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Mis Chinos, Tus Chinos: 0(0) 1–19
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Chilean K-pop fans DOI: 10.1177/1748048520928254
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Wonjung Min
Department of History & Asian Studies Center, Faculty of
History, Geography and Political Science, Pontificia
Univerisdad Cat
olica de Chile, Santiago, Chile

Abstract
This article aims to analyze the dual Orientalism of the Chilean fans of K-pop. All Asians
in Chile are often referred to as chinitos (Chinese). Chilean society, generally speaking,
considers the fans of Asian popular culture as ‘weird’ and as ‘outsiders’. The rejection
of an unfamiliar culture is related to the process of cultural identity formation in Chile:
an oligarchy society. Taking this into account, this article, based on in-depth interviews
conducted in Santiago in September–November 2018, explores the most influential
phenomena on the formation of cultural identity in Chile, determining social legacies of
socio-economic status in Chile, and the influence of Japanese and Korean popular
culture on young adults in Chile. Then, it investigates the nuances of the term chinitos
in Chilean youth. Finally, it maps out the multiple societal contradictions in Chilean
youth due to conflicting co-existence of indigenous culture and rapid neo-liberalization.

Keywords
Asian pop culture reception, chinos, fandom, Orientalism

Introduction
‘Who would have imagined, a few years ago, that thousands of Chilean adolescents
would follow and imitate not the big stars from Hollywood but singers from
Korea?’ (CNN Chile, January 17, 2019).

Corresponding author:
Wonjung Min, Department of History & Asian Studies Center, Faculty of History, Geography and Political
Science, Pontificia Univerisdad Cat
olica de Chile, Santiago, Chile.
Email: wonjung_min@uc.cl
2 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

A CNN Chile news presenter made these remarks after SMTOWN Live,1 the
biggest K-pop show in the world, was held at the Estadio Nacional (National
Stadium) in Santiago, Chile, in January 2019. Korean pop music, more popularly
known as ‘K-pop’, has become an unexpected phenomenon in Chile. For many, it
is an out of the ordinary experience and a world apart from the familiar American
pop music and Hollywood aura that previously reigned over Chilean pop culture.
This is surprising considering that the geographical and cultural divide between
Asia (including Korea) and Chile runs wide and deep. Traditionally speaking,
Asians in Chile are often referred to as chinos (Chinese) or the diminutive chinitos,
while Asian pop culture fans are considered ‘weird’ or ‘outsiders’ (Min et al., 2019).
Politically speaking, modern Chile is an oligarchy, and the rejection of an ‘unfa-
miliar’ culture is tied to the process of protecting a cultural identity.
It is from this perspective that the current article aims to analyze the Orientalist
discourse that is evident among young Chilean K-pop fans today. Some authors
claim that the consumption of K-pop in Western countries is characterized by
Orientalism, and commercially speaking, non-Western commodities are marketed
via their association with an imaginary conception of Asia as exotic (Glynn and
Kim, 2013; Jung, 2013; Oh, 2017; Shin, 2008). Such a conception refers to a col-
lective image derived from books, films, television, and the influences of
other media. Among the authors who have studied Orientalism in the media
(cf. Bullock, 2018; Orgad, 2012; Roh et al., 2015), few have focused on the phe-
nomenon of Hallyu (the Korean Wave). Several scholars claim that the Korean
Wave in Latin America is different in that it consists of adolescents who imagine
the world presented through the media, especially through K-pop (Carranza Ko
et al., 2014; Han, 2017; Min, 2017). However, none of these studies focused on
Orientalism in the consumption of K-pop in Latin America.
Said (1979) defines the term ‘Orientalism’ as the understanding the West has of
Asia.The core of Orientalism is ‘otherness’, a distancing from foreign ways of
living and a dehumanizing of ‘Orientals’ that makes them seem incomprehensible.
The current article hypothesizes that the otherness reflected in the use of the term
chinos is at the center of Chilean Orientalism. Orientalism in Latin America clearly
differs from that in Europe. European Orientalism includes a long history of
armed invasions, exploitation, violence, and colonial heritage, which characterize
Europe’s relationship with most other continents, whereas Latin America has no
such history. However, the history of servitude and ‘serfdom’ should also be
considered.
In the past 20 years, globalization has impacted Chile significantly, and the
acquisition and implementation of new technologies have played a huge part in
this process. However, Fajnzylber (1983) described the Latin American industri-
alization as Industrializacion trunca (truncated industrialization) in terms of mar-
ginalization and income concentration. Despite the fact that colonial masters
drained Latin America for three centuries (Galeano, 1971), Pew Global
Attitudes’ annual surveys (between 2002 and 2010) show that Latin Americans
continue to embrace colonial globalization and their former colonial masters
Min 3

