Special Article

Psychotherapy
and Psyehosomatics Psychother Psychosom 1996;65:14-23

Carol D. Ryff*
Burton Singerb
Psychological Well-Being:
a Department of Psychology. Meaning, Measurement, and
University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wise.,
b Office of Population Research, Implications for Psychotherapy
Princeton University, Princeton, N.J., USA
Research

Key Words Abstract

Self-acceptance A model of positive psychological functioning that emerges from diverse
Purpose in life domains of theory and philosophy is presented. Six key dimensions of wellness
Positive relationships are defined, and empirical research summarizing their empirical translation
Personal growth and sociodemographic correlates is presented. Variations in well-being are
Autonomy explored via studies of discrete life events and enduring human experiences.
Environmental mastery Life histories of the psychologically vulnerable and resilient, defined via the
Sociodemographic differences cross-classification of depression and well-being, are summarized. Implica­
Vulnerability tions of the focus on positive functioning for research on psychotherapy, quali­
Resilience ty of life, and mind/body linkages are reviewed.
Quality of life

Introduction sûrement properties and sociodemographic correlates is

Historically, mental health research is dramatically
weighted on the side of psychological dysfunction. That is,
studies of positive psychological functioning are minus­
cule compared to investigations of mental problems. In
fact, the meaning of basic terms, such as mental health,
are negatively biased - typical usage equates health with
the absence o f illness rather than the presence o f wellness.
Such formulations ignore human capacities and needs for
flourishing as well as the protective features associated
with being well.
This article summarizes the development of a multidi­
mensional model of positive psychological functioning
and reviews empirical research folllowing from it. The key
components of well-being are first presented, with empha­
sis given to their theoretical and philosophical underpin­
nings. Operational definitions of the six dimensions are
provided, and empirical research regarding their mea-
briefly described. Life event and life history studies
attempting to explain variations in well-being are also
reviewed. Pertinent to psychotherapy research, final sec­
tions examine the implications of a focus on well-being for
studies of vulnerability to psychological dysfunction, re­
covery from psychological disorders (resilience), and the
need to expand quality of life indicators to include assess­
ment of the positive in people’s lives.
The Meaning and Measurement of Well-Being
An extensive theoretical literature has addressed the
meaning of positive psychological functioning. This work
includes Maslow’s [1] conception of self-actualization
Roger’s [2] view of the fully functioning person, Jung’s [3,
4] formulation of individuation, and Allport’s [5] concep­
tion of maturity. A further domain of theory for defining
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM

l/A O rt £ © 1996 S. Karger AG. Basel Carol D. Ryff. PhD

Institute of Aging
E-Mail karger@kargcr.ch 2245 Medical Sciences Center
F ax+ 41 61 306 12 34 1300 University Avenue
Madison. WI 53706 (USA)
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
psychological well-being comes from life-span develop­
mental perspectives, which emphasize the differing chal­
lenges confronted at various phases of the life cycle.
Included here are Erikson’s [6] psychosocial stage model,
Buhler’s [7, 8] basic life tendencies that work toward the
fulfillment of life and Neugarten’s [9, 10] descriptions of
personality change in adulthood and old age. Jahoda’s
[11] positive criteria of mental health, generated to re­
place definitions of well-being as the absence of illness,
also offer extensive descriptions of what it means to be in
good psychological health.
When one reviews the characteristics of well-being
described in these formulations [12], it becomes apparent
that many theorists were writing about similar features of
positive psychological functioning. These points of con­
vergence in the prior theories constitute the core dimen­
sions of the model of well-being pursued in the following
program of research. Each dimension is briefly described
below.
Self-Acceptance. The most recurrent criterion of well­
being evident in the previous perspectives is the individu­
al’s sense of self-acceptance. This is defined as a central
feature of mental health as well as characteristic of self-
actualization, optimal functioning, and maturity. Life­
span theories also emphasize acceptance of one’s self and
one’s past life. Thus, holding positive attitudes toward
oneself emerges as a central characteristic of positive psy­
chological functioning.
Positive Relations with Others. Many of the preceding
theories emphasize the importance of warm, trusting
interpersonal relations. The ability to love is viewed as a
central component of mental health. Self-actualizers are
described as having strong feelings of empathy and affec-
ton for all human beings and as being capable of greater
love, deeper friendship, and more complete identification
with others. Warm relating to others is posed as a criterion
of maturity. Adult developmental stage theories also em­
phasize the achievement of close unions with others (inti­
macy) and the guidance and direction of others (genera-
tivity). Thus, the importance of positive relations with
others is repeatedly stressed in conceptions of psychologi­
cal well-being.
Autonomy. There is considerable emphasis in the prior
literature on such qualities as self-determination, inde­
pendence, and the regulation of behavior from within.
Self-actualizers are described as showing autonomous
functioning and resistance to enculturation. The fully
functioning person is described as having an internal
locus of evaluation, whereby one does not look to others
for approval, but evaluates oneself by personal standards.
Psychological Well-Being: Meaning,
Measurement, and Implications for
Psychotherapy Research
Individuation is seen to involve a deliverance from con­
vention, in which the person no longer clings to the collec­
tive fears, beliefs, and laws of the masses. The process of
turning inward in the later years is also seen by life-span
developmentalists to give the person a sense of freedom
from the norms governing everyday life.
Environmental Mastery. The individual’s ability to
choose or create environments suitable to his or her psy­
chic conditions is defined as a characteristic of mental
health. Maturity is seen to require participation in a sig­
nificant sphere of activity outside of oneself. Life-span
development is described as requiring the ability to ma­
nipulate and control complex environments. These theo­
ries emphasize one’s ability to advance in the world and
change it creatively through physical or mental activities.
