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Shupack NaturalJusticeKing 1997
Shupack NaturalJusticeKing 1997
Shupack NaturalJusticeKing 1997
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to Cardozo Studies in Law and Literature
67
Stephen Jay Gould described a species of wasp that lays its eggs inside
the body of a living beetle.' The hatched larvae slowly consume the living
beetle from within, causing it a slow, agonizing death. Gould discusses how
the discovery of this wasp towards the end of the century destroyed the
peculiarly English 18th century view of a fundamentally just nature.
Anglican divines were unable to reconcile this visible cruelty with their
image of a God whose creation reflected a just moral order.
The horror of Cordelia's death struck 18th century sensibilities as a
violation of the naturally just moral order, much as the gratuitous pain
the wasps caused violated that principle. Her death goes beyond tragedy
because it is gratuitous. It denies the necessity of a just natural order. We
know that Samuel Johnson, speaking for most others (though not for all)
in his century, thought that because it contained so unjust a result,
Shakespeare's Lear was immoral. Writing in 1765, he compared the sub-
plots with the main plot. He saw the subplots of the play developed in a
way so as "to impress this important moral, that villainy is never at a stop,
that crimes lead to crimes and at last terminate in ruin."6
The main plot, however, was a different matter.
68
Two facts suggest that the special 18th century sensibility depended
in part on the debate between natural law and positivism. The same
decade that saw Lear restored to its original ending also heard John
Austin's Lectures on Jurisprudence, which mark the revival of legal posi-
tivism in England.8 The restoration of Shakespeare's Lear meant aban-
doning Nahum Tate's version. While the most memorable feature of Tate's
version was his happy ending - Edgar and Cordelia marry and take over
the kingdom - an examination of his text shows that he struck most of
the lines that this paper offers as evidence of the theme of the debate
between natural law and positivism.
69
70
71
72
73
James's view of the relation of the king, his people and God evidenced
the collapse of a medieval world view, in which the king, though God's
anointed, was not altogether the representative of God on earth. In this
medieval view of kingship, a king's power might be absolute, but it was
absolute only within a sphere of activity. That sphere did not empower
the king to change immemorial rights. The late medieval view, stated well
by Dante in De Monarchia, argued that the spiritual realm was under the
command of the Church, while the temporal was under the command of
the Emperor.20 The last echoes of this view appear in James's one qualifi-
cation upon the duty of a subject to his king - the duty owed to God.
Note, however, James does not describe a king who would permit consci-
entious objection to his orders. James allowed his subjects only one rem-
edy if governed by a wicked king - to fly his fury without resistance,
"but by sobs and tears to God." A subject who rebelled risked God's wrath
as well as the king's.2'
If we are to read Shakespeare as Thayer would have us read him, then
included in the text of Lear may well be lessons for a king who has writ-
ten a book.22 James, though an absolutist, did not insist that any order of
the king was lawful. The Trew Law of Free Monarchy Revealed shows that
James understood that subjects could make judgments about the content
of king-made law: the king's could offend heaven. What became impos-
sible, in James's view, was any remedy on earth for a king's wrongful acts.
Both monarch and subject remained accountable only to a heavenly reck-
oning. In this way, James's absolutism did not elide the lawful with the
74
To this statement Albany can say only, "Most monstrous O!"24 These
lines capture the way in which the late medieval notion of kingship and
the absolute monarchy of the early modern period speak the same words,
but mean differing things. If a late medieval monarch said the laws were
his, he would also be bound by tradition, and that same tradition pro-
vided a source of his authority. The absolute monarch did take the posi-
tion that, as God's anointed, he could commit no crime except against
God's law. "The king can do no wrong" shifted from an ethical statement
to a legal conclusion. For some substantial part of medieval thinking
about kingship, if the individual who had been annointed as king acted
wrongfully, those wrongful acts would provide reasons to believe that the
individual forfeited his claim to be king. For the later absolutists, no act
of the king could be wrong, judged by earthly standards. Included with-
in King Lear is just this tension between the late medieval concept of the
sovereign monarch and the more modern absolutist version.