(Pew Research Center 2002-2010). Latin Americans are not wholly uncritical of the
United States and globalization. In fact, they still tend to blame their governments
even when it comes to their economic ills (Baker, 2014). Independence, when
gained by the local white ruling classes called criollos, did not change the colonial
setup. Due to the rich natural resources, the region was doomed to remain subject
to systematic grand-scale pillage, exclusively for the purposes of capital accumu-
lation in the dominant centers, namely, Europe and the United States (Amin,
2014). Chile’s economy is ranked as an ‘upper middle income developing economy’
by the World Bank. It is considered one of South America’s most stable and
successful nations, leading Latin American nations in human development,
income per capita, competitiveness, economic freedom, globalization, and low
perception of corruption (ranked 21 Corruption Perception Index [CPI]).
However, it has high economic inequality, as measured by the Gini index (UK
Essays, 2017), and this has resulted in protests, which began in October 2019 and
continued until the COVID-19 crisis first emerged in March 2020.
According to the 2016 data from the United Nations Economic Commission for
Latin America (UN ECLAC, 2016), Chile is one of the most Internet-connected
countries on the continent. The high Internet penetration rate in the country has
made foreign pop culture, especially Asian culture, easily accessible to everyone.
In comparison, such content may be more difficult to access through traditional
media, such as TV and print sources. The popularity of K-pop exemplifies how
access to new technologies has given adolescents and younger generations the
opportunity to participate in a global flow of virtual culture, art, and music.
All interviewees in this study became familiar with Asian pop culture through
the Internet, and this experience has been a lasting influence on them. Among
our interviewees, 35% cited Asia as the current most influential culture in Chile,
whereas 30% claimed Western culture was the most influential, but stated there
were clear signs that Asia was a close second.
Due to the many changes introduced by globalization, younger generations in
Chile have a different impression of Asia than do older generations, who often
view it as foreign, unfamiliar, and exotic. About 90% (36 out of 40) of the inter-
viewees started to like K-pop after first becoming familiar with Japanese anime
and/or manga. The arrival of Japanese animation in Chile dates back to the 1970s
when the first two series were shown: Jet Marte and Kimba the White Lion, both by
Osamu Tesuka. When the series entitled The Super Champions was broadcast in
1993, this ushered in the massive popularity of this type of content. This was then
followed by Sailor Moon, Dragon Ball, Pokemon, and others. Nevertheless, the
success and popularity of Japanese anime caused controversy, especially due to its
explicit violence. The concern of the parents and teachers can be found in several
reports (e.g., El Sábado and Revista Mujer) in 1998, with teachers even prohibiting
children from watching anime (Cornejo Huerta and Jimenez Huerta, 2006: 110).
Meanwhile, the exportation of Korean popular culture to Latin America started in
the early 1990s with several television programs, including documentaries, anima-
tions, and dramas. However, the export of Korean popular culture to Latin
4 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

America did not become significant until the 2010s, when the Korean Wave boom
began (Min, 2017). In fact, it was in 2010 when K-pop obtained massive popularity
among adolescents in Latin America. Since then, Chile has become a mecca of
K-pop in Latin America, with 2 out of 13 Music Bank World Tours recorded in
Chile in 2012 and 2018, respectively.2
In Chile, there is no significant difference among fans of anime, manga, and
K-pop, because all three are generally considered forms of the exotic chinos cul-
ture. Nevertheless, the analysis of the interviews conducted in this study demon-
strates an interesting duality in the use of the term chinos. In Chilean society, the
term refers to everyone and everything related to Asia, including Asian pop culture
fans. The term is also used to refer to people with slanted eyes, demonstrating
Chileans’ lack of knowledge regarding Asia. However, the interviewees reported
that the term has a positive and affectionate connotation when they use it and that
Japanese anime and manga, as well as K-pop, are the products of mis chinos
(literally ‘my Chinese’). For Chilean fans of Asian popular culture, anime,
manga, and K-pop are part of their vision of Asia. Although the image of Asia
has changed over time, as is expected with access to new technologies, the physical
and cultural barriers separating Asia from other continents remain the same.
The crucial difference is that the use of the term chino mediates the image of
Asia among K-pop fans in Chile.

Research methods
What is the origin of the term chinos? How can Latin American Orientalism or
Chilean Orientalism be understood? Can one even speak of Orientalism in Chile,
where the power dynamics differ vastly from those in Europe? What nuances does
the term chinos take on among Chilean K-pop fans? To answer these questions, in-
depth interviews were conducted with 40 university students from the Pontificia
Universidad Cat olica de Chile (UC) and the Universidad de Santiago de Chile
(USACH). The interviewees (7 males and 33 females) were between the ages of 19
and 29 years. The interviews were carried out in September through November of
2018. The selection of interviewees was made through the snowball method, and
each interview lasted 1 to 2 hours. The two universities were selected due to their
distinct social, economic, and political representations: UC is a private, Catholic
church-owned university that has long been associated with right-wing politics and
the elite of the country, whereas USACH is a public university with less
funding, has ties to left-wing politics, and is known to serve students from diverse
socioeconomic backgrounds. Notably, USACH has a Department of Spanish–
Japanese translation, in which 11 of the 20 interviewees from this university
were enrolled, whereas the UC students were from various majors. The results
of the interviews were analyzed both quantitatively and qualitatively, starting
with the construction of a database of the responses, followed by an in-depth
analysis of the interviews.
Min 5

Chilean society in dilemma: Are we Europeans or Latin

Americans?