Successful aging also emphasizes the extent to which the
individual takes advantage of environmental opportuni­
ties. These combined perspectives suggest that active par­
ticipation in and mastery of the environment are key
ingredients in an integrated framework of positive psy­
chological functioning.
Purpose in Life. Mental health is defined to include
beliefs that give one the feeling that there is purpose and
meaning to life. The definition of maturity also empha­
sizes clear comprehension of life’s purpose, a sense of
directedness, and intentionality. The life-span develop­
ment theories refer to a variety of changing purposes or
goals in life, such as being productive and creative or
achieving emotional integration in later life. Thus, one
who functions positively has goals, intentions, and a sense
of direction, all of which contribute to the feeling that life
is meaningful.
Personal Growth. Optimal psychological functioning
requires not only that one achieve the prior characteris­
tics, but also that one continue to develop one’s potential,
to grow and expand as a person. The need to actualize
oneself and realize one’s potential is central to clinical
perspectives on personal growth. Openness to experience,
for example, is a key characteristic of the fully functioning
person. Such an individual is continually developing,
rather than achieving a fixed state wherein all problems
are solved. Life-span theories also give explicit emphasis
to continued growth and to facing new challenges to tasks
at different periods of life. Thus, continued growth and
self-realization are prominent themes in the aforemen­
tioned theories.
In sum, the integration of mental health, clinical, and
life-span developmental theories points to multiple con­
verging aspects of positive psychological functioning.
Conceptually, these criteria are distinct from prominent
Psychothcr Psychosom 1996,65:14-23 15
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
empirical indicators of well-being such as happiness and
life satisfaction [13, 14], most of which lack theoretical
foundation. There are, however, notable parallels between
the formulation of wellness emerging from the literature
and philosophical perspectives on the meaning of ‘the
good life’ [15]. Diverse philosophical frameworks give
emphasis to the individual’s potential to choose and then
carry out projects that are valuable; that is, to have active
pursuits that give life dignity [16-18], akin to the above
formulation of a purpose in life. Mastery is also evident in
philosophical descriptions of self-command, which in­
volve decision-making and taking action. Ideas of self-
love, self-esteem, and self-respect are also evident in lists
of criterial goods [16], showing parallels to self-accep­
tance. Philosophical writing about benevolence, involving
the concern and affection one feels for others [16], com­
panionship [18], love [17], and deep personal relations
[19] underscore the importance of positive relations with
others. The dimension of personal growth parallels Aristo­
telian conceptions of human excellence, human flourish­
ing, and the realization of one’s true potential [20], Eudai-
monistic accounts of ethics and the good life [21 ] point, in
fact, to the imperative to know onself (one’s daimon) and
to choose to turn it, as completely as possible, from an
ideal to an actuality. Finally, philosophers emphasize a
focus on whole lives, that is, the importance of looking at
all aspects of an individual’s life through time - an argu­
ment elaborated in a long succession of texts on the histo­
ry of ethics [16].
Definitions of the good life that emphasize happiness,
pleasure, and satisfaction (more hedonistic and epicurean
views) have been criticized by philosophers, using well-
known historical figures who experienced pleasure in
their lives, but were so unjust, evil, or pointless in the pur­
suit of their lives as to preclude a description of being
good. Alternatively, other historical figures led desolate
lives in terms of personal well-being, but were nonetheless
profoundly noble, creative, courageous, self-sacrificial
[16]. John Stuart Mill [22] extends the critique of happi­
ness, arguing that it is not to be attained if made an end in
itself. It is rather a byproduct of other pursuits - ‘Those
only are happy who have their minds fixed on some object
other than their own happiness, on the happiness of oth­
ers, on the improvement of mankind, even on some art or
pursuit, followed not as a means, but as itself in ideal end.
Aiming thus at something else, they find happiness by the
way [p. 115].
Taken together, these many lines of philosophical and
scientific inquiry converge in their depiction of the good
and healthy life as one that involves processes of setting
16 Psychothcr Psychosom 1996;65:14-23
and pursuing goals, attempting to realize one’s potential,
experiencing deep connections to others, managing sur­
rounding demands and opportunities, exercising self-
direction, and possessing positive self-regard. We posit
that such features of human wellness are not culture-
bound, although their phenotypic forms (i.e., how pur­
pose is expressed), and the relative emphasis given to dif­
ferent components, may be quite varied. Life purpose in
Africa, as we have described elsewhere [15], may be
expressed with a focus on maintaining the social order, in
contrast to more individualized pursuits in our own con­
text. Similarly, people everywhere have abiding needs for
deep, meaningful connections to others, although external
manifestations of these social ties may vary from expres­
sions of obligation and responsibility to experiences of
companionship, intimacy, and love.
Empirical Translation
Scale Construction and Evaluation. Self-descriptive
items were generated to operationalize both high and low
scorers for each of the six dimensions of psychological
well-being (table 1). Extensive item analyses were con­
ducted to refine the final measurement scales [23], The
20-item parent scales demonstrate high internal consis­
tency reliability (alpha range = 0.86-0.93) and temporal
reliability (test-retest coefficients range from 0.81 to
0.88). The scales also correlated modestly and positively
with existing measures of positive functioning (e.g. life
satisfaction, affect balance, self-esteem, internal control)
and negatively with extant measures of negative function­
ing (e.g. depression, powerful others, control, chance con­
trol), thereby demonstrating convergent and discriminant
validity. Recent data from a national probability sample
[24], using a dramatically reduced version of the well­
being scales, supported, via confirmatory factor analyses,
the hypothesized six-factor structure.
