Professional Documents
Culture Documents
V1. State Centrism in International Relations Theory. Essay 2020
V1. State Centrism in International Relations Theory. Essay 2020
V1. State Centrism in International Relations Theory. Essay 2020
Introduction
1
1. State centrism as unit of analysis in IR
Historically the state is the principal unit of analysis in the realist, institutional-liberalist
and partially on constructivism theories. Realist and liberalist can be considered part of
rationalist approach, both argue that actors (states) pursue the maximum benefit and
reduces costs. Realist and neorealist focus on the security and survival and institutional-
liberalist and neoliberalist focus on cooperation and international political economy. The
starting point in the state centrist approach, in the international system, is the realist and
liberalist assumption that anarchy is the primary characteristic, that assumption leads to
the argument that the only actors that can make decisions, creating foreign policy towards
war (i.e. security dilemma) or cooperation (i.e. institutionalize global economy and trade )
are states. For both in an anarchic system only states can act, take decisions, and promote
policy changes pursuing the national interest. Therefore, rationalist is mostly concerned
about on state behavior.
The modern version of state is composed by the elements of sovereignty, territory,
control over the population and government. The modern version of state attributes a
particular relevance to the territorial space configuration, due to the heritage from the
Enlightenment ideas about objective science, universal morality, rationalism and state
building (Habermans, 1981; Ruggie,1993). The modern project influences the view of
realist and liberalist pointing out that the states were the only participants that matter to
determine the world politics. The balance of power thinking on the treaty of Westphalia
(1648) influences the realist version in its evolution of defensive, offensive realism and
hegemony suggesting that states will manipulate and control the international system to
achieve their national interest. On the liberalist tradition, the work of Kant and its idea of
the perpetual peace amongst republics, evolved the argument that norms and institutions
matter, democracies do not fight amongst each other, states will fulfill international law
and institutional system commitments because it facilitates cooperation and provide
legitimacy.
State centrist theories do not deny the existence of other actors however they
suggest that state are the primary actors in world politics. States are the best “bet” to
explain international relations because: first, states possess national interest, which
explained its goals and motivations towards survival or cooperation; second, states
authority controls its citizens, regulates individuals and groups interaction; states have the
capability to restrain society and that makes them unique in the international system
(Krasner, 1999; Lake, 2009) despite the differences of how states aggregate interest and
form institutions (i.e. democracies and authoritarian regimes); third, in systemic theories,
those that try to comprehend the relations between units of the international system and
the most relevant elements of this structure, also consider states as the principal actor.
Theories that can be considered systemic are first, agent-structure relations (Kaplan, 1957;
Wendt, 1999; Braumoeller, 2012); and second, the motives and preferences of state
behavior (Waltz, 1979; Organski and Kugler, 1980; Gilpin, 1981; Modelski, 1987).
Some of the constructivist theories can also be considered systemic ones. The
socialization and legitimization in a society composed by states affect states behavior as
primary actor in the international politics. However, they suggest that at the systemic level,
the process is based on diffusion and socialization, which are determined by the normative
shared understanding of states about society, anarchy, or security. That explains why
2
anarchy is what states make of it. Even though constructivism is a reflective
approach, states continue to be a useful unit of analysis (Wendt, 1992; Lake, 2008).
Until here, this section addresses how state centrism evolved on the main theories in IR.
The next section evaluates the strengths and limitations of this perspective in each theory.
3
The limitations of realist state centrism are that it avoids considering cooperation as
a posible outcome of institutionalized norms and creates mechanism to deal with
conflict. Realist scholars also neglect the impact of hierarchies between states in the
international system and the effect on dependent states. Institutionalist scholars criticized
realist's lack of comprehension about international law and institutions' relevance for
cooperation dealing with conflict, new kinds of conflict, failure to predict the end of the
Cold War, and the emergence of multipolar system. For example, China is relevant after the
Cold War, considering law and international institutions can also constrain states behavior
and not only military power matters, China's political and economic power are reasons for
it to be considered a powerful state.
Conclusion
Realism, institutional-liberalism, and constructivism are state centrist. Historically
in IR state is understood as the primary unit of analysis. It is the principal actor that shapes
world politics. However, those historical conditions had change due the impact of the
substantive and methodological debates in the field, and also new dynamic impulse by
globalization. States should not continue being the primary unit of analysis. The rise of non-
state actors, and subnational actors that also shape the international level of analysis
shows how state centrism validity decrease to answer current IR puzzles. Additionally, new
units of analysis show a flow back where the subnational level and individual level
influence and shape world politics.
9
References
10
Fearon, J. D. (1995). Rationalist explanations for war. International organization, 49(3), 379-414.
Gadinger, F., & Peters, D. (2015). Feedback loops as links between foreign policy and international
relations: The US war on terror. In Theorizing Foreign Policy in a Globalized World (pp. 150-
175). Palgrave Macmillan, London.
Gartzke, E. (1999). War is in the Error Term. International Organization, 53(3), 567-587.
Gartzke, E., & Gleditsch, K. S. (2006). Identity and conflict: Ties that bind and differences that
divide. European Journal of International Relations, 12(1), 53-87.
Gilpin, R. (1981). War and change in world politics. Cambridge University Press.
Gourevitch, P. (2002). Domestic politics and international relations. Handbook of international
relations, 309-328.