Many Chilean authors have written about Chilean identity (cf. Alvarez-Rubio,
2005; Aravena and Silva Rivas, 2009; Bengoa, 2002; Daza, 1998; Dorfman,
1999; Edwards, 1928; Gallardo Porras, 2001; Garcıa de la Huerta and Ruiz,
2014; Larraın, 2010; Palacios, 1918; Sáez-Arance, 2010; Stefoni, 2004;
Subercaseaux, 1999; Valenzuela, 1994; Waldman, 2004), and most of these writings
are theoretical rather than analytical. The main topics of discussion include the
lack of identity among Chileans, the distinctions among Chilean people and their
regional neighbors, and the constant search for what is ‘European’ in Chile.
Of the many indigenous peoples who inhabited the territory upon the arrival of
the Spanish conquerors in 1592, only nine groups are recognized by the state
today: Mapuche, Aymara, Diaguita, Atacame~ no, Quechua, Rapanui, Kolla,
Kawesqar, and Yagán. According to the 2017 census (Instituto Nacional de
Estadısticas, 2018), 12.3% of the Chilean population self-identify as indigenous.
Among them, 79.8% identified as Mapuche, making this the largest indigenous
group in the country. Larraın (2010) claims that the distinction between Chile and
its neighboring countries—such as Peru and Bolivia—is that ‘[Peru and Bolivia]
are countries with indigenous majorities, with a strong autochthonous culture, not
primarily European’ (p. 256). In the same vein, Stefoni (2004) argues that Chile has
always had a self-image that is more related to a European country than an indig-
enous one. Aravena Reyes and Silva Reyes (2009) claim that Mapuches and
Peruvians are victims of the symbolic violence in Chile today. These two groups
are the most underappreciated in the country, and “the symbolic violence against
them is exercised not only through the state but also through the configuration of
social ideals” (p. 48).
During the Spanish colonization, power was concentrated in two centers called
Virreinatos: one is modern-day Peru, with its capital in Lima, and the other is
modern-day Rıo de la Plata, with its capital in Buenos Aires. Chile was under the
rule of the Virreinato del Peru and was always considered a marginal territory.
Neither during the conquest nor its colonization did Chile play a significant role in
the continent. Its isolated geography consisting of the desert in the north, the
Andes Mountains in the east, the Pacific Ocean in the west, and the recalcitrant
Mapuche in the south made the country finnis terrae.
More than 200 years later, the idea of independence flourished throughout the
continent. Creoles (criollos in Spanish)—individuals born in the Americas to
Spanish parents—led the independence movement from Spain. They knew that
they would never have the same status as their peers who were born in Europe.
As Anderson (1983) states in his famous book, Imagined Communities, “those born
in the new continent were destined to be subordinates of those born in Europe for
one reason only: they were irremediably criollos” (p. 57).The Creoles confronted
the centralism of the old continent and formed the aristocracy in their countries of
birth. Their bourgeois formation configured the Chilean aristocracy. This included
6 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

the enterprising spirit of those conquerors who sought a better future in the new
continent and generated a mixed aristocracy, along with their traditional values,
liberal ideas, and lack of aristocratic titles (Edwards, 1928). The Creole elite played
a central role in forming Chile’s oligarchical society, because they controlled the
education centers, the media, and other mechanisms used to create ‘Chileanness’
(Subercaseaux, 1999: 157).
In discussing the creation of Chileanness, Larraın (2001) defines three decisive
moments in the formation of the national identity of Chile: the end of the oligar-
chic state around 1910, the 1973 coup, and the end of the military dictatorship in
1990. The military dictatorship implemented neoliberal policies, which boosted the
national economy. Economic development and new technologies introduced glob-
alization, but these factors simultaneously generated socioeconomic segregation.
Traditional Creoles with European family names, now armed with economic
wealth, consolidated their upper-class position. Subsequently, the end of the dic-
tatorship resulted in the globalization and individualism of the Chilean youth.
Globalization allows people access to other cultures; however, it does not mean
that one can mobilize among different socioeconomic classes. Bengoa (2002)
claims that due to the fragmentation of the Republican ideas, people tended to
form smaller groups in which one could identify oneself and share an identity
among group members. As such, “local, regional, and ethnic identities emerged
with the growing individualism” (p. 38), and the national ideals and identity were
blurred without being replaced. However, European aspirations, which had forged
the country, did not fully disappear. Hence, the concept of the Creole identity
remains latent.
In his novel, La Nana y el Iceberg (The Nanny and the Iceberg, 1999), Dorfman
explains the dual standard of Chilean society. In 1992, the Chilean government
decided to take an iceberg to the World Expo held in Barcelona to distinguish the
country from its more indigenously populated neighbors and from the tropical
Caribbean image of Latin America, along with the Mapuche artifacts as a national
cultural representation. Waldman (2004) describes how the author counterposes
the dilemma of Chilean identity by using an iceberg to symbolize the non-tropical
Latin American country and the Mapuche nanny, which represents the negation of
the indigenous tradition and is, therefore, an example of the social construction of
identities dictated by the dominant [Creole] majorities (Burr, 2015) and by
‘pseudo-historical depthlessness and superficiality’ (Scherer, 2013: 50).
To examine how the young Chileans understand the history of the country, how
they see themselves, and how these realities are connected to Chilean identity, the
interviewees in the current study were asked which foreign cultures had most
influenced the country. To this question, 58% mentioned Western cultures,
mainly American. Only three interviewees mentioned Latin American cultures,
as exemplified by reggaeton and trap. Meanwhile, some interviewees mentioned
the new wave of Asian culture. For example, a 21-year-old female fan responded:
‘I feel we have internalized American culture to a point which we don’t feel it is
Min 7