Among the many descriptive questions that can be
asked about well-being, we have addressed whether pro­
files of positive functioning vary' across the life course,
whether men and women differ in basic dimensions of
wellness, and whether well-being varies by social class sta­
tus and across cultures.
Age Differences. To explore differences, we have asked
young, middle-aged and old adults to rate themselves on
each of the dimensions of well-being [23, 25, 26]. Ratings
from the original validation study revealed a diverse pat­
tern of cross-sectional differences (see top half of fig. 1).
Certain aspects of well-being, such as environmental mas-
Ryff/Singer
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
 Table 1. Definitions of theory-guided dimensions of well-being

Self-acceptance
High scorer Possesses a positive attitude toward the self; acknowl­
edges and accepts multiple aspects of self including
good and bad qualities; feels positive about past life
Low scorer Feels dissatisfied with self; is disappointed with what
has occurred in past life; is troubled about certain per­
sonal qualities; wishes to be different than what he or
she is
Positive relations with others
High scorer Has warm, satisfying, trusting relationships with oth­
ers; is concerned about the welfare of others; capable of
strong empathy, affection, and intimacy; understands
give and take of human relationships
Low scorer Has few close, trusting relationships with others; finds
it difficult to be warm. open, and concerned about oth­
ers; is isolated and frustrated in interpersonal relation­
ships; not willing to make compromises to sustain
important ties with others
Autonomy
High scorer Is self-determining and independent; able to resist
social pressures to think and act in certain ways; regu­
lates behavior from within; evaluates self by personal
standards
Low scorer Is concerned about the expectations and evaluations of
others; relies on judgments of others to make impor­
tant decisions; conforms to social pressures to think
and act in certain ways
Environmental mastery
High scorer Has a sense of mastery and competence in managing
the environment; controls complex array of external
activities; makes effective use of surrounding opportu­
nities; able to choose or create contexts suitable to per­ Fig. 1. Significant age differences in the validation (a) and
sonal needs and values national (b) samples. Dimensions of well-being: □ = Positive rela­
Low scorer Has difficulty managing everyday affairs; feels unable tions; A = personal growth; A = purpose in life; • = environmental
to change or improve surrounding context; is unaware mastery; O = autonomy.
of surrounding opportunities; lacks sense of control
over external world
Purpose in life
High scorer Has goals in life and a sense of dircctedness; feels there
is meaning to present and past life; holds beliefs that tery and autonomy, showed incremental patterns with
give life purpose; has aims and objectives for living age, particularly from young adulthood to midlife. Other
Low scorer Lacks a sense of meaning in life; has few goals or aims, aspects, such as personal growth and purpose in life,
lacks sense of direction; does not see purpose in past
life; has no outlooks or beliefs that give life meaning
showed décrémentai patterns, especially from midlife to
old age. Still other aspects, notably positive relations with
Personal growth
High scorer Has a feeling of continued development; sees self as others and self-acceptance, showed no significant age dif­
growing and expanding; is open to new experiences; ferences across the three age periods and thus are not
has sense of realizing his or her potential; sees im­ shown in the figure. Initial samples were based on com­
provement in self and behavior over time; is changing munity volunteers, and as such, lacked generalizability.
in ways that reflect more self-knowledge and effective­ Data from a probability sample [24] further underscore
ness
Low scorer Has a sense of personal stagnation; lack sense of the consistency of the cross-sectional age patterns (see
improvement or expansion over time; feels bored and lower portion of fig. I ). Environmental mastery continued
uninterested with life; feels unable to develop new atti­ to show incremental patterns with age, purpose in life and
tudes or behaviors personal growth showed declines with aging, and self­
acceptance revealed no age differences. For self-ratings of

Psychological Well-Being: Meaning, Psychother Psychosom 1996:65:14-23 17

133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM

Measurement, and Implications for

Psychotherapy Research
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
autonomy and positive relations with others, the results
across studies varied between no differences and incre­
mental age patterns.
Longitudinal studies are needed to clarify whether
these age patterns reflect developmental changes or co­
hort differences. Whatever the explanation, the recurring
reports of lower self-ratings among older adults on pur­
pose in life and personal growth warrants attention. These
patterns point to possibly important psychological chal­
lenges of later life, and related arguments that contempo­
rary social structures lag behind the added years of life
many people now enjoy. That is, opportunities for contin­
ued growth and development and for meaningful experi­
ence may be limited for current cohorts of older persons.
An alternative hypothesis is that older persons place less
value on personal growth and purpose in life than younger
age groups. We have also had respondents rate their ideals
of well-being, and these data challenge the notion that the
aged no longer idealize continued self-development or
purposeful living.
Sex Differences. Across multiple datasets, we have
found that women of all ages consistently rate themselves
higher on positive relations with others than do men, and
that women tend to score higher than men on personal
growth. The remaining four aspects of psychological well­
being have consistently shown no significant differences
between men and women [25]. These findings are particu­
larly relevant in light of prior mental health research,
which repeatedly documents a higher incidence of certain
psychological problems such as depression among women
[27], When the positive end of the mental health spectrum
is considered, however, women are shown to have greater
psychological strength compared to men in certain aspects
of well-being, and comparable profiles with regard to oth­
er dimensions. To miss these findings is to tell an incom­
plete story about the mental health of women.
Class Differences. Whether socioeconomic status, typi­
cally defined in terms of education, income, and occupa­
tional standing, is linked with profiles of psychological
well-being has been examined in the Wisconsin Longitu­
dinal Study of educational and occupational attainment.
