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Series editor
Pramod K. Nayar teaches at the Department of English,
University of Hyderabad. His most recent books include The
Transnational in English Literature: Shakespeare to the Modern
(2015), Citizenship and Identity in the Age of Surveillance (2015),
The Postcolonial Studies Dictionary (2015) and Postcolonial Studies:
An Anthology (2015). His forthcoming work includes a book on
the Indian graphic novel.
Sipra Mukherjee
Series Editor
Pramod K. Nayar
MODERN ENGLISH LITERATURE, 1890–1960
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FIVE
LANGUAGE
[We] do things with words.
J. L. Austin
I
n 1785, the enlightenment philosopher Johann Gottfried
Herder claimed language was humanity’s supreme
achievement which had made everything else possible: “No
cities have been erected by the lyre of Amphion, no magic wand
has converted deserts into gardens: but language, the grand
assistant of man, has done these” (420). The statement affirms
a relationship between words and intelligence, words and
civilisation, words and progress, claiming language has made
such accomplishments possible. To state it another way: human
beings could not have arrived at any of the frontiers of what the
world largely recognises as “achievements” without language.
One of the core assumptions of this thesis would surely be the
belief that language enables cognition. We cannot see or think or
understand our surroundings in their totality without linguistic
signs. Language, therefore, lies at the root of our intelligence or
imagination since we are unable to, without words, make sense of
what we see, hear, smell, or touch. It is the instrument humanity
uses, and has used, for thinking. Knowledge therefore does
not pre-date language, simply because it cannot exist without
words. While this is the general view of enlightenment writers
on language, it would be naive to not recognise the complexities
within it, especially when we remember that awareness of the
180 MODERN ENGLISH LITERATURE, –
images” (2). This however did not make sense in the context
of a humanity who used hundreds of languages which differed
substantially from one another in the mental affections or the
objects they denoted with signs. The belief, then, that all ideas
or objects pre-dated language and existed independent of their
names appeared flawed, as did the corresponding theory that
words followed thoughts in the natural progression of events.
Wittgenstein’s statement in Philosophische Grammatik that we
think in language articulated this and, more significantly, drew
attention to the centrality of language in our understanding
of the world. Wittgenstein wrote, “When I think in language,
there aren’t meanings going through my mind in addition
to the verbal expressions; the language is itself the vehicle
of thought” (R. Harris 27). It was with the aid of language,
the legacy handed to a child at birth, that the human mind
grasped the world, and not the other way around. As Freud
said, the mind connected the object with the word-presentation
corresponding to it and arrived at a consciousness of the earlier
un-nameable, and therefore un-categorised, un-comprehensible
object. Communities saw, recognised and thought of things,
ideas and practices that their languages had names or words for.
A language could facilitate or thwart, encourage or discourage a
person from thinking, imagining and comprehending those areas
of knowledge that the language did or did not encompass.
In these discussions, therefore, two distinct aspects of
language were explored. One was the constructed and synthetic
nature of a medium of communication that had earlier been
accepted as natural (or a divine gift according to the Adamic
thesis)4 as well as universal. The other was the understanding
that language was not peripheral to human comprehension of
the world, but central to it. It played a constitutive role, and not
merely a representative role, in human cognition. Both these
aspects underlay the modernist “make it new” dictum, with
its belief that with the world having changed, language would
too.
LANGUAGE 185
“No, no, nonsense, Lizzy. I desire you to stay where you are.” And
upon Elizabeth’s seeming really, with vexed and embarrassed
looks, about to escape, she added, “Lizzy, I insist upon your
staying and hearing Mr. Collins.”
Elizabeth would not oppose such an injunction – and a
moment’s consideration making her also sensible that it would
be wisest to get it over as soon and as quietly as possible, she sat
down again and tried to conceal, by incessant employment the
feelings which were divided between distress and diversion. . . .
Mr. Collins began.
“Believe me, my dear Miss Elizabeth, that your modesty . . . adds
to your other perfections. . . . But before I am run away with by
my feelings on this subject, perhaps it would be advisable for me
to state my reasons for marrying. . . .”