foreign. On the other hand, Asian culture is still very different and exotic; there-
fore, it attracts more youth’.
Another 25-year-old-female fan stated that Western and Asian culture are two
separate blocks: ‘I feel there are two types of young adults, those who are influ-
enced by Western culture and the others who like Asian culture, like otakus3 and
K-pop and J-rock fans’.
It is interesting to note that the majority of the interviewees self-identified as
Westerners, not Latin Americans, referring to such words as chinos or negritos
(black). A 21-year-old female said, ‘This comes from Eurocentrism. It comes from
the assumption that the West is dominant’. Interviewees also mention the difficulty
in ‘seeing beyond Western culture’ as a 20-year-old female said, ‘I think we only see
the culture from the West’. One 19-year-old-female fan began a statement with
‘Me, as a Westerner (. . .)’.

Mis Chinos, Tus Chinos (my Chinese, your Chinese)

The reasons and modes of the processes of Asian migration to Latin America were
diverse, as was the unfolding of these groups in the societies and territories they
came to inhabit (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, 2003). The former Taiwanese
diplomat, Diego Lin Chou, conducted extensive research on the arrival of the first
Chinese immigrants to Latin America. According to Chou (2004), intense trafficking
of Chinese slaves to Mexico occurred during the 17th century. The Spaniards, out of
ignorance or comfort, called them ‘chinos’ (p. 88). The trafficking of Chinese coolies
was expanded to Central and South America, and those arriving in South America
in the 19th century were concentrated in Peru and also settled in Brazil, Suriname,
Guyana, Ecuador, and—to a lesser extent—in Chile.
The arrival of Chinese immigrants in Chile ‘was particularly noteworthy’
(Chou, 2004: 193). There were uprisings and protests against Chinese workers in
the north of the country, because these Chinese and indigenous workers were
considered rivals by the locals in the mining industries in the north.
Furthermore, Chinese and indigenous workers represented a shift in the ideas of
the time, indicating a process of involution that would inevitably drag the region
into obsolete cultural and political systems (Fernández, 2015).
After the arrival of the Chinese, both Chilean and Peruvian media began to
spread prejudiced and negative comments with racial connotations about these
Chinese migrants. Although the Chileans were grateful for the services of the
Chinese coolies and ended forced labor, their attitudes toward the Chinese was no
different from their attitudes toward the Peruvians.4 Furthermore, the discrimina-
tion of the media was related to the fact that gambling and opium were strongly
associated with this immigrant group, further hurting the image of Chinese migrants
in Chile (Chou, 2004). As such, the image of Asia that was represented by Chinese
migration began with a series of racially prejudiced acts characterized by the per-
ceived inferiority of the Chinese. In retrospect, Chinese migration was a break from
the ideals of that time. This self-image of the nation was needed to silence diversity
8 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

and fulfill its agenda. Chile’s national and foreign policies at that time was
Eurocentric, with an orientation toward homogenization that is characterized by a
selective, plural, and European ideal of migration (Vega, 1896). The Chilean elite’s
aspirations were always European; thus, Asian migration did not fit that canon.
In the same way, the emergence of a capitalist system brought the idea that race
could be the most potent instrument of domination and social stratification, there-
by generating identities, such as indio, negro, blanco, or mestizo (Lepe-Carri on,
2017). These multiple identities resulted in the division and exploitation of labor
and the formation of social classes in Latin America. At the same time, these new
forms of classification were oriented toward exploitation-perpetuated relationships
of the subalterns, which ended by making individuals inferior and segmented: the
identification and hierarchization of race and class began in Chilean society; it
focused on capitalist development on the one hand and on the dissemination of
European ideals as the primary aspiration and role model on the other hand. Chou
(2004) explains that “the Chinese faced discrimination early on from the mestizos
and free African-Americans—who considered them an inferior race—and they
later began to be recognized as Chinese to all Asians” (p. 114).
What is Chilean can be explained through ‘the national, secular rites, which are
at the base of the formation of social order and a community of sentiment and
affection’ (Chou, 2004: 133). Both the national construction and rejection of racial-
ly ‘non-white’ others and the positive discrimination and sponsorship of European
immigration and settlement in Chile have contributed to the country’s historical
and contemporary self-identity in terms of relative cultural ‘whiteness’ compared
to its neighbors, despite the fact that the vast majority of the population also
identifies as mestizo (Salazar, 2013).
Small waves of Asian migrations continued during the 19th and 20th centuries,
producing a constant mestizaje5 that diluted physical and cultural characteristics,
even names and surnames (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, 2003). Today, the
descendants of the first Chinese are entirely integrated in Chile.
The migration of significant numbers of Japanese families from Asia to Latin
America only began after the Second World War, whereas Chinese and Korean
families began to arrive on the continent only in the last decades of the 20th
century (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, 2003: 329).
Despite a dialectic in the daily use of the term chino, which involves a confluence
of historical prejudices, racism, and ignorance, the younger generations—especial-
ly those who consume Asian popular culture—have appropriated the term and
given it a new meaning of their own. The interviews reveal that such terms as mis
chinos (‘my Chinese’) or los monos chinos (‘Chinese monkeys’) correspond to deter-
mined contexts and particularly ethnic characteristics derived from different inter-
pretations. The term chinos, for the fans, cannot be understood only as a way to
name their musical tastes. It is also ‘empowerment of those who use it’ without
moral judgment. As a 22-year-old male fan said, ‘I use the term chino even though
I am aware that it is not correct to call them chinos or make fun of it’. According to
the interviewees’ responses, the term chinos is interpreted differently among the
Min 9