The confrontation between James and Coke is the stuff legends are
made of. In fact, at least some of the details of conflict are, in all proba-
bility, legend. Nonetheless, the story of Coke, as the defender of the
Common Law against a king who thought his reason was equal or supe-
rior to any lawyer's remains as a central part of the history of the first years
of James's reign. Although its moments of high drama occurred in 1610,
75
The basis for that belief was, in large part, James's own statements to
Parliament. One of James's first acts as king was to proclaim the union of
England and Scotland.
When he addressed his first Parliament on 22 March
1603/4 he expected immediate ratification of his procla-
mation.... He proposed the union of his kingdoms
under the ancient name of Great Britain, in a speech
whose metaphors spring from the old and fertile notion
of the king's two bodies. In James's argument king and
76
Thus, in less than a year after his ascension to the throne, James's bat-
tle with Parliament was well under way:
As 1605 is the year in which Lear was written,30 there can be no ques-
tion that these political events constituted the background against which
the audience would hear its lines. Its performance followed the tumul-
tuous first three years of James's reign, and it was written to be performed
before the King as well as the public.31 If Thayer is right that Shakespeare
did not share with enthusiasm James's pretensions to the power of an
earthly God, it is not altogether surprising that a question that was in the
air - the problem of what law should govern Britain - would appear in
King Lear, but do so obliquely.
What is confusing is that in England, starting in the 16th century, law
was itself the subject of intense intellectual scrutiny. The impulse to sys-
tematize law in a rational way led to the great codification movements on
the Continent in the 16th and 17th centuries. That examination of the
laws as system of ideas did make more difficult to assert the identity of
traditional law with just results. On the continent, there was a tendency
for the systematizers of the law to identify with the emerging absolutists.
In England, matters were different. In the person of Sir Edward Coke, a
rationalizing moment in the history of English law was clothed in claims
77
78
79
The revival of Lear with its original ending coincided with the high
tide of Romanticism. The disordered, possibly amoral nature the roman-
tics described permitted them to see a play which, because of the death of
Cordelia, the previous century had found impossible to view. The increas-
ing control over nature as a consequence of scientific discovery of the
underlying natural order did not require, in the context of the 19th cen-
tury, an insistence that the moral order also contain the same fundamen-
tal regularity. The 19th century revival of positivism as a way of seeing law
also evidences a willingness to see law as fundamentally a human creation,
one whose regularities do not require an appeal to a necessary nature for
their explanation.
V. Natural Justice
80
81
In this revision, Tate takes out all references to nature and reason. He
does so while also eliminating altogether Edmund's speech, which imme-
diately follows his father's exit:
With this speech, Edmund denies the nature his father appeals to.
The stars do not cause or mimic earthly events, nor is there a grand par-
allel between nature and human acts. Edmund here stakes out a position
of a person governed by reason; free will constitutes nature.
By Act IV, Gloucester no longer asserts the existence of order in
nature as it affects human affairs. He no longer claims, as he did in Act I,
that people's affairs are a microcosm of the larger natural order. Nor does
he see a structure to the world. Instead he says:
82
Anyone familiar with King Lear knows that the theme of authority
runs through the play. This theme ties together three of the main plots of
King Lear - the chronicle play (the history of Britain), the story of Lear's
family, and the story of Gloucester's family.48 My concern in this article is
with two strands within this large idea. The first concerns the king's
capacity to do what Lear did in fact do in Act I, scene i . Can a king give
away pieces of a kingdom as dowry? One of the most prominent lawyers
during Elizabeth's regime, Edmund Plowden emphatically said no.
83
84
85
Kent. Authority.55
Tate cuts off this dialogue at line 23 after the words "thou art poor
enough."''6 By his deletions here and in the previous scene, Tate fairly well
removes any richness in the theme of authority from Act I. This exchange
is followed immediately by Oswald's studied insolence to Lear, who we
have just been told has authority on his countenance. When asked by
Lear, "Who am I, Sir?", Oswald answers, "My lady's father." Oswald here
accurately describes the king. He has become no more than the father of
the Queen. Whatever authority he might have can be seen only by those
looking for it. Strictly speaking, authority is no longer in him; it is an
attribute that others bring to him.
Lear's last speech in this scene brings together the two strands of
authority. Speaking in personal terms Lear says to Goneril, "I am
asham'd / That thou hast power to shake my manhood thus."''57 Tate
removes this line. Tate does, however, keep Lear's last threat to Goneril.