The idea of Mr. Collins, with all his solemn composure, being
run away with by his feelings, made Elizabeth so near laughing,
that she could not use the short pause he allowed in any attempt
to stop him further, and he continued. . . . (92–94)
of that guilt is not always easy to find, for in the light of our
everyday life it is often no guilt at all” (181).
The guilt that lay in rebellion against a divine or human
authority could no longer, in modern thinking, be comprehended
as “sin” or a “fall”. The feelings of outrage at the rashness of the
tragic hero, or the feelings of pity and terror at his fall, could
hardly be evoked in the prosaic banality of modern life. The issue
of the tragic genre dying out was, therefore, not an academic or
literary question about a form of literature being practicable
or not. It was an issue which questioned the consequences of
science and progress and challenged the meanings of culture
and civilisation. To accept that tragedy was dead in the modern
age would be to acknowledge the mean and trivialised state of
modern humanity. Wagner, like others of his age, believed that
the disappearance of tragedy indicated cultural decadence and
that such a state could ultimately lead to the dissolution of an
entire state or civilisation. Arthur Miller’s reinterpretation of
the genre of tragedy along socialist lines reveals how an earlier
discourse could be reread, reinterpreted, and then shaped
accordingly to fit the new reading and interpretation which
have come with the changed world and which need conveyance
in a different discourse. Miller sees the tragic hero less as a
larger-than-life character, condemned with the tragic flaw,
and doomed in his challenge with fate. In Miller’s reading, the
tragic protagonist is one among common men, singular only
in his “inherent unwillingness to remain passive in the face of
what he conceives to be a challenge to his dignity, his image of
his rightful status” (4). Tragedy therefore becomes the story of
rebellion against an unjust fate that places a person in a certain
class, rank or social position. The hero’s challenge consequently
is a battle for the justice denied to him/her by destiny or, the
socialist understanding of destiny, by history. The plot of tragedy
exists, according to Miller, for us, “we who are without kings”,
in “the heart and spirit of the average man” (7).
LANGUAGE 201
novel were plot, setting, character, and theme, and having once
abandoned these familiar ways of thinking about fiction, totality
of vision or structure was really all that remained” (149).
In the course of this evolution of the form of the novel, the
familiar traditions of past structures that positioned and held
reader and writer in a framework began to disappear, and the
novel moved into unmapped narrative forms. “The narrative
begins,” as Maurice Blanchot writes in his The Book to Come,
“where the novel does not go” (6). Discussing Elisabeth Bowen
and the dissolution of the novel form, Ann Wordsworth writes
about how the positioning of the canon and the accommodation
of character and plot are so drastically changed that the
architecture of the stable critical practices are denied, requiring
of the critic “a different address, a mobility” (Bennett and
Royle vii). The broad philosophical matrix of ideas, necessary
to the innovatory impulse, had been engendered in the
nineteenth century through the questioning of the world and
the word. This had been voiced by Friedrich Nietzsche, Henrik
Ibsen, Thomas Mann, August Strindberg and many others.
Christopher Butler, in his Early Modernism: Literature, Music
and Painting in Europe 1900–1916, explains that modernist
innovators responded to what they perceived to be a cultural
crisis consequent to the widespread atmosphere of scepticism at
the end of the nineteenth century. As the character Gilbert says
in Wilde’s essay, “The Critic as Artist”: “It is enough that our
fathers believed. They have exhausted the faith-faculty of the
species. Their legacy to us is the scepticism of which they were
afraid” (159). By deliberately fashioning aesthetic conventions
for their art that were in opposition to the traditional, they
rejected the mimetic ideal of realism. The “true” reality, they
declared, lay beyond the shared single-faceted understanding
of surroundings. It was subjective, intuitive, unstable and
dynamic. This rejection of traditional realism has remained a
shared perspective between postmodernists and modernists
210 MODERN ENGLISH LITERATURE, –
his play “The Exception and the Rule” with the following
prologue, he very deliberately chose one form of language over
many others:
We are about to tell you
The story of a journey. An exploiter
And two of the exploited are the travellers.
Examine carefully the behaviour of these people:
Find it surprising though not unusual
Inexplicable though normal
Incomprehensible though it is the rule.
Consider even the most insignificant, seemingly simple
Action with distrust.
