based Positive
Psychology lens we noted the character strengths that contributed
to Bobby Fischer’s status and legacy as one of the greatest chess
players to ever live.
September 1, 2012 marked the 40th Anniversary of Fischer’s
victory over Boris Spassky during the height of the Cold War.
Many questions about Fischer’s life, legacy in chess and Cold War
politics, psychological strengths, and psychological difficulties
remain unanswered. Areas for continued psychobiographical re-
search on the Fischer story include the following. A more thorough
and systematic content analysis of leading biographies and psy-
chobiographies (e.g., Brady, 2011; Denker & Parr, 2009; Fine,
1973/2008; Edmonds & Eidenow, 2004; Kasparov, 2003; Olafs-
son, 2012; Ponterotto, 2012), archival document records (e.g.,
DeLucia & DeLucia, 2009; FBI files; Marshall Chess Club Fischer
archives), investigative reports (Chun, 2002; Nicholas & Benson,
2002, 2003), and documentary films (e.g., Anything to Win, 2004;
Bobby Fischer Against the World, 2011) would yield fruitful
information on the psychology of Bobby Fischer. Systematic in-
depth interviews with individuals who knew Fischer well (surviv-
ing family members, former friends, chess competitors, journalists,
biographers) could add a layer of insight and a deeper sociocultural
context to his lifestory. Finally, given the significance Fischer’s
mother Regina and sister Joan played in his life, interviews with
 “GENIUS” AND “MADNESS” OF BOBBY FISCHER
individuals who knew them well would add more social and family
context to our understanding of Bobby Fischer.
Notes on Advancing the Science of Psychobiography
One goal of this article has been to advance the science of
psychobiography, both theoretically and empirically. Examining a
historical figure from multiple theoretical lenses, and across the
life span, promotes a more complete understanding of the individ-
ual (Runyan, 1982; Schultz, 2005b; Wiggins, 2003). Furthermore,
considering the historical figure within a social, cultural, eco-
nomic, and political context adds validity to the psychological
interpretations of individual motives and behaviors (Elms, 1994;
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Erikson, 1968).
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
Psychobiographical research will benefit through the use of
multiple research methods and there is clearly a place for both
qualitative (more idiographic) and quantitative (more nomothetic)
approaches to the study of personality (Allport, 1942; Murray,
1938; Runyan, 1982). Given the length of time it takes to complete
most psychobiographical studies, there exists ample opportunity to
use mixed methods approaches in this research endeavor. At
present, however, psychobiographical research has relied primarily
on qualitative methodologies, and researchers have called for the
incorporation of more quantitative approaches (Runyan, 1982).
The present study has demonstrated one approach to mixed meth-
ods research by incorporating psychobiographers’ retrospective
personality assessments of the historic subject (see also Craik,
1988; The Historical Figures Assessment Collaborative, 1977).
Another example where a nomothetic empirical procedure can
advance research in psychobiography is historiometric methods
(Simonton, 1990, 2006). More specifically, research might exam-
ine the relationship between Bobby Fischer’s mental state and
levels of stress over his lifetime. This method could test the
diathesis stress model (Zuckerman, 1999) regarding the interplay
of genetic predispositions (nature) and environmental circum-
stances (nurture) in influencing both Fischer’s creative genius at
the chess board and his escalating psychological symptoms. A
classic model to follow in this regard is Simonton’s (1998) histo-
riometric analysis of “Mad King George III,” where the author’s
research team logged, rated, and then correlated stress (total,
political, and personal) and health (total, mental, and physical)
events over 624 consecutive months. Simonton found a consistent
tendency for King George’s mental and physical health to deteri-
orate after increases in life stress, usually after a 9-month delay.
Finally, Wiggins (2003) provided an exemplar model of a mixed
methods application to psychobiography, wherein researchers rep-
resenting diverse theoretical orientations (e.g., psychodynamic,
interpersonal) and using varied methodologies (life story inter-
views, administration of personality and psychopathology instru-
ments) examined the same research subject. Wiggins multichapter
contribution provided a more comprehensive and layered approach
to psychobiographical research.
Ultimately, as discussed at length in Ponterotto (2012), under-
standing both the genius and psychological decline of Bobby
Fischer will help mental health professionals and educators better
prepare for meeting the needs of child prodigies, whether their gift
be in chess, music, art, math, or another creative endeavor (see
related discussion in Howe, 1997). Furthermore, this case study
can provide insights into the challenges adults face in transitioning
13
to a life and newfound identity somewhat independent of their
gifted ability.
The research tools of psychobiography can also inform the work
of practicing clinicians as they endeavor to understand their cli-
ents/patients and their family history within a holistic sociocultural
perspective. Finally, mixed methods approaches in psychobiogra-
phy can be of value to forensic psychologists as they study the
dynamics of antisocial behavior. It is our hope that this article
stimulates diverse and expanded psychobiographical research on
the “outliers” of the personality spectrum.
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Received February 10, 2013
Revision received April 27, 2013
Accepted May 6, 2013 䡲