Guilhot, N. (Ed.). (2011). The invention of international relations theory: realism, the Rockefeller
Foundation, and the 1954 Conference on Theory. Columbia University Press.
Gurr, T. (1970). Why men rebel. Princeton, PUP.
Habermas, J. (1981). New social movements. Telos, 1981(49).
Hoffmann, M. J. (2011). Climate governance at the crossroads: Experimenting with a global response
after Kyoto. Oxford University Press.
Huntington, S. (1986). Revolution and Political Order. Revolutions: Theoretical, Comparative and
Historical Studies. ed. by J. Goldstone. HBJ Publishers, 39-47.
Ikenberry, G.J. (2001) After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order
after Major Wars, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Kaplan, M. A. (1957). Balance of Power, Bipolarity and other Models of International
Systems1. American Political Science Review, 51(3), 684-695.
Keck, M. E., & Sikkink, K. (1998). Transnational advocacy networks in the movement society. The
social movement society: Contentious politics for a new century, 221.
Keohane, R. (2011). Neoliberal institutionalism. Security studies: A reader, 157-64.
Koremenos, B., Lipson, C., & Snidal, D. (2001). The rational design of international
institutions. International organization, 55(4), 761-799.
Krasner, S. D. (1978). Defending the national interest: Raw materials investments and US foreign
policy (Vol. 1). Princeton University Press.
Krasner, S. D. (1982). Structural causes and regime consequences: regimes as intervening
variables. International organization, 36(2), 185-205.
Krasner, S. D. (1999). Globalization and sovereignty. In States and sovereignty in the global
economy (pp. 50-68). Routledge.
Lake, D. A. (2008). International political economy: a north american perspective on an emerging
interdiscipline. Manuscript: University of California, San Diego.
11
Lake, D. A. (2009). Relational authority and legitimacy in international relations. American
Behavioral Scientist, 53(3), 331-353.
Leach, W. D., & Sabatier, P. A. (2005). To trust an adversary: Integrating rational and psychological
models of collaborative policymaking. American Political Science Review, 99(4), 491-503.
Lee, T. (2014). Global cities and climate change: The translocal relations of environmental
governance. Routledge.
Legro, J. W., & Moravcsik, A. (1999). Is anybody still a realist?. International security, 24(2), 5-55.
March, J. G., & Olsen, J. P. (1989). Rediscovering Institutions New York. Google Scholar.
Marks, M. (2011). Metaphors in international relations theory. Springer.
McCarthy, J. D., & Zald, M. N. (1977). The trend of social movements in America: Professionalization
and resource mobilization.
Mearsheimer, J. J. (2001). The tragedy of great power politics. WW Norton & Company.
Modelski, G. (1987). Long cycles in world politics. Springer.
Moravcsik, A. (1997). Taking preferences seriously: A liberal theory of international
politics. International organization, 51(4), 513-553.
Morgenthau, H. J. (1967). Common sense and theories of international relations. Journal of
International Affairs, 21(2), 207-214.
Morgenthau, H. J. (1978). Politics among Nations, revised. New York: Knoph.
North, D. C. (1990). A transaction cost theory of politics. Journal of theoretical politics, 2(4), 355-
367.
Oneal, J. R., & Russett, B. (2001). Clear and clean: The fixed effects of the liberal peace. International
Organization, 55(2), 469-485.
Organski, A. F. K., and J. Kugler ~1980! The War Ledger. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Rogowski, R. (1999). Institutions as constraints on strategic choice. Strategic choice and
international relations, 115-36.
Rubin, A., & Babbie, E. (2008). Research methods for social work . Belmont, CA: Brooks.
Ruggie, J. G. (1993). Territoriality and beyond: problematizing modernity in international
relations. International organization, 47(1), 139-174.
Ruggie, J. G. (2004). Reconstituting the global public domain—issues, actors, and
practices. European journal of international relations, 10(4), 499-531.
Russett, B. (1994). Grasping the democratic peace. Princeton university press.
Sassen, S. (2003). Globalization or denationalization?.
Schultz K. (1999) Do democratic institutions constrain or inform? Two contrasting institutional
perspectives on democracy and war. Int. Organ. 53(2): 233–66
12
Shklar, J. N. (1964). Legalism:(An Essay on Law, Morals, and Politics). Harvard University Press.
Slaughter, A. M. (2004). Disaggregated sovereignty: Towards the public accountability of global
government networks. Government and Opposition, 39(2), 159-190.
Tilly, C. (1985). Models and realities of popular collective action. Social research, 717-747.
Van Evera, S. (1990). Primed for peace: Europe after the Cold War. International security, 15(3), 7-
57.
Van Evera, S. (1998). Offense, defense, and the causes of war. International Security, 22(4), 5-43.
Waltz, K. N. (1979). Theory of. International Politics, 121-122.
Waltz, K. N. (1997). Evaluating theories. American Political Science Review, 91(4), 913-917.
Waltz, Kenneth N. (1979), Theory of International Politics. New York, McGrawHill.
_____ (1959), Man, the State, and War. New York: Columbia University Press.
Weber, M. (1946). Science as a Vocation. In Science and the Quest for Reality (pp. 382-394). Palgrave
Macmillan, London.
Wendt, A. (1992). Anarchy is what states make of it: the social construction of power
politics. International organization, 46(2), 391-425.
Wendt, A. (1999). Social theory of international politics (Vol. 67). Cambridge University Pres
13