Ask yourselves whether it is necessary
Especially if it is usual. (110)
back art into touch with life – but it won’t be the way of the
academician” (“Dean Swift” 359). The experience of war and
the absurdly powerless position of the arts when compared
to the sciences combined to discourage modernist claims of
significance of the arts, to render the complexities of form and
the solemnity of the artist regarding his art incongruous to the
larger reading public.
It becomes important to note therefore that the hostile
or indifferent response to modernist art was irrespective of
class. Philip Larkin was to refer, in 1971, to modernism as an
“aberration that blighted all the arts” and which was one of the
reasons that “in this century English poetry went off on a loop-
line that took it away from the general reader” (216). Closely
linked with modernism, Larkin suggests, was another reason
for this phenomenon: “the emergence of English literature as
an academic subject with its consequent demand for a kind of
poetry that needed elucidation” (216–17).10 This argument of
the “EngLit” or art aficionados guarding their turf has been
explored by Thomas Strychacz in his book, Modernism, Mass
Culture, and Professionalism. Strychacz approaches the politics
of “elitism” from a different angle, examining how particular
literary and aesthetic forms may bring prestige, power, and
income to certain groups. Basing his study on sociological
analyses of the early-twentieth-century phenomenon of a
professionalisation of literature and literary criticism, he argues
that modernist obscurity may have been born out of a fear
of being redundant with the rise of the masses and with the
explosion of, to use Adorno’s phrase, “the culture industry”.
This is the thesis presented by John Carey in his book, The
Intellectuals and the Masses: Pride and Prejudice among the
Literary Intelligentsia, of the intellectuals and their resentment
against the masses. Uneasy with the reality of the masses, they
demanded, Carey suggests, “a cosmetic version of the mass”
(38). This is a criticism Carey levels against both highbrow
LANGUAGE 213
First World War, creating, as the critic Piper was to say of the
American writer Fitzgerald’s works, a “cult of disillusionment”.
In Fitzgerald’s writing the war crystallised much of the despair
that, in their earlier writing, had been vaguely atmospheric:
“It looks as if the youth of . . . my generation ends sometime
during the present year” (qtd. in Piper 76), wrote Fitzgerald
to his cousin in 1917, shortly after the United States declared
war on Germany. Whatever hope and ideology that had been
garnered by young socialist writers after the First World War
was beaten down by the monstrosity of the Second World War.
Any slender hopes raised after the Second World War of an
equal and just Europe dwindled within a decade to bring to
the 1956 London stage the impotent fulminations of the angry
young man in John Osborne’s Look Back in Anger.
By the time the immensely destructive Second World War
ended, English literature had become a world phenomenon
represented by diverse voices. By then also the institutionalisation
of literature, the skilful critical apparatus that reinforced it,
and the triumph of technological inventiveness were complete
and the powerful publishing industry had been established.
Whatever may have been the underlying reasons for modernist’s
language and the reasons for its critique by the writers of
the 1930s, the hegemony of modernist forms were rendered
indisputable by the combined power of these new forces. For
the late modernists the possibility of being anything other than
“modernist” in form was, if not non-existent, minimal. Rod
Rosenquist in his Modernism, the Market and the Institution of
the New, uses literary criticism, correspondence and memoirs
to explore “questions of late modernist self-perception” (30).