"[T]hou shalt find I That I'll resume the shape which thou dost think / I
have cast off for ever." By keeping only this last threat, Tate pares the
theme of authority back to its official sense. Shakespeare, by keeping both
ideas in the same speech, makes clear that authority has both personal and
official aspects, here echoing the idea of the king's two bodies. The idea
of authority in its governmental sense returns with a new flavor in the Act
IV, scene vi, exchange between the blinded Gloucester and a mad Lear.
86
87
88
89
90
For Albany, correcting these most unnatural acts will need the inter-
vention of the heavens themselves. In Shakespeare's play, the sisters do
prey on each other like monsters until Goneril dies by her own hand, hav-
ing already poisoned Regan. To this extent, Shakespeare's Lear conforms
to Albany's moral structure. Shakespeare does not, however, adopt
Albany's moral view.79 Cordelia dies. For Samuel Johnson that death
negated the possibility that heaven's justicers were at work.
With his nearly perfect ear for eliminating matters touching on
jurisprudential themes, Nahum Tate eliminated the passages discussed in
this part. For that reason he had to provide a voice to speak for the sim-
ple moral view. Cordelia is that voice, and Tate gave her a new speech with
which to close Act IV, on the eve of the battle with her sisters. She prays:
91
In Tate's version, since Cordelia wins the battle with her sisters, there
is no irony in these lines.
A few lines later, Edmund changes his account and says of the soldier,
"He hath commission from thy wife and me[.]"82 With this line we learn
that Cordelia dies as the result of an order, lawful in form, given by
Goneril, who has, throughout the play, acted as the lawful ruler of
England. The action that Johnson found to be contrary to natural justice
results from an order that positivists would find acceptable. Within
James's theory of kingship, no relief from this order is available on this
earth. If we read King Lear as including as one of its strands a commen-
tary on The Trew Law ofFree Monarchy Revealed, then we find that James's
position requires us to accept Cordelia's death, not only as tragic, but irre-
sistible. If we do not accept Cordelia's death, we are committed to a posi-
tion that justice constitutes a thing apart from either nature or the will of
kings. Within James's political theory, Cordelia's death cannot be chal-
lenged on earth.
IX. Conclusion
How do we differ from the 18th century so that we can read and see
Lear as it was written? Our view of nature, and our belief that law, as a
human institution, is malleable, begins to account for that difference.
92
The ordeal [of King Lear] has been unique in its protrac-
tion of torment, and the note [in Edgar's closing speech:
"we that are young I Shall never see so much nor live so
long"] is surely one of refusal to hide that from oneself,
refusal to allow the terrible potentialities of life which the
action has revealed to be concealed once more behind the
veil of orthodoxy and the order of Nature. If there is such
an order, it is an order which can accommodate seem-
ingly limitless chaos and evil.81
If the gods did support the right, and if justice were accomplished by
small miracles done daily, then Tate's version of Lear would still appeal to
us. The tragedy that Shakespeare wrote casts substantial doubt on that
simple view that divine intervention is likely to bring about not only a
just order, but also a series of just outcomes. The relationship between
man and justice does not, for Shakespeare's Lear, permit so simple a set of
assumptions. Here I take partial exception to C.J. Sisson, who argued:
I join with the 18th century and doubt that the end of the play can
sustain the pleasant thought that it represents "the triumph of love, of
positive goodness." Cordelia's corpse prevents that conclusion. Either the
corpse or the pleasant conclusion must disappear. Since the 1820's we
have chosen to know there is a corpse. That knowledge keeps us from feel-
ing the force of the triumph of positive goodness.
If Thayer is right that the histories "teach" us the value of a man-cen-
tered king, then King Lear has the capacity to teach us the same lesson
concerning law. Those who look to justice to come out of the sky, either
as part of the natural order or as the will of princes, all end the play fac-
ing the corpse of Cordelia. Johnson is right to see this death as morally
93
1 See David A.J. Richards, The Moral Criticism of the Law (Belmont: Wadsworth
Publishing Company, 1977), pp. 8, 11:
The natural law tradition identifies a tradition of thought about the rela-
tion of law and morals, among whom prominent representatives are
Cicero, St. Thomas Aquinas, Franciscus Victoria, Francisco Suarez, John
Locke and Immanuel Kant. These thinkers do not share a common
My use of the term positivism is in its classical 19th through mid-20th century sense.