fans of Asian popular culture, and in this context, it has different implications for
their understanding of what is Asian in broader Chilean society, which often views
Asian culture through a filter of ignorance, stereotypes, and discrimination.
The interviewees choose to use the term chinos, although they know that it has a
negative connotation because of ‘ignorance and lack of proximity’, according to a
21-year-old male fan. Another 19-year-old female fan stated, ‘We [Chileans] tend
to think that all Asia is China, and everything is related to China’. A 23-year-old
female fan similarly explained, ‘Schools do not teach about Asia. Everything is
Eurocentric’.
Casanova-Vizcaıno(2013) analyzed the traditional stereotypes and prejudices
surrounding chinos in the Spanish-speaking world using two short stories written
by Spanish–Cuban writer Hernández Catá: Los Chinos (The Chinese, 1924) and El
Gato (The Cat, 1933). She claims that these texts describe Asian characters as
grotesque and monstrous beings like those found in the Gothic genre. This mon-
strosity is depicted as a contagious disease that threatens to infect and destabilize
the boundaries between life and death, sanity and insanity, the familiar and the
unknown, and the West and the East. She points out that the stories categorize
everything Asian as chino and use this term to refer to individuals with slanted eyes
and yellow skin who have settled in European and American societies.
The interviewees responded that, in Chile, people usually refer to all Asians as
chinos because Asians have similar racial features. A 22-year-old female fan said,
‘I think because the phenotype is similar. When people see those with slanted eyes,
they say, “OK, he is chino.”’ A 24-year-old male fan also said, ‘They all look the
same; it is not easy to distinguish them [from others]’. An American animated series
of comedic short films, Looney Tunes, which aired in Chile in 2010, also contributed
to the image of Asians with ojos rasgados (‘slanted eyes’) among Chileans.
This program also perpetuated racist and xenophobic stereotypes about the
Japanese: that they have small eyes and big teeth and are extremely foolish.
What are the effects of the construction of the negative image of chinos in
today’s Chilean society? When questioned about her family’s view of her being a
fan of Asian popular culture, a 21-year-old-female fan stated,

They have never said anything, nothing bad or critiques about what I like. However,
they always say ‘listening to your chinos again’ or ‘watching those monos chi-
nos’. . .however, my parents don’t think it is weird, as long as I’m well and I do
well at school, everything is fine.

She continued,

I feel guilty for saying mis chinos, but to be honest, I think because China is the
biggest country in Asia and its influence on Korea or Japan and the other countries
was huge. . .I think that is why people keep saying chino, because it is the biggest and
easiest one to remember.
10 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

Obviously, it is relevant to identify the role of the Chilean elite in generating the
derogative meaning of chinos. For many years, they have controlled the civilizational
maneuvers, adjusting the country from above. In addition, there was significant fear
from the elite that the customs of the chinos—unlike those of the European immi-
grants—would never be compatible with those of the Chileans (Jocelyn-Holt, 1991).
According to Fernández (2015), there had been early racial judgment in the Chilean
elite toward chinos, which conditioned their rejection of them and was later trans-
lated to symbolic discrimination.Discrimination responds to eminently racist terms
that are consolidated in the term chino. Cordoba and Tijoux (2015) claim that, in the
case of Chile, there was an idea of racial segregation after the dictatorship, in which
immigrants seemed to constitute the exception constructed by a racialized policy that
understood race as a system of differentiation. Today, the image of chinos as
slaves—as cheap but hard-working laborers—is expressed in the Chilean saying
trabjar como chinos (‘to work like Chinese’).
Regarding the typical prejudice of slanted eyes, a 20-year-old female fan stated,

Because they are different, I mean, because they are physically different. Obviously all
of them have slanted eyes. I think because of that and also because their attitudes are
different. Everyone says trabajar como chinos about someone who works a lot and
things like that, but I think it is very narrow-minded.