Based on a sample of midlife adults who have been fol­
lowed since their senior year in high school, the research
shows higher profiles of well-being for those with higher
educational attainment [28], with differences particularly
evident for the dimensions of purpose in life and personal
growth (for both men and women). Education remains
strongly linked with well-being, even after controlling for
prior life history variables (e.g., high school IQ; parental
education, income, and occupational status). Higher well­
18 Psychother Psychosom 1996:65:14-23
being is also evident for those with higher occupational
status [29], Findings from The National Survey of Fami­
lies and Households, a nationally representative US sam­
ple, also show large education differences on all six mea­
sures of well-being [30]. Viewed from the perspective of
the growing scientific literature that links social class
standing to health, these findings indicate that lower posi­
tions in the social order not only increase the likelihood of
negative health outcomes, they also decrease the likeli­
hood of positive well-being [31]. We submit that the pres­
ence of these goods in life affords important protective
factors in the face of stress, challenge, and adversity, and
for those lacking such goods, creates vulnerabilities.
Cultural Differences. How culture bears on fundamen­
tal conceptions of self, self-in-relation-to-others, and
health is an increasingly prevalent theme in social scien­
tific inquiry [28].
Much discussion involves contrasts between individu-
alistic/independent cultures with those that are more col-
lectivistic/interdependent. These ideas suggest that more
self-oriented aspects of well-being, such as self-acceptance
or autonomy, may have greater salience in Western cul­
tural contexts, while others-oriented dimensions of well­
being, such as positive relations with others, might be of
greater significance in Eastern, interdependent cultures.
To examine these issues, self-reported psychological well­
being was investigated in a midlife sample of US adults
and a sociodemographically comparable sample of adults
from South Korea [33].
It was found that, on the whole, Americans were much
more likely to see positive qualities in themselves than
Koreans, a finding consistent with formulations of un­
derlying cultural variation in self-presentation (i.e., ten­
dencies toward modesty in the East, proclivities for hono­
rific self-evaluation in the West). Despite these main
effects of culture, analyses within cultures revealed that
Koreans, as predicted, showed highest self-ratings on the
measure of positive relations with others, and lowest rat­
ings for self-acceptance and personal growth. Among US
respondents, personal growth was rated highest, especially
for women, while autonomy, contrary to the purported
emphasis on self-determination in our own culture, was
rated lowest. Sex differences were the same in both cul­
tures - women rated themselves significantly higher than
men on positive relations with others and personal
growth. Supportive of cultural similarities in basic fea­
tures of wellness, qualitative data revealed themes of self­
hood (e.g., self-realization, self-knowledge, self-reliance)
as well as connection to others (e.g., faithfulness, responsi­
bility, kindness, trust) in both Korean and US responses.
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
Ryff/Singer
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
 Understanding Variations in Well-Being
The above sociodemographic profiles point to social
structural variations in psychological well-being. Prior
research on subjective well-being [14] suggests that these
broad factors, even in combination, rarely account for
more than 10% of the variance in reports of happiness
and life satisfaction. We propose that understanding who
does and does not possess high well-being requires closer
examination of the actual substance of people’s lives, that
is, their life experiences. The findings from two avenues of
empirical inquiry are briefly summarized. The first per­
tains to studies of particular life events or experiences and
their effects on well-being. The second addresses more
complex life history analyses, and how they have been
linked with psychological vulnerability and resilience.
Life Event/Experience Studies. In a series of studies,
we have investigated life experiences, and individuals’
interpretations of these experiences, as key influences on
psychological well-being [34-40], The experiences range
from the having and raising of children, to growing up
with an alcoholic parent, to health problems and reloca­
tion experiences in later life. These experiences vary by
their location in the life course, by the nature of the chal­
lenge or task posed, and by their typicality (whether the
experience is shared by many or few). Our formulation of
how experiences are interpreted draws extensively on
social psychological theory. For example, we are inter­
ested in how people make sense of their life experiences
by comparing themselves with others (social comparison
processes), by evaluating the feedback they perceive from
significant others (reflected appraisals), by their under­
standing of the causes of their experiences (attributional
processes), and by the importance they attach to such
experiences (psychological centrality). Specific hypothe­
ses regarding the influence of these interpretive processes
on well-being outcomes are detailed in each study.
Collectively, these investigations demonstrate that life
experiences and how they are interpreted provide useful
avenues for understanding human variations in well­
being. The research on midlife parenting shows, for exam­
ple, that considerable variance in adults’ environmental
mastery, purpose in life, self-acceptance, and depression
is accounted for by parents’ perceptions of how their
grown children have 'turned out’ and how these children
compare with themselves. In later life, we have found that
the physical health problems of aging women, combined
with their assessments of how they compare with other
older women, explain substantial variation in reports of
personal growth, positive relations with others, autono­
Psychological Well-Being: Meaning,
Measurement, and Implications for
Psychotherapy Research
my, depression, and anxiety. Importantly, this work
shows that older women in poor physical health who
engage in positive social comparison processes, have com­
parable psychological well-being to that of women in good
physical health. Our longitudinal research on community
relocation among aging women shows how changes in
central features of the self-concept can enhance well-being
during a life transition. Thus, multiple experiences and
diverse avenues for interpreting them point to gains or
losses in psychological well-being through time.
Life History Agenda: Pathways to Vulnerability and
Resilience. The above works focus on particular life
events or experiences and how they influence well-being.