Pointing to the enduring institutional power of the high
modernists, Rosenquist argues that the qualities associated with
later writers may not have constituted a deliberate continuation
of modernist style, but rather symptoms of their hegemonic
power – as the arbiters of taste in their varied roles of editors
216 MODERN ENGLISH LITERATURE, –
passion was in that face, passion silent as the grave, and it had
made her his” (386). Joyce’s 1922 text Ulysses stands out as the
book which explored the greatest range of discourses to indicate
how language conditions our responses. Ulysses includes the
epic discourse, the historical discourse, the scholastic discourse,
the scientific discourse, the religious discourse, journalese, and
others. Having experienced first-hand the dramatic and often
tragic consequences of two formidable discourses, that of the
Church and that of Nationalism, speaking in two divergent
voices on the “good” of his colonised land, Joyce knew how
loyalties could be bent and emotions twisted by words. In
Ulysses he takes the reader through eighteen chapters, each
written using a form of narrative different from the earlier
and quite a few using more than one discourse (the Nausicaa
and the Oxen of the Sun episodes, for example) to reveal how
the discourses connect, echo and struggle with each other as
characters cross each other’s paths. In the Cyclops episode, the
citizen, with his prejudice and anger against “strangers”, uses
the narrow discourse of xenophobic and racist nationalism with
its bombastic rhetoric:
And with the help of the holy mother of God we will again,
says the citizen, clapping his thigh, our harbours that are empty
will be full again, Queenstown, Kinsale, Galway, Blacksod Bay,
Ventry in the kingdom of Kerry, Killybegs, the third largest
harbour in the wide world with a fleet of masts of the Galway
Lynches and the Cavan O’Reillys and the O’Kennedys of
Dublin when the earl of Desmond could make a treaty with
the emperor Charles the Fifth himself. And will again, says he,
when the first Irish battleship is seen breasting the waves with
our own flag to the fore, none of your Henry Tudor’s harps,
no, the oldest flag afloat, the flag of the province of Desmond
and Thomond, three crowns on a blue field, the three sons of
Milesius. (345–46)
LANGUAGE 219
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Achebe, Chinua. No Longer At Ease. London: Penguin. 1960. Print.
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LANGUAGE 227
Eliot, T. S. The Sacred Wood: Essays in Poetry and Criticism. New York:
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230 MODERN ENGLISH LITERATURE, –
Walter, George, ed. The Penguin Book of First World War Poetry.
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Notes
1. For more on this see Isiah Berlin’s Three Critics of the Enlightenment
and Avi Lifschitz’s Language and Enlightenment.
2. Avi Lifschitz’s Language and Enlightenment discusses the
importance of language in the social theory, epistemology and
aesthetics of the enlightenment and argues that awareness of
the historicity and linguistic rootedness of all forms of life was
a mainstream enlightenment notion, rather than a feature of the
so-called “counter-enlightenment”.
3. “A Klee painting named ‘Angelus Novus’ shows an angel looking
as though he is about to move away from something he is fixedly
contemplating. His eyes are staring, his mouth is open, his
LANGUAGE 233
wings are spread. This is how one pictures the Angel of History.
His face is turned toward the past. Where we perceive a chain
of events, he sees one single catastrophe, which keeps piling
wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. The
angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what
has been smashed. But a storm is blowing from Paradise; it has
got caught in his wings with such violence that the Angel can
no longer close them. This storm irresistibly propels him into
the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris
before him grows skyward. This storm is what we call progress”
(Illuminations 257).
4. This view, that language was God’s gift to man, was popular as
late as the eighteenth century. According to this, in Genesis,
when God brought the things on earth to Adam to be named,
they were all called by their correct names. See Roy Harris’s
Language, Saussure and Wittgenstein. Modern linguistics grew out
of the dissatisfaction of some Enlightenment philosophers with
the Biblical account of language. See Hans Aarsleff ’s From Locke
to Saussure.
5. I am indebted to Sibaji Bandyopadhyay for pointing this out in
his lecture on Freud at the Goethe-Institut Max Mueller Bhavan,
Kolkata, on 14 June 2014.
6. “Will all great Neptune’s ocean wash this blood
Clean from my hand? No, this my hand will rather
The multitudinous seas incarnadine,
Making the green one red” (Macbeth II.ii.63–66).
7. The phrase is believed to have been taken by Weber from Friedrich
Schiller. But Weber’s term is “Entzauberung” (the elimination
of magic), and not Schiller’s “Entgötterung” (de-divinisation).
Schiller used the phrase “die entgötterte Natur” (nature from
which the gods have been eliminated) in his 1788 poem, “The
Gods of Greece”. Weber’s 1918 term refers more to the loss of
romance and mysticism as a consequence of the rise of various
aspects of modernity: rationality, secularism and capitalism. For
more on this see Bruce Robbins’s “Enchantment? No, thank you”.
Weber’s Entzauberung may, in fact, be translated as “pessimism”,
234 MODERN ENGLISH LITERATURE, –