The literature in the past two decades has added meanings to the term that go beyond
its use in this paper. See Anthony Sebok, "Misunderstanding Positivism," 93 Michigan
Law Review 2054 (1995).
2 I make no claim to novelty in seeing legal issues in Lear.
Deep within the very core of this activity [constituting Lear's role] lies the
problem of justice, that justice which in the catastrophe of the play
appears to be contemned and almost irrelevant.
C.J. Sisson, "Justice in King Lear," reprinted in Frank Kermode, ed., Shakespeare: King
Lear (Nashville: Andrea Publishers, Inc., 1970), p. 236.
My paper advances the discourse by specifying a specific problem of justice within King
Lear and how that problem connects both to the inner logic of the play and to its histo-
ry as a cultural artifact.
3 John Murphy, Darkness and Devils: Exorcism and King Lear (Athens: Ohio University
94
Nahum Tate, The History ofKing Lear, James Black, ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1975), lines 20-39, pp. 1-2.
5 See Stephen Jay Gould, "This View of Life," 91.2 Natural History 19 (1982).
6 See Samuel Johnson, Preface and Notes of the 1765 edition, as reprinted in Kermode,
supra note 2 at 28.
7 Id., at 28-29. In the part omitted from the paragraph quoted in the text, Johnson shows
that some did disagree with him. It reads as follows:
Yet this conduct is justified by the Spectator, who blames Tate for giving
Cordelia success and happiness in his alteration and declares that, in his
opinion, the tragedy has lost half its beauty. Dennis has remarked, whether
justly or not, that to secure the favorable reception of Cato, the town was
poisoned with much false and abominable criticism, and that endeavors had
been used to discredit and decry poetical justice.
8 It is true that Jeremy Bentham's writings preceded Austin's Lectures by a generation, but
it is also true that these writings were not published in English until after Austin's
Lectures had been given.
9 J.W. Allen, A History of Politcal Thought in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Barnes and
Nobles, 1960), p. 367.
10 By the beginning of Elizabeth's reign common lawyers had developed a theory about the
monarch and state that is best understood as the secularization of a religious concept.
The lawyers were formulating an idea of the state as a perpetual corpora-
tion, yet they were unable or unwilling to separate state and monarch.
Their concept of the king's two bodies was an attempt to deal with a
95
96
Gaunt's view that he can never lift an angry arm against God's minister
the King and that the only source of redress for the widow is "God, the
widow's champion and defence[.]" It follows from what Gaunt tells his
sister-in-law that there is no conceivable crime of which a king might be
guilty, no possible royal criminality, not even murder, that would justify
his punishment at the hands of his subject.
Id., at 2-3. The book examines the idea of kingship as it evolves through the tetralogy,
and Thayer argues that, if for Shakespeare Henry V
...is the antithesis of his King Richard, what has happened to the four
cardinal principles of the doctrine of the divine right of kings? If monar-
chy is ordained by God, here is a king who seems to have been born for
just that sort of ordination; if hereditary right is indefeasible, here is a
king who rules by hereditary right (a point vigorously made in 2 Henry
IV); if the king is accountable to God alone, here is a king who says that
the success of his ventures lies in God's hands and who thanks God when
his ventures succeed; if passive obedience is enjoined by God, here is a
king who enjoys the loyal obedience of the overwhelming majority of his
subjects, including those who must follow him into battle. In fact, here
is a king who seems to enjoy all the advantages of divine right without
making any of its claims and without having anyone else make them for
him.... Richard invoked divine right and divine kingship to buck him-
self up; Harry doesn't need to and wouldn't care to... a king who falls
into the habit of thinking of himself as the deputy elected by the Lord is
likely, when challenged and in real danger, to think of himself as the Lord
betrayed, as a spiritual figure and not a temporal, political figure at all....
Henry V is a Christian king whose religion is genuine, humble, and
orthodox; but he is also a strictly temporal ruler whose work is exclusive-
ly in and of the temporal world.... The mirror of all Christian kings has
nothing whatever to do with mystical doctrines of kingship.