Individual’s lives are, however, a composite of many
events and experiences. To capture this richer, more com­
plex set of antecedents, we are currently conducting life
history research with the members of the Wisconsin Lon­
gitudinal Study (WLS). We approach the life histories
from the perspective of the limited differences theory
[41], which emphasizes the events to which individuals
are exposed over their lives and their reactions to these
events. Over short time intervals, events and reactions to
them produce small, or limited, differences in outcome
measures. Such small differences tend to accumulate,
however, and over the life course, these cumulative effects
can substantially influence mental health.
We elaborate and extend these conceptual principles in
the WLS [42], Key hypotheses are that: (a) adversity and
its cumulation over time have negative metal health con­
sequences; (b) advantage and its cumulation over time
have positive mental health consequences; (c) reactions to
adversity and advantage can heighten or reduce the im­
pact of life experiences; (d) position in social hierarchies
through time has consequences for mental health, and
(e) social relationships can heighten or reduce the impact
of life experiences and enduring conditions. The life histo­
ry data to which we apply these principles consist of 36
years of information regarding the respondents’ family
background, intelligence, adolescent aspirations and re­
sources, education and training, job characteristics, mar­
riage and parenting, social support and social participa­
tion, health and health-related behaviors, social compari­
sons, and acute events.
Using the above conceptual guides, we examine the life
histories of four specific mental health groups that emerge
from the cross classification of positive and negative men­
tal health indicators. The depressed/unwell are those with
prior episode(s) of major depression who also lack high
psychological well-being (across the six dimensions). The
healthy are those with high levels of well-being and who
Psychother Psychosom 1996:65:14-23 19
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
have no history of depression. The resilient are individu­
als with a prior history of depression, but who report high
current well-being. The vulnerable arc those with no histo­
ry of depression and who have low levels of well-being.
Our methodology begins with detailed biographies of
individuals and progresses toward a formulation of gener­
ic life histories within each of these four groups (as well as
separately for men and women) [43]. The central objec­
tive of the life history analyses is to understand how a giv­
en outcome (e.g., depression, resilience) came about; that
is, what particular experiences of adversity, advantage,
social position, and so on, are associated with each of the
four mental health groups.
Analyses to date have characterized the life histories of
vulnerable men and resilient women [44]. Vulnerable
men are distinguished from other men in the mental
health typology by their low starting resources (family
background) and persistently high work stress. These
cumulative adversity factors are not offset by the presence
of significant advantage experiences. With regard to so­
cial orderings, these men tend to lack post high school
education, are in consistently low-status jobs, and have
low perceived success about their own lives. Finally, they
tend to have little closeness with a spouse or confidante
and have experienced conflictual relationships (some­
times because of drinking). Such profiles of negative
cumulative experience provide a partial explanation for
the men’s lack of positive well-being in midlife. We pro­
pose that the absence of positive ‘goods’ in these men’s
lives creates in them a vulnerability to possible future
adversities, particularly those associated with aging pro­
cesses. We will test such ideas as their mental and physical
health is tracked through the transition to old age.
Resilient women have lives that also include adversity,
typically growing up with an alcoholic parent or exper­
iencing early family deaths, but these women possess
important factors of advantage (high IQ, high grades in
high school, good physical health). With regard to social
orderings, many have experienced upward mobility in the
workplace and tend to have supervisory work status.
Their social relationships are also frequently character­
ized by closeness with a spouse or confidante as well as
high participation in social organizations. We propose
that the presence of these positive work and relational
experiences have contributed to their high profiles of life
purpose, mastery, growth, and quality connections to oth­
ers. Further, we predict that such features of well-being
will offer important protective resources as these women
confront the vicissitudes of growing old.
20 Psvchother Psychosom 1996:65:14-23
While not described here, we emphasize that our life
history analyses elaborate within-group variability (e.g.,
different routes to resilience) as well as between-group dif­
ferences (e.g., how life histories of the healthy and vulner­
able differ from those of the resilient). The larger aim is to
utilize the tensions created by working simultaneously
with thickly described, finely nuanced details of individu­
al lives and thinner, less textured summaries of groups of
lives. Other dialectics are embodied in the general ap­
proach as well, such as our efforts to work inductively up
from the life history data and deductively down from the
guiding principles, and back and forth between qualita­
tive and quantitative data sources. These combined strat­
egies, we believe, advance understanding of the diverse
human pathways to psychological well-being, depression,
resilience, and vulnerability.
Implications for Psychotherapy Research
What are the implications of the above program of
research on largely healthy community and national sam­
ples for the study and treatment of mental disorders in
clinical populations? Does the study of wellness offer any­
thing of merit to those attempting to alleviate psychologi­
cal distress and dysfunction? We propose four avenues of
linkage. A first point pertains to the evaluation o f treat­
ments, be they pharmacological or psychotherapeutic, for
mental problems. To determine the effectiveness of such
interventions, researchers often assess quality of life. Cur­
rent and evolving indicators of quality of life [45,46] give
emphasis to patients’ self-reported problems or com­
plaints across multiple domains (physical, cognitive, af­
fective, social, economic). Much less attention is paid to
their self-reported strengths or gains. Understanding the
presence of the positive in patients’ lives provides a more
complete picture of their overall functioning, and thereby,
a more comprehensive analysis of treatment effective­
ness. Interventions that bring the person out of negative
functioning into a neutral position are one form of suc­
cess. Facilitating progressions toward restoration o f the
positive (e.g., possessing mastery, self-regard, purpose,
quality relations) is quite another.