Chilean K-pop fans insist that they are globalized, culturally open-minded, and have
a different paradigm regarding Asian countries. Chilean fans consume and know the
popular culture—mainly through the Internet—and their reception and interpreta-
tion of popular culture might be different from those of fans in other countries. Kim
et al. (2014) demonstrate that through various platforms, such as social networks
(e.g., Twitter), different ways of analyzing K-pop around the world have emerged
owing to the distinctive influences of the cultural markets. Most of the interviewees
did not distinguish among the origins of the Asian popular culture that they were
consuming, although they could differentiate Asian sources from those of the USA
or other Latin American countries. A 22-year-old male fan said,

I would say approximately from 2006–2007, I was 11 or 12 years old, and I watched the
program called El club de los tigritos (The Club of the Little Tigers). It was Japanese
anime, but everybody called it monos animados (literally ‘animated monkeys’).

The use of the term chinos thus demonstrates an appropriation of what is Asian.
Fans believe that their use of the term chinos is undoubtedly different from the use
of general Chilean people. A 22-year-old female fan said,

Yes, but [I use the term] with an affectionate connotation. I use chino as an adjective
and with an affectionate connotation, as there are Chinos japoneses (literally ‘Chinese
Japanese’) and Chinos coreanos (literally ‘Chinese Koreans’). I say that to make fun,
but with lots of affection and also with this like lack of knowledge in the difference
Min 11

between these countries (. . .) a little laughing from the people that use it wrong, but
never as an offensive thing. If someone comes to me and says they feel offended,
I don’t use it again, because I also know that the term generates tensions in Asia, Asia
Pacific. I don’t know, everywhere, it is like if someone said we were Mexicans, it
also bothers us, but if they tell you under specific circumstances you would say
‘it doesn’t matter’.

She continued,

I say ‘I will watch the monos chinos’, or I tell my mother ‘I will listen to mis chinos’. It
is not something I would tell somebody from Asia. For me, it is something I say for
myself or for people who are close to me.

The connotation of the term chino is influenced by the characteristics of the fans;
fans recognize themselves in action and feel like they are a part of Asia due to their
admiration for Asian popular culture (Orozco and Miller, 2017). Although the
interviewees felt that referring to all Asians as chinos is a manifestation of racism,
the majority of them used the term anyway. The duality of the fans reveals an
attitude of ‘It is OK for me to say chinos, because I like Asian popular culture and I
am part of it’.

Different aspirations
The concept of globalization has various meanings in different parts of the world.
With the arrival of democracy in the 1990s, Chile was opened up for free-trade
agreements that allowed the country to build relationships with other countries in
the world and increase commerce. One of the most critical phenomena derived
from this was the change from black and white to color television, and with it, the
import of foreign programs of Asian origin, such as Japanese anime. At the begin-
ning of the new millennium, these were expanded and new television programs
were aired, resulting in the emergence of new social groups among the youth who
invested their time and money almost exclusively on Asian-related fashion. These
young people would later become known as otakus, tribus urbanas (urban tribes),
or a more localized name used at that time: pokemones. Today, younger genera-
tions have more access to foreign culture through the Internet. In fact, the inter-
viewees indicated that their primary platform of consumption of Asian popular
culture is the Internet, principally YouTube (52%), followed by other social media
platforms, such as Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter.
Jacobs et al. (1991) point out the differences in young people’s aspirations.
Their premise is that some youth are encouraged by their families to aspire to
college or professional jobs, whereas others are led to expect lower educational
attainment and a blue collar job or even marginal, part-time work. These aspira-
tions derive not only from these expectations but also from how young people
experience the world (Bernstein, 1971; Bourdieu, 1986; Kerckhoff, 1984; Kerckhoff
12 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

and Campbell, 1977; Willis, 1977). In Chile, although neoliberalism allowed youn-
ger generations to enjoy Asian popular culture, it has simultaneously caused
inequality and segregation in many aspects. Globalization in this neoliberal con-
text makes young adults differentiate their aspirations from those of older gener-
ations, who envisioned Europe as the center of the world. Concurrently,
globalization has allowed the younger generations to look forward to other
places to visit and explore distinct ways of living. Chilean young adults seek to
distinguish themselves from the cultures that the Chilean people have traditionally
aspired to, that is, the cultures that have historically been associated with Europe
more than with other Latin American countries. However, just as with European
culture, this aspiration is more idealized than based on real experiences.
The term chinos, meanwhile, offers an image of Asia in Chile that represents a
wide variety of things, for example, the lack of knowledge and contact with people
from the continent, which favors discrimination and lack of empathy in the use of
the derogative term. The rejection of ‘otherness’ happens all the time. In his study
about the influence of North American culture in Chile during the 20th century,
Rinke (2013) explains how the various images of the USA projected by Chile
between 1898 and 1932 were ambiguous, mixing images of the ‘American threat’
with the idea of America as ‘the country of the future’, the first non-European
country that had invested in Chile during the second half of the 20th century. After
World War I and in the beginning of the Cold War, the USA became the principal
foreign investor. However, many Chileans regarded imported American pop cul-
ture as low culture, calling it Yankee. Today, this rejected ‘other’ has been accepted
as a role model and re-branded as gringo or yanqui. Neither of these terms has any
positive connotation, but they are understood to reflect the importance of
American foreign policy during the Cold War.
In the case of Asian pop culture, there is also an ambivalent view of the term
chinos. When Japanese anime was first introduced to Chile through television, it
was called monos chinos and was vehemently opposed by adults because of its
violent content. In the case of K-pop, the possible rejection by adults could be
based on the sexualization and the portrayal of gender fluidity, especially soft
masculinity. The reception of Asian popular culture during the past decades dem-
onstrated an intergenerational gap. On the one hand, the baby-boomer generation,
born in the 1960s, not only grew up in a sharply polarized country in social and
political terms, they were also silenced through 17 years of oppression; on the other
hand, the other generations, who were born between the 1980s and the 1990s,
sought to break traditional rules. These younger generations were the ones who
started to like Japanese anime and manga.
Meanwhile, Harris (2013) suggests that the concept of the ‘fan’ should be under-
stood from the perspectives of different identities—instead of a single unified
one—in order to analyze how K-pop fans understand themselves and one another.
According to him, in social terms, fans develop idealized, imaginary relationships
with the artists and with fellow fans. When interviewees were asked about their
favorite or least favorite things about Korean and Japanese pop culture, the
Min 13