Id., at 143-144.
14 Id., at 151.
15 Id., at 162-163 [footnote omitted].
16 Henry V, Act I. scene ii, 181-189 (New York: Bigelow, Smith & Company, 1909), pp.
22-23.
[T]he king was the supreme ruler and the supreme judge; that he was
above the law, which he could make, mitigate, or suspend; and that he
97
W.S. Holdsworth, A History ofEnglish Law, vol. 6 (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1927),
pp. 20-21.
20 Dante's De Monarchia dates from the early part of the 14th century. In it he does not rely
on the traditional medieval way of arguing for this conclusion - the imagery of the two
swords - but instead develops the point from first principles.
21 James developed fully ideas that were in the air. For the previous generation, the recon-
ciliation of the power of the monarch with the idea of justice had been best done by
Richard Hooker.
Hooker had to try to deal with the nature of law and of legislation. His
way of approaching the problem is both complicated and facilitated by
the fact that the English word "law" covers not only what the
Continental lawyer meant when he spoke of lex or loi, but also what was
designated by the term jus or droit. However, even in Hooker, right is rec-
ognized alongside law, but of course right carries non-legal, ethical, and
moral implications. This dual nature of law explains much in the argu-
mentation of Richard Hooker. He could not derive the obligation of the
law only from the right to rule of him who is responsible for positive leg-
islation. Nor could he explain it by the reference to truth and reason
which natural law contains. It was Hooker's genius to try to combine
these two elements and to infuse all with a profoundly reasonable spirit
of moderation.
The state of monarchy is the supremest thing upon earth. For Kings are
not only God's lieutenants upon earth and sit upon God's throne, but
even by God himself they are called God's... for that they exercise a man-
ner or resemblance of divine power upon earth. For if you will consider
the attributes to God, you shall see how they agree in the person of a
King. God hath power to create or destroy, make or unmake at his plea-
sure, to give life or send death, to judge all and to be judged not account-
able to none. Kings make and unmake their subjects; they have power of
raising and casting down; of life and of death... and make of their sub-
jects like men at the chess; a pawn to take a Bishop or a Knight, and to
cry up or down any of their subjects as they do their money.
James I, as quoted in Catherine Drinker Bowen, The Lion and the Throne (Boston: Little,
Brown & Co., 1957), pp. 312-313.
22 As my colleague Arthur Jacobson has pointed out, "'Lear,' in Scots, means instruction or
lesson." See Arthur Jacobson, "Transitional Constitutions," 14 Cardozo Law Review 947,
952 (1993).
23 Act V, scene iii, lines 157-160 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959). [These lines
98
After 1585, when the commission for causes ecclesiastical was passing
more and more under episcopal control and developing into a regular
court of ecclesiastical law, the common law judges began frequently to
interfere with its actions by writs of prohibition. So commenced that
process which was to bring about that strangest of alliances, the alliance
between the Puritan parties and the common lawyers.
99
Marjorie Hope Nicolson , Science and the Imagination (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1956), pp. 43-44.
35 See Clark, supra note 33 at 18 [footnote omitted].
36 I.ii.1-5,6. [These lines are in Tate, supra note 4 at I.i.1-5,7.]
37 I.ii. 18. [This line is not in Tate.]
38 I.i.84. [This line is in Tate, supra note 4 at II.i.31-32.]
39 See Tate, supra note 4 at I.i. 1-4.
40 I.ii. 16.
100
Kent here echoes Gloucester's imagery in Act I. The fundamental nature of man and of
his actions is beyond his control. He here, however, asserts the existence of a fundamen-
tal order to the universe even as he denies human agency. In doing so, he echoes the late
medieval view of kingship, in which the king was bound to a fundamental order
although how he was to be bound remained unclear.
44 See Tate, supra 4 at I.i.286-288.
45 I.ii.124-134. [These lines are not in Tate.]
46 IV.i.36-37. [These lines are not in Tate.]
47 V.iii.170-171.
48 The more specific historic references also tie together the Lear and Gloucester plots.
It would, I think, be of interest to look closely at the Shakespeare Henry
VItrilogy with a mind alert to the parallels of Tudor succession polemics
to that Queen of England, Queen of France, and that particular Duke of
Suffolk.... The opening lines of King Lear seem to me to catch exactly the
mood of the middle-to-late Tudor years in considering the Scottish and
the Suffolk claims to be heir-apparent to the throne of England.... One
must never forget that Bishop Leslie and his Roman Catholic English
advisers in the Inns of Court were aiming at the grandest prize of all: the
declaration by Queen Elizabeth and her Council that Mary of Scotland
was the rightful and sole heir-apparent to the Crown of England.... [John
of Gaunt's "sceptered isle" speech in Richard II] is, of course, an embodi-
ment of the Plowden claims of the Stuart succession; the difficulty is that
the play is also a passionate exposition of Fr. Person's medieval and the
Puritan "modern" theory of the right to depose an anointed king. It is
true, a Stuart monarch was not sitting on the English throne in 1598.
Above all, this complex legal historical perspective flawlessly unites the
double plot of King Lear into one. The Lear-Daughters-Albany and
Cornwall plot turns on Tudor history wracked by the king's body politic
subverted by the will of the king's body natural. The Gloucester plot dra-
matizes the domestic disorder in the king's body natural.
101
53 I.ii.4-6. Nahum Tate modifies this speech, changing its first line to, "By day and Night
this is insufferable[.]" SeeTate, supra note 4 at line 31. By removing the words "he wrongs
me," Tate takes out the tension between Goneril as Queen and Goneril as aggrieved
daughter.
54 I.iii. 17-19. [These lines are not in Tate.]
55 I.iv. 19-32.
58 IV.vi. 156-161. Tate alters this text, but he leaves the sense of it. See Tate, supra note 4 at
IV.iv. 133-138.
59 IV.vi. 193-194.
62 V.iii.292-300. In Tate's version, Albany keeps his half of Lear's kingdom, turning back
Lear only that which he had given Regan. See Tate, supra note 4 at V.vi.93-95.
In an echo of Kent's banishment in Act I, scene i, immediately after Albany states he will
resign his absolute power, he awards Kent and Edgar "rights" and "boot and such addi
tion as your honours / Have more than merited." (V.iii.300-302) Unlike Act I, scene i,
where King Lear divided a coronet between Albany and Cornwall, symbolizing the com-
pletion of his resignation before he banished Kent, Albany could be understood a
expressing an intention to resign in the immediate future rather than having resigne
before he distributed honors.
66 II.iv.149-151. These lines are in Tate, supra note 4 at II.v.81-83. By keeping these lines
and eliminating the other lines of this scene relating to sovereignty and ruling, Tate
removed the double meanings by making impossible understanding Regan to be refer
ring to issues of statecraft and reducing the question of rule to one of domestic concerns
only.
102
II.iv.266-284. Tate removes this entire speech up to the words, "No, you unnatural
hags." See Tate, supra note 4 at II.v. 181-184.
68 IV.vi. 120.
69 III.vi.
Coke's "no man" had, as Thomas Hobbes noticed, one particular man in
sight: the king. Kings did not make the law - Cokes "grave and learned
men" are obviously lawyers and judges - nor are kings fit to interpret or
apply it. This according to his own report, is what Coke told King James
to his face. Sometime early in his reign (the precise date is unclear), in
support of a claim that he might decide cases in person, James is sup-
posed to have said that "he thought the law was founded on reason, and
that he and others had reason as well as the judges." Coke's answer, an
answer that he may or may not actually have given but that he certainly
wanted to be thought to have given, closely resembles what he was later
to write in his Institutes. "True it was," he claimed to have said, "that God
had endowed his majesty with excellent science and great endowments of
nature. But his majesty was not learned in the laws of his realm of
England, and causes which concern the life or inheritance, or goods, or
103
[Footnotes omitted.]
71 [Lear] has but little to say upon divine justice in direct intervention or
indirect, though this was so familiar and accepted a feature of the
Elizabethan moral landscape. And what it says is all incidental, and con-
tradictory. The gods are just, and use our vices to plague us, says Edgar,
yet Gloucester accuses these gods whom elsewhere he calls "kind," and
"ever-gentle," of slaying men for their wanton sport.
104
105