Second, knowledge of psychological well-being pro­
vides insight and direction regarding the factors that
influence the occurrence o f mental disorders. Etiologically
speaking, most formulations include both genetic and
enviromental influences. The latter are frequently con­
strued in terms of life stresses in the workplace, the home,
the neighborhood, or community. An underlying assump­
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
RytT/Singer
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
tion is that the presence of such adversity is part of what
contributes to the incidence of depression, anxiety, and
other disorders. Recognition of the positive in human
experience suggests another etiological route: that the
absence o f goods in people’s lives may also affect why they
become despondent about their lives. Viewed in this light,
the explanatory task is broadened to encompass how the
presence of the negative as well as the absence of the posi­
tive work together to influence mental health.
Such a dual emphasis has further implications for
understanding recovery from psychological dysfunction
[47], Feelings of mastery and self-regard, the possession of
quality relations with others, the capacity to set goals for
living, and a sense of self-realization may play critical
roles in the process of regaining mental health. Again, the
message is that the route to recovery is not exclusively
about alleviating the negative, but about engendering the
positive. It may be the appearance (or reappearance) of
such salubrious goods in life that provides a critical impe­
tus in the capacity to rebound from distress. Recognition
of these pluses may also define important protective fac­
tors in the face of future challenges and adversity.
Our life history studies give emphasis to understanding
the cumulation o f adversity and advantage experiences
from the distant past. Psychotherapy, particularly in the
psychoanalytic tradition, emphasizes the need to examine
critical experiences from early childhood, although the
focus is primarily on negative, traumatic events. We pro­
pose that there is much to be gained in therapeutic con­
texts from investigating lives of the mentally healthy and
the resilient. Our data show that among the healthy are
individuals who have experienced considerable adversity
over the course of their lives. Understanding the factors
that protect them from becoming physically or mentally
ill provides critical preventive knowledge. Such factors, we
note, are not restricted to early life events, nor are they
limited to experiences in the family sphere (i.e., adult
experiences, including those in work and community con­
texts are also relevant). The lives of the resilient convey
further important information about factors involved in
the recovery from depression. In sum, life history data
about the healthy, the distressed, and those who traverse
both realms over the course of their lives enriches think­
ing about relevant influences and targets in the treatment
of mental illness.
Psychological Well-Being: Meaning,
Measurement, and Implications for
Psychotherapy Research
Future Studies of Well-Being:
The Connection of Mind and Body
A final implication of the study of well-being is that
knowledge of positive mental health poses new directions
for age-old quandaries about how the mind and body are
connected. Existing knowledge of physical health, like
mental health, is dramatically skewed toward the nega­
tive, focusing almost entirely on indicators of disease,
chronic conditions, functional impairment, and general
dysfunction. Building on theoretical and empirical work
summarized herein, we reconfigure the meaning of posi­
tive human health and suggest new scientific agendas
regarding the physiological substrates of human flourish­
ing [15]. The challenge in such future inquiries is to map
the biochemical and neurophysiological underpinnings of
positive mental states; that is, what occurs in the body
when the mind is actively engaged in meaningful pursuits,
quality relationships, and salubrious self-regard.
Animal and human literature on stress demonstrates
extensive links of mental perceptions and behavioral
responses to stress with physiological and biochemical
processes, and ultimately neuroendocrine, immune and
autonomic systems tied to disease outcomes [42]. McEw-
en and Stellar [48] propose, for example, that a high ‘allo-
static load’ (i.e., the strain on multiple organs and tissues
resulting from repeated fluctuations in physiological re­
sponse to perceived threat) leads to organ-system break­
down, compromised immune response, elevated cortisol
and insulin secretion, and thereby to disease. The impact
of stress on biological function is not, however, explained
in strictly physical terms, but involves emotions,
thoughts, and an array of psychological factors. Mood
states associated with depression illustrate this linkage via
dysrégulation of the pituitary-adrenal system and chroni­
cally elevated levels of glucocorticoids in the blood [49].
Generally missing in this prior literature is the positive
counterpoint in mind/body research, although there are
glimmers in the direction of beneficial connections. For
example, while overshadowed by the pervasive focus on
negative emotions and immune responsiveness, there is a
growing body of work on positive emotions and immune
modulation [50], Included are studies that demonstrate
links between positive feelings and spontaneous remis­
sions of cancers, intensive daily meditation and regres­
sion of metastatic sarcomas, positive life outlooks and
wound healing, quality social relationships and increased
survival from cancer. Such investigations underscore the
power of positive beliefs, emotions, and relationships in
recovery from physical health challenges.
Psychother Psychosom 1996:65:14-23 21
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
 Positive experience, we assert, plays further, perhaps
more important roles in protecting and enhancing the
integrity of the organism. Optimal human functioning,
embodied by individuals who lead lives of purpose, pos­
sess deeply felt and meaningful ties to others, exercise
mastery over their environments, engage and realize their
true capacities, has, in short, its own biological underpin­
nings. These are the least understood of the mind/body
connections, but again there are hopeful signs on the hori­
zon. Research on the transformation from rural to urban
industrial society indicates that a purpose in life, stable
social relations and social position, and individual moti­
vation provide protection against excessive neuroendo­
crine response [51]. While such radical social changes dis­
rupt familiar environments and pose new demands, those
with positive social and psychological assets are buffered
against emotional upheavals and ensuing neuroendocrine
disturbances involving release of catecholamines, orcorti-
coids, or both, that may eventuate in cardiovascular and
coronary heart disease.
The benefits of social assets also appear in church
societies such as monastic orders and other religious
groups showing a lower incidence of coronary heart dis­
ease. The stable, orderly life of these societies successfully
blunts potentially harmful psychosocial stimuli, thereby
maintaining the intensity of neuroendocrine responses
below levels that would lead to pathophysiologic change
[52], Meditation and prayer activities play further physio­
logically protective roles by leading to reduced oxygen
consumption, heart rate, and blood pressure, all conse­
quences of reduced activity of the sympathetic nervous
systems. Interestingly, the incidence of coronary heart dis­
ease is much lower in cloistered Benedictine Brothers
than in Benedictine Priests who eat the same food at
refectory tables (i.e., dietary control) [53]. The Priests’
parochial and teaching duties in a competitive environ­
ment were seen to produce Type A persons in Type A
environments.