negative comments were strongly connected to the profound cultural differences

between both countries and Chile, whereas the positive comments were mainly
related to the different aesthetics and production characteristics of shows and
musical content. The relationship between fans and Asian pop culture is idealized;
it is not based on reality. The interviewees mentioned that, in many ways, what
they thought was negative about K-pop was the way idols were treated, which
generated empathy because they worked too hard. In Korea, this is normalized
and even demanded from everyone in the country. In the same vein, negative
comments were associated with the differing values in these two areas of the
world; they mentioned that K-pop displayed a lack of inclusion of sexual diversity
and the roles of women, among other themes that became very popular in Chile
because of the feminist and LGBT movements.In general, there seemed to be an
image of people who participate in fan clubs or events organized by such groups;
they were described as very dedicated to their work. About 48% of the participants
not only said idols had a positive image but that they were also highly organized
and dedicated.
As discussed above, different cultures have influenced Chile, but this does not
mean they have been widely accepted in the country. There are other ways in which
K-pop fans in Chile subvert the imaginary world of K-pop production companies,
which is the interpretation they make of their idols and their lives, humanizing
them instead of taking them as ‘out of reality’ as they do in Korea where they use
the term ‘idol’ as if they were demigods. Through these examples, one can see the
double interpretation of the term chinos and how Chilean K-pop fans are related to
both Orientalism and globalization in the Latin American context.

Conclusion
Although the phenomenon of K-pop popularity in Chile has been segmented into
small groups of young fans before 2010 (Min, 2015, 2017; Yoon and Jin, 2016), the
current influence of Asian popular culture is now much greater among young
Chileans. The New York Times calls this phenomenon ‘The unexpected popularity
of Korean pop in Chile’, pointing out that although the K-pop fandom gained
strength in different parts of the world, in Chile, this fandom represents an unlikely
conquest (Benjamin, 2017). The massification of K-pop in Latin America, primar-
ily in Chile, could be explained in terms of cultural hybridization, because history,
geography, ecology, demography, economics, and politics have all played essential
roles in the development and social classification of music. That is, geography
influences ecology, which influences economics; in turn, the latter determines musi-
cal events, instruments, and types of dances, among other factors (Olsen and
Sheehy, 2008). In the same vein, it is worth wondering what makes Chile different
from other Latin American countries and why the popularity of K-pop is so strong
in a country so far away from Korea. For example, why was SMTOWN Live
held in Chile and not in Mexico or Brazil—countries with larger populations and
better connectivity?
14 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

One of the most widespread images among Chileans about their own country is
related to the geographical isolation in which they live. Such geographical isola-
tion, according to Chileans, has made them know little about foreign cultures and
thus excuse themselves from their lack of tact and empathy toward other cultures.
Historical events helped generate the Chilean Orientalism in the formation of a
national identity: Spanish colonization, independence led by Creoles, selective
immigration policy for Europeans and positive discrimination for them, dictator-
ship, the return of democracy, and subsequent globalization.
As discussed earlier, due to European migration and Creole patriotism,
European tradition became a symbol of cultural value in Chile: the superiority
of the European race and the inferiority of indigenous people. Chilean Orientalism
developed as a consequence of a selective European migration after the indepen-
dence and configuration of Creole patriotism. Globalization has allowed the
people to look at others who may not be considered of equal status.
The Chilean–European spirit and Creole patriotism remain, and those who virtu-
ally contact Asian popular culture receive and interpret these distinct cultural
formats from their perspective. The imagery of what constitutes ‘European’ in
Chile demonstrates that decolonization has failed and that national identity has
been weakened and individualized after the rise of democracy. Hence, the more
Chileans are like Europeans, the less they are like themselves.
To demonstrate the socioeconomic segregation generated by the neoliberal eco-
nomic system after the dictatorship, this article chose the two leading universities
in Chile with different characteristics. The interviewees came from different dis-
tricts of Santiago, the capital city of Chile: the eastern portion of Santiago is the
most well-off, with such districts as Providencia and Las Condes and a human
development index of 0.960; five of the participants came from this area.
The central district—with such districts as Quinta Normal, San Miguel, and
Estacion Central—has a human development index of 0.850, and nine of the
participants came from this area. Although the sampling method did not seek
representativeness of the study, there was a relative homogeneity in the districts
from which the participants came, and so one could expect different socioeconomic
backgrounds. Surprisingly enough, the answers given in the interviews were not as
different as was expected; in many cases, the interviewees’ opinions did not vary
according to age, gender, or district.
The interview results show that otherness, as represented by the use of the term
chinos, is at the center of ‘Chilean Orientalism’. Chilean fans of Asian popular
culture identify themselves as Westerners, not Latin Americans. This negation of
the indigenous and mestizo is not very different from that of the 19th-century
Creole elite. They criticize the general xenophobic and discriminative attitude of
Chileans towards Asia and Asians, but they also call Asians chinos, saying that
doing so is acceptable because it is affectionately used (mis chinos). Although the
power dynamics is different from that in Europe, both the national construction
and rejection of racially ‘non-white’ others and the positive discrimination and
sponsorship of European immigrant and settlements in Chile at the moment of
Min 15

independence contribute to the country’s historical and contemporary self-identity

in terms of relative cultural ‘whiteness’ compared to its neighbors, despite the fact
that the vast majority of the population also identifies as mestizo (Salazar, 2013).
The many societal contradictions in Chilean youth can be attributed to the con-
flicting co-existence of indigenous culture and the influence of rapid neoliberalism
among the Chilean youth. However, for fans of Asian popular culture, especially
those who are relatively more open-minded and have the desire to know other
cultures and enjoy access to new technology, Asia and Asian popular culture are
still idealized. Their dual Orientalism sometimes appears in the form of escapism,
dreaming of a distinct world; in reality, it appears through the mediated use of the
term chino.
The interviewees said that, today, being a fan of Asian pop culture is not syn-
onymous with having specific attributes. Fans see themselves as part of a global-
ized and interconnected world, rather than as a closed subculture calling Asians
chinos. As a 21-year-old female fan stated, ‘I don’t like it [calling Asians chinos],
but I feel I have the right to use the term because I distinguish among Chinese,
Korean, and Japanese, and I know about whom I am talking’.
Hall claims that culture is a matter of constructing a relationship between the
self and the world (Hall, 2016).In a sense, Chilean K-pop fans are establishing a
relationship between themselves and an imaginary Asian culture. A physical con-
dition (i.e., the geographical and cultural distance) determines the communicability
of the Chilean K-pop fans and the construction of a social reality: a mediated
chino-ism of the fans.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article: The author gratefully acknowledges financial sup-
port from the Academy of Korean Studies (Grant # AKS-2018-R32).

ORCID iD
Wonjung Min https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2891-5133

Notes
1. SM Town (stylized as SMTOWN) is the umbrella name for the recording artists under
South Korean entertainment company SM Entertainment. SM Town artists have per-
formed at the annual SM Town Live world tours since the SM Town Live ‘08 Asia tour
in 2008. As of 2014, the SM Town Live concert series has attracted over 1 million
audience members worldwide.
16 the International Communication Gazette 0(0)

2. Music Bank is a South Korean music program. As of 2015, the show is being broadcast in
more than a hundred countries through KBS World. The show also organizes the global
live concert, Music Bank World Tour.
3. Widely recognized throughout Chile and Latin America, the term otaku refers to a
person who enjoys Japanese culture and calls him/herself as anime fan. They are usually
found reading manga and/or watching anime/hentai. They are also quite like cosplay
(Diccionario Chileno, n.d.).
4. In the 19th century, as both countries became independent from Spain, Peru and Chile
shared peaceful relations resulting from the formation of economic and political ties that
further encouraged good relations. In the 1870s, during the early conflicts prior to the
War of the Pacific, Peru sought to negotiate a peaceful diplomatic solution between
Bolivia and Chile. War was not declared formally until Chile declared war on both
Peru and Bolivia in 1879. Peru declared war on Chile the following day. The war resulted
in a Chilean invasion of Peru and the destruction of various Peruvian buildings and cities,
a major raid, and a 2-year occupation of Lima, the capital of Peru. The ultimate result of
the war left a deep scar on the three societies involved, and the relations between Peru
and Chile soured for over a century, although relations were stabilized to some extent by
the 1929 Treaty of Lima. Recently, a huge influx of Peruvian immigrants to Chile formed
in or passed through the center of the city, now known as ‘Little Lima’ because of its
large number of businesses that cater to the new wave of Peruvian immigrants in Chile.
From the beginning, many Chileans have viewed this new and explosive process of
migration with suspicion. Chile presents a particular duality when it comes to its attitude
toward foreigners, that is, the immigration of European whites has always been positively
regarded, whereas the immigration of Latin Americans, specifically from countries with a
large indigenous population, has been feared and rejected. ‘As Chileans, we reject mes-
tizaje because we do not recognize ourselves as mestizos, we see ourselves as white’, notes
sociologist Tomás Moulian in an interview. He attributes this to the country’s cultural
identity having been constructed on the basis of the rejection of the indigenous
population.
5. People of mixed race, especially one of Spanish and indigenous descent (Oxford
Dictionary).

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