Evolutionary perspectives emphasize the prepro­
grammed ‘biogrammar’ that governs flexible behavior
used to attain desired goals [54]. This biogrammar is seen
as a vital but prerational element of behavior dependent
on subcortical structures. The limbic and striatal regions
of the brain are the locus for neuronal complexes mediat­
ing the emotions and behavior critical for self- and species
preservation [55]. These complexes are the result of genet­
ically determined wiring and result in the organism engag­
ing in territorial and attachment behavior appropriate for
the occasion. Illustrating such substrates, neuroendocrine
changes associated with the mother’s care of her young
22 Psychother Psychosom 1996;65:14-23
shift abruptly when patterns of the attachment bond are
disrupted. In man, attachment behavior persists for years
after the young have become self-sufficient and with mod­
ifications by symbolism motivates a lifetime of socialized
behavior [56].
Positive psychological functioning, exemplified by the
acquisition of mastery over the environment, possession
of quality relations with others, utilization of innate capa­
bilities, etc., represents elaborated versions of complex
adaptive behaviors requisite to survival. These latter re­
finements, like their evolutionary predecessors (e.g., terri­
torial protection, caring for the young), have behavioral
components, mental components, and underlying physio­
logical profiles. Modern day science provides unprece­
dented opportunities thus to map these multiple facets of
healthy, adaptive functioning. Viewed from the vantage
points of psychiatry and psychotherapy, well-established
practice treats mental and behavioral problems with phar­
macological agents intended to alter the chemistry of the
brain. Mind/body connections, in short, are far from nov­
el in the clinical context. What is innovative is the call to
shift the treatment focus to that of fostering positive
human experience, which sets in motion its own biochem­
istry. Quality ties to others, feelings of purpose and self-
realization engender unique mind/body spirals, but un­
like those in the realm of stress, these move toward protec­
tion and enhancement of the organism.
Acknowledgements
This research was supported by the John D. and Catherine T.
MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Midlife
Development and a grant from the National Institute on Aging
(1R01AG08979) (C.D.R.) and the MacArthur Foundation planning
initiative and Socioeconomic Status and Health (B.S.).
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
Ryff/Singer
Nagoya University
Downloaded by:
 References
1 Maslow A: Toward a Psychology of Being, ed 2.
New York, Van Nostrand, 1968.
2 Rogers CR: On Becoming a Person. Boston.
Houghton Mifflin. 1961.
3 Jung CG: Modern Man in Search of a Soul.
New York. Harcourt. Brace, & World. 1933.
4 Von Franz ML: The process of individuation;
in CG Jung (cd): Man and His symbols. New
York. Doubleday, 1964.
5 Allport GW: Pattern and Growth in Personali­
ty. New York. Holt, Rinehart. & Winston,
1961.
6 Erikson E: Identity and the life cycle. Psychol
Issues 1959:1:18-164.
7 BuhlerC: The curve of life as studied in biogra­
phies. J Appl Psychol 1935;19:405-409.
8 Buhler C. Massarik F (eds): The Course of
Human Life. New York. Springer 1968.
9 Neugarten BL: The awareness of middle age: in
Neugarten BL (cd): Middle Age and Aging Chi­
cago, University of Chicago Press. 1968. pp
93-98.
10 Neugarten BL: Personality change in late life: A
developmental perspective; in Eisdorfcr C,
Lawton MP (eds): The Psychology of Adult
Development and Aging. Washington, Ameri­
can Psychological Association. 1973, pp 311—
335.
11 Jahoda M: Current Concepts of Positive Men­
tal Health. New York, Basic Books. 1958.
12 RyfTCD: Beyond Ponce dc Leon and life satis­
faction: New directions in quest of successful
aging. Int J Behav Dev 1989;12:35-55.
13 Bradbum NM: The Structure of Psychological
Well-Being. Chicago, Aldine. 1969.
14 Diener E: Subjective well-being. Psychol Bull
1984:95:542-575.
15 Ryff CD, Singer B: The Contours of Positive
Human Health: unpubl manuscript, Universi­
ty of Wisconsin, Madison.
16 Becker LC: Good lives: Prolegomena. Soc Phi­
los Policy 1992:9:15-37.
17 Russell B: The Conquest of Happiness (1930).
New York, Livcright. 1958.
18 Summer LW: Two theories of the good. Soc
Philos Policy 1992:9:1-14.
19 Griffin J: Well-Being. Oxford. Clarendon.
1986.
20 Waterman AS: Two conceptions of happiness:
Contrasts of personal expressiveness (eudai-
monia) and hedonic enjoyment. J Pers Soc Psy­
chol 1993;64:678-691.
21 Norton D: Personal Destinies. Princeton.
Princeton University Press. 1976.
22 Mill JS: Autobiography (1873). London. Pen­
guin, 1989.
23 Ryff CD: Happiness is everything, or is it?
Explorations on the meaning of psychological
well-being. .1 Pers Soc Psychol 1989:57:1069—
1081.
24 Ryff CD, Keyes CLM: The structure of psycho­
logical well-being revisited. J Pers Soc Psychol
1995:69:719-727.
Psychological Well-Being: Meaning,
Measurement, and Implications for
Psychotherapy Research
25 Ryff CD: Psychological well-being in adult life.
Curr Dir Psychol Sci 1995:4:99-104.
26 Ryff CD: Possible selves in adulthood and old
age: A talc of shifting horizons. Psychol Aging
1991:6:286-295.
27 Strickland BR: Women and depression. Curr
Dir Psychol Sci 1992;1:132-135.
28 Ryff CD, Magee WJ: Opportunity, achieve­
ment, and well-being: A midlife perspective.
Paper presented at the American Psychological
Association Meetings, August, New York City,
1995.
29 Carr D: The impact of men’s unfulfilled career
aspirations on midlife psychological well-be­
ing. Paper presented at the American Sociologi­
cal Association Meetings. August. Washington,
1995.
30 Bumpass LL, Aquilino WS: A social map of
midlife: Family and work over the middle life
course. Vero Beach, MacArthur Research Net­
work on Successful Midlife Development.
1995.
31 Marmot M. Ryff CD. Bumpass LL, Shipley M.
Marks NF: Social Inequalities in Health: Next
Questions and Converging Evidence: unpubl
manuscript. University College London Medi­
cal School. London.
32 Markus HR. Kitayama S: Culture and the self:
Implications for cognition, emotion, and moti­
vation. Psychol Rev 1991;98:224-253.
33 Ryff CD. Lee YH, Na KC: Through the Lens of
Culture: Psychological Well-Being at Midlife;
unpubl manuscript. University of Wisconsin.
Madison.
34 Heidrich SM. Ryff CD: Physical and mental
health in later life: The self-system as mediator.
Psychol Aging 1993;8:327-338.
35 Heidrich SM. Ryff CD: The role of social com­
parison processes in the psychological adapta­
tion of elderly adults. J Gerontol 1993:48:
P 127—PI 36.
36 Ryff CD. Essex MJ: The interpretation o f life
experience and well-being: The sample case of
relocation. Psychol Aging 1992;7:507-517.
37 Ryff CD. Lee YH. Essex MJ. Schmuttc PS: My
children and me: Mid-life evaluations of grown
children and of self. Psychol Aging 1994:9:
195-205.
38 Tweed S, RyfT CD: Adult children of alcohol­
ics: Profiles of wellness and distress. J Stud
Alcohol 1991:52:133-141.
39 Smider NA. Essex MJ, Ryff CD: Adaptation to
community relocation: The interactive in­
fluence of psychological resources and contex­
tual factors. Psychol Aging, in press.
40 Kling KC, Ryff CD, Essex MJ: Adaptive
changes in the self-concept during a life transi­
tion. Paper presented at the Gerontological So­
ciety of America Meetings. November. Atlanta,
1994.
Psychother Psychosom 1996;65:14-23
41 Cole JR. Singer B: A theory of limited differ­
ences: Explaining the productivity puzzle in
science; in Zuckerman H. Cole JR. Brucr JT
(eds): The Outer Circle: Women in the Scien­
tific Community. New York. Norton. 1991, pp
277-339.
42 Singer B. Ryff CD: Social ordering/health link­
ages: Pathways and allostasis. Paper presented
at Conference on Racial and Ethnic Differ­
ences in Health in Late Life. Committee on
Population, National Academicy of Sciences,
December. Washington, 1994.
43 CarrD . Ryff CD. Singer B. Magee W: Bringing
the fife’ back into life course research: A 'per­
son-centered' approach to studying the life
course. Paper Presented at Meetings of the
American Sociological Association. Washing­
ton. 1995.
44 Magee W, Singer B. Ryff CD, Carr D: Path­
ways to vulnerability and resilience at midlife.
Paper presented at the Meetings o f the Ameri­
can Sociological Association. Washington,
1995.
45 Bcch P: Rating Scales for Psychopathology,
Health Status, and Quality of Life. London.
Springer, 1993.
46 Bech P: Measurement of psychological distress
and well-being. Psychother Psychosom 1990;
54:77-89.
47 Favs GA: The concept of recovery in affective
disorders. Psychother Psychosom 1996:65:2—
13.
48 McEwen BS. Stellar E: Stress and the individu­
al. Arch Intern Med 1993;153:2093-2101.
49 Maier SF. Watkins LR, Flcshner M: Psycho­
neuroimmunology: The interface between be­
havior, brain, and immunity. Am Psychol
1994;49:1004-1017.
50 Mclnechuk T: Emotions, brain, immunity, and
health: A review; in Clynes M, Panksepp (eds):
Emotions and Psychopathology. New York,
Plenum, 1988. pp 181-247.
51 Henry JP, Stephens PM: Stress. Health, and
the Social Environment: A sociobiology Ap­
proach to Medicine. New York. Springer,
1977.
52 McEwen B. Schmcck H: The Hostage Brain.
New York. Rockefeller University Press.
1994.
53 Caffrey CB: Behavior Patterns and Personality
Characteristics as Related to Prevalence Rates
for Coronary Heart Diseases in Trappist and
Benedictine Monks; PhD Diss (Clinical Psy­
chology), Catholic University of America.
Washington. 1966.
54 Tiger L. Fox R: The Imperial Animal. London.
Seeker & Warburg, 1972.
55 MacLcan PD: Sensory' and perceptive factors
in emotional functions of the triune brain: in
Grenell RG, Gabay S (eds): Biological Founda­
tions of Psychiatry, vol 1. New York, Raven
Press, 1976, pp 177-198.
56 Bowlby J: Attachment and Loss, vol 1. London,
Hogarth, 1970.
23
133.6.82.173 - 6/21/2018 9:55:02 PM
Nagoya University
Downloaded by: