To

Dr. Kamran Khan

GROUP MEMBERS

1. SAJJAL NOOR

2. SHEZAH MASOOD

3. ISHRAT NAZ

4. ANEELA SUBHAN

5. SAMRA RIAZ

3rd Year POLITICAL SCIENCE

Relationship of Religion and Politics

There is a complex nexus between religion and politics when there

association is aligned with the idea of power. Both institutions have varying
nature of sources, morals and ambitions to achieve power even though both
give prominence to absorption of Social relationships. But both institutions
differ related to their functions as religion is a source of sacred relation of
men to God through following the principal of truth and politics is
associated with profane human interactions to maintain order in society by
following the principal of pragmatism rather than truth. Religion guides the
ideal moral principles for political behavior to exercise physical power in
human society
Integration of religion and politics faced various controversies and they
become hurdle in keeping religion and government separate. Relationship
amongst political parties and religious affiliations does not specify a
religious vote. There is no voting pattern based on religion . Religion is a
powerful instrument of political support but usually strength of belief of its
followers becomes a political challenge
The assumption that politics is one thing and religion is another reinforces
the dominant position in social theory. Religion and politics have same
category status but in meaning subject to negotiation and disagreement.
Fundamentalists see state as scared entity and secularist considered it as
utterly separate from religion. The conflict is not simply about mixing or
separating religion and politics but also over cultural definition of these
terms. Certain kind of religion is still center of secular politics. It is proved
that symbol of sacred (religion) is equally
important in modern and premodern political life. Construction of
secularism is more than separation of state and religion; it involves
universal morality, law, knowledge and statehood

Religion and Politics in Pakistan

Islam is a complete code of life deeply established in all aspects of human

life and society which is actualized in its real essence by the Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) in both society and state. Pakistani society faced the
dilemma of dissociating religion from politics as Islam holds both secular
and spiritual concerns as a code of life rather than a divine institution only.
Islam is a complete code of life deeply established in all aspects
of human life and society which is actualized in its real essence
by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in both society and state.
Pakistani society faced the dilemma of dissociating religion from
politics as Islam holds both secular and spiritual concerns as a
code of life rather than a divine institution only. Another
predicament is the notion of an Islamic state which is foreign to
the idea of state and power in the subcontinent as monarchial
kingdoms ruled by the Muslim leaders in this region depicts the
idea of exploiting Islam for conservation of status and
prolongation of personal power. Although public is interested in
an explanation of the religion which assures equality and justice
in the country. Pakistan faced the problem of credibility gap of
leaders and mistrust because the slogan of Islamization is not
enough to solve the problem. The laws of Sharia did not work for
with current system of colonial legacy. There is a need of radical
change in society to impose Islamic law as it is difficult to graft
Islamic system in existing order which is based on complete
negation of Islam. The longer military regime (1980’s) is
consequence of two phenomenon; disunity of parties/oppositions
and Soviet Invasion in Afghanistan. Both contributed equally to
the situation of great political weakness in social and political
order of government and popularized the program of
Islamization introduced by Zia-ul-Haq Pakistan has witnessed a
religio-political history, despite western-educated reformist
Muslims as founders of Pakistan Movement. Their notion was a
separate autonomous and free state for Muslims of the Indian
sub-continent without any British or Hindu majority domination.
This movement resulted in an autonomous separate homeland
for Muslims including the areas of majority Muslim inhabitants
The founding father, Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s statements after
the independence voiced his idea related to the Islamic
foundations and nature of government in Pakistan and idea of
the state’s identity. But unfortunately after 70 years of
independence, country’s intellectuals failed to build a single
consensus on Jinnah’s vision of Pakistan. There is a continuous
debate by secularist and Islamic democrats on Jinnah’s vision
INTRODUCTION

Pakistan was created as a Muslim state and therefore religion has a distinct
role in its political evolution. This role can be categorised into two phases,
namely, the pre-partition and the post-partition periods. In the pre-
partition phase Islam was used as an effective instrument of political
mobilisation in order to achieve a Muslim state. However, once the political
objective of nationhood was accomplished then there was a marked decline
in the leadership's emphasis on the role of religion. As a result, a conflict of
ideology arose because the leadership desired a secular state while the
people yearned for a Muslim nation.
Pakistan was formed on the basis of the two nation theory which lost its
relevance on August 11, 1947, when the Quaid-I-Azam Mohammad Ali
Jinnah made a public statement that religion was a private affair of the
individual and highlighted the equality of religions. The anti-Ahmadiya
riots, the Objectives Resolution, the Basic Principles Committee Report and
the 1962 Constitution only highlighted the role of religion in the political
evolution of Pakistan.
Today the creation of Pakistan itself is seriously under question by a party
which considers itself the "creator of Pakistan" and therefore the role of
religion in the country's political evolution gains both relevance and
topicality. The Indian Muslims, actually spearheaded the movement for
nationhood, and helped to create Pakistan. Three decades later their
progeny founded a political party named the Muttahida Quami Movement
(MQM) in the mid 1980s to ensure that they were not politically
marginalised by the Punjabi establishment in Pakistan.

he founding fathers of Pakistan proposed the political idea on the basis of

the "two nation theory" as a homeland for South Asian Muslims. It suited
them to do so initially in order to mobilise the Indian Muslim masses in the
struggle towards nationhood. Yet the orthodox Muslim clergy opposed the
idea of a separate state because they believed that religion was not the basis
for nationhood and only common territory defines a nation. Whereas the
Western-educated Muslim elite stated that their common religion of Islam
was adequate to form a nation.
The fact that Pakistan became a reality despite resistance from
fundamentalist elements proved to be problematic for the latter. These
fundamentalist clerics represented religious parties and initially in the pre-
partition period opposed the concept of Muslim nationalism on the
grounds that it contradicted orthodox Islamic thinking. After the formation
of Pakistan these fundamentalists suffered from a sense of marginalisation.
In order to overcome this alienation they argued that since the state was
achieved on the basis of Islam, the next political objective was for the state
to transform itself into an Islamic one. 3 Thus Islam helped these religious
parties which had no moorings in the new state to carve a niche for
themselves and advertise their nationalist credentials.
The 'Father of Pakistan' Quaid-I-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in his
inaugural address to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly on August 11,
1947 clearly stated that religion was a private affair of the individual and
highlighted the equality of religions. To quote:
"In course of time all these angularities of the majority and the minority
community will vanish". You are free, you are free to go to your temples,
you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in the
State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed"that has
nothing to do with the business of the State" We should keep that in front
of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would
cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the
religious sense, because that is personal faith of each individual, but in the
political sense as citizens of the State. Obviously the strength of the
obscurantists, of those who would perpetuate Muslims as Muslims and
Hindus as Hindus in the political sense as well was under-estimated because
in less than two years' time, on March 1949 the Objectives Resolution was
moved pledging the Constituent Assembly to the building up of an Islamic
Constitution." In Pakistan, Islam has always influenced various spheres of
life: society, culture, economy, law and politics. For instance, the status of
non-Muslims, adherence to a social code of conduct, interest free banking,
forms of punishment, laws related to inheritance and divorce and the role of
clergy illustrate this point. The paper therefore seeks to explain the role of
religion in the context of the clash for power between the religio-political
parties and the secular ones in the country.
The fact that Pakistan became a reality despite resistance from
fundamentalist elements proved to be problematic for the latter. These
fundamentalist clerics represented religious parties and initially in the pre-
partition period opposed the concept of Muslim nationalism on the
grounds that it contradicted orthodox Islamic thinking. After the formation
of Pakistan these fundamentalists suffered from a sense of marginalisation.
In order to overcome this alienation they argued that since the state was
achieved on the basis of Islam, the next political objective was for the state
to transform itself into an Islamic one. 3 Thus Islam helped these religious
parties which had no moorings in the new state to carve a niche for
themselves and advertise their nationalist credentials.
The 'Father of Pakistan' Quaid-I-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in his
inaugural address to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly on August 11,
1947 clearly stated that religion was a private affair of the individual and
highlighted the equality of religions. To quote:
"In course of time all these angularities of the majority and the minority
community will vanish". You are free, you are free to go to your temples,
you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in the
State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed"that has
nothing to do with the business of the State" We should keep that in front
of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would
cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the
religious sense, because that is personal faith of each individual, but in the
political sense as citizens of the State. Obviously the strength of the
obscurantists, of those who would perpetuate Muslims as Muslims and
Hindus as Hindus in the political sense as well was under-estimated because
in less than two years' time, on March 1949 the Objectives Resolution was
moved pledging the Constituent Assembly to the building up of an Islamic
Constitution." In Pakistan, Islam has always influenced various spheres of
life: society, culture, economy, law and politics. For instance, the status of
non-Muslims, adherence to a social code of conduct, interest free banking,
forms of punishment, laws related to inheritance and divorce and the role of
clergy illustrate this point. The paper therefore seeks to explain the role of
religion in the context of the clash for power between the religio-political
parties and the secular ones in the country.
Muslim Nationalism

Islam entered the subcontinent around 1,275 years ago with Arab traders
settling down on the west coast at Calicut in 633 A..D. in the time of Umar.
However, Muslim military presence was established only in 712 A.D.
during the Umayyad period. The modern period begins from the 1857 War
of Indian Independence against the British Indian regime. The two Islamic
highpoints in India are the Wahabi movement in the 19th century and the
Pakistan movement in the 20th century. Muslim religious leaders realised
that Islam could not survive without political power and that Islam and
Hinduism were antithetical so therefore only one of the religions could
thrive at the expense of the other.
The ulama were hostile to the British regime, as they viewed them as a non-
Muslim occupation power. However, the Muslim elite led by Sir Syed
Ahmed Khan (1817-1898), who sought to reform his co-religionists, was a
loyalist to the crown. After the 1857 uprising the British placated the
Muslim nobility because they needed Muslim support to act as a
counterpoise to the Indian National Congress which nurtured anti-British
sentiments. The British regime therefore backed Sir Syed Ahmed Khan
against the Congress who discouraged Muslims to involve themselves in
Congress activity thus giving rise to Muslim politics and Muslim
nationalism in modern India. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was the father of the
Pakistan movement considering he had speculated on the political destiny
of the Indian Muslims as early as 1888. Sir Syed stated:
Is it possible that under these circumstances two nations"the Mohammedan
and Hindu"could sit on the same throne and remain equal in power? Most
certainly no. It is necessary that one of them should conquer the other and
thrust it down. To hope that both could remain equal is to desire the
impossible and the inconceivable.

WHENEVER there is a mention of religion in Pakistani politics, it is

regarded as nothing more than a tool to exploit the public’s religious
sentiment for personal political gains. While it is true that religion has been
and continues to be used as a political tool in Pakistan, such absolute criticism
often ignores the social benefits which can be realised through the meaningful
integration of religion into politics.
The late Pakistani President Ayub Khan had observed

The religio-political forces highlighted the concept of the "Ideology of

Pakistan" when radical movements threatened the social order towards the
end of the 1960s. They said the ideology was derived from Islam and
comprehensive which demanded loyalty from all Muslims. Therefore to
borrow from other ideologies amounts to a lack of faith. In March 1970
General Yahya Khan in a legal framework order to prescribe the basis for
the country's first general elections stated that the constitution which
elected the members of the National Assembly should ensure that:
"Islamic ideology which is the basis for the creation of Pakistan shall be
preserved"

The Ahmadiya Issue

Pakistan's first significant controversy involving both religion and

politics"relates to the Ahmadiya (also known as Quadianis) sect"which first
surfaced in the early 1950s and thereafter in the mid 1970s. The Ahmadiyas
follow the teachings of Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908) of
Quadian in Indian Punjab. They shifted from Indian Punjab following
partition and set up their township and named it Rabwah located near
Chiniot in Pakistani Punjab.
The problem arises because the orthodox Muslims believe that Mohammad
was the last Prophet while the Ahmadiyas disagree on this score. For the
Muslims the Prophet was the last representative through whom God sent
his message which would govern human behaviour for all time to come.
However, this Islamic tenet was challenged much to the displeasure of the
orthodox Muslim clergy. At the turn of the 19th century Hazrat Mirza
Ghulam Ahmad claimed to be a messiah or Mahdi who would follow
whenever God so desired according to the teachings of the Holy Quran.
He based his entire thinking purely on a verse in the Quran and his personal
belief that he received revelations from the Almighty. As a result he
conferred upon himself the title of a 'prophet' and flagrantly violated the
principle of the finality of prophethood. This gave him the opportunity to
be the final authority on Islam. After Mirza Ghulam Ahmad died his
successor was Mirza Mohammad Ahmad
While the ulama demanded that the Ahmadiyas be declared non-Muslims
in 1953 the Pakistan government did not heed these demands. The
Ahmadiya controversy which raged from 1948 to 1953 was the first
sectarian conflict to take place in Pakistan.
The Ahmadiya problem proved to be a serious issue in the national
integration of Pakistan in the early years. The genesis of the problem was
before partition when the Ahrars a Deobandi sect, launched the first
agitation against the Ahmadiyas during the 1920s. The Ahrars at that point
in time were aligned with the Congress and opposed to the Muslim League
in a counter-movement called 'Naa Pakistan'. These Ahrar leaders were
extremely orthodox to the extent that they even called the Quaid-I-Azam a
'Kafir-I-Azam'. Thereafter in 1931 the Ahrars splintered from the Congress
and formed their own religious party the Majlis-I-Ahrar-I-Islam. The Ahrar
leaders sent small groups of their followers to Quadian to oppose the
Ahmadiya sect and proclaimed them a non-Islamic community. As a result,
the erstwhile British Indian government apprehended the potential for a
breakdown of law and order in the province and promptly banned the
Majlis-I-Ahrar-I-Islam. Eventually with the reality of Pakistan taking shape
they aligned themselves with the Muslim League.The Ahrars as a sect began
life in Pakistan with a tarnished political image considering they had
initially opposed the movement for a separate religious state in pre-
partition India. Given this background the Ahrars, who followed purist
Islam, found it necessary to establish their bonafides in the new Muslim
state. Thus they did not hesitate to whip up the latent hostility towards the
Ahmadiya sect. The Ahrars adopted a militant policy towards the
Ahmadiyas in order to gain acceptance to the national mainstream in
Pakistan. Their initiative against the Ahmadiyas was readily welcomed by
Maulana Maudoodi and the Jamaat-I-Islami (JI) who had a commonality
with the Ahrars. The Jamaat-I-Islami also opposed British India's partition
and the creation of Pakistan. The JI therefore was keen to offset this anti-
national image in the minds of the people. Towards this objective they
advocated the need for an Islamic state which believed in the sovereignty of
Allah and conformity to the injunctions in the Holy Quran.
Thus the Ahrars and the JI joined hands in their struggle for Pakistan to be
an Islamic state. These two purist Islamic groups began pressuring Prime
Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and his Muslim League government to ensure
an Islamic government. The orthodox Muslim elements succeeded to the
extent that the government passed the 'Objectives Resolution' in 1949 to
strengthen the ideology of Islam in Pakistan. The passage of the 'Objectives
Resolution' gave the impression that Pakistan would transform into an
Islamic state and Muslims would be given a place of privilege. The
'Objectives Resolution' stated that:
The Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives
in accordance with the teachings and requirements
of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and Sunnah.
After the Objectives Resolution was passed on March 7, 1949, the anti-
Ahmadiya agitation turned increasingly violent in West Punjab townships.
Subsequently in June 1952 the ulama instituted an anti-Ahmadiya
committee. They demanded a social and commercial boycott of the
Ahmadiya sect and labelled them non-Muslims. On their direction,
shopkeepers had notices outside their premises stating 'Ahmadiyas are not
entitled to purchase items'; also restaurants had separate utensils for
Ahmadiyas.
The political dimension to the problem was the relationship between the
then Chief Minister of Punjab Mian Mumataz Daultana and the Bengali
Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin. The relationship was guided purely
by considerations of political self-interest to ensure survival in office. On
January 21, 1953 the orthodox Muslims gave an ultimatum to the Prime
Minister to declare the Ahmadiyas a non-Muslim minority within a month.
It also demanded the resignation of the Ahmadiya Foreign Minister
Mohammad Zafrullah Khan. The government response was to round up
the key leaders which triggered further communal disturbances in Punjab
on February 27, 1953. On March 5, 1953, the government was left with no
option but to declare martial law which resulted in the exit of the Chief
Minister and the Prime Minister.
Pakistan was able to suppress the sectarian strife after the imposition of
martial law which continued under President Ayub Khan initially and
thereafter President Yahya Khan during the 1960s. These regimes
concentrated on economic development through agriculture and industry
and the orthodox Muslim element was not really allowed to voice their
dissent. Thereafter Pakistan underwent a "second" partition with the
secession of East Pakistan which raked up the issue of ideology among the
religio-political parties.
The Ahmadiya Issue

The second Constitution was promulgated on March 1, 1962 and enacted in

exercise of the mandate given to Field Marshal Ayub Khan. The
Constitution initially declared Pakistan a republic and the term 'Islamic'
was dropped, but after protests in the first constitutional amendment in
1963 it re-named Pakistan as an Islamic Republic. Also the clause about all
laws being brought in conformity with Islam and no new law which was in
contradiction to Islam remained in the new Constitution. Pakistan was to
have a presidential system of government since it corresponded to the
Islamic tradition of a strong executive.
The 1962 Constitution emphasised the Islamic character and provided for
an Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology which was to be composed of 5-12
members appointed for three years by the President. The Council was to
make recommendations to the government about the means to enable and
encourage the Muslims of Pakistan to order their lives in all respects in
accordance with the principles and concepts of Islam; advise the
government organs on issues regarding laws. However, its advice was not
binding on the government. The Constitution also directed the government
to set up a research institute for Islamic affairs with a view to reconstruct
Muslim society on a truly Islamic basis.
Pakistan being an Islamic Republic in which Islam would dominate would
be bound to impinge on the rights of the non-Muslims minorities. However,
to balance these religious aspects of the Constitution, the fundamental
rights, territorial and citizenship rights had a modern and secular character.
The other highlight of a clash between religion and politics during the
regime pertains to the Fatima Jinnah case. In the January 1965 Presidential
election campaign the Combined Opposition Parties (COP) fielded Miss
Fatima Jinnah as a candidate against President Ayub Khan. The COP
decision to support Ms Jinnah as a candidate was a political decision and
followed up thereafter with a theological rationalisation. The controversy
arose because orthodox Islam clearly states that a woman could not be
voted a head of state. Yet the very same religio-political parties like the JI
strongly supported the candidature of Miss Jinnah. Their contention was
simply that while such a move was not in keeping with religion it would be a
far greater sin according to the Shariah to perpetuate an oppressive
dictatorship. To that extent, the 1965 elections proved to be a struggle
between democracy and dictatorship rather than a clash between Islam and
un-Islamic forces.
The Second Partition: Bangladesh 1971

The secession of East Pakistan from united Pakistan had a strong religious
basis in the sense that it disproved the two nation theory based on religion.
The religious currents underlying the secession therefore merit elaboration.
The Bengali Muslim demand for autonomy was perceived as anti-national
purely because it amounted to an assertion of ethno-linguistic identity over
the Islamic one. Considering the rationale for the creation of Pakistan was
based on Muslim nationalism such a separatist trend proved to be
detrimental to ideological foundations of the state. For the ulama therefore
the demand for autonomy was viewed as an un Islamic act.
It is necessary to understand the background to the perceptions of the
ulama and their mind set on the matter. The ulama in this case specifically
refers to the Jamaat-I-Islami which felt that Bengali Muslim nationalism
was supported by three distinct lobbies"the communists, the Hindus and the
political adventurers. The communist influence was there because of the
paucity of Islamic literature in the eastern province and was linked to the
linguistic problem. The Pakistan government had not declared Bengali as a
national language and the bulk of the Islamic literature was available only
in Urdu and not Bengali. Given that the average Bengali had an antipathy
towards Urdu the general level of literacy was not as high as the mother-
tongue.
According to the JI line the Hindu influence on Bengali Muslim nationalism
was possible because they dominated trade and industry in East Pakistan.
The Hindu element only exploited the growing Bengali Muslim grievances,
against their West Pakistani brethren, and thereby intended to endear
themselves to the national mainstream. In the process they aimed to
marginalise the Indian Muslim refugees in the country and further
monopolise their control over the economy. Also the Hindu influence on
the Bengali Muslim manifested at a cultural level; besides, it influenced their
way of thinking due to a close association between the two communities
over centuries. The unconscious assimilation was so subtle and gradual that
it ceased to be an extraneous element in their lives.
The JI referred to the political adventurers which implies the opposition
party namely the Awami League. The JI and the Awami League had their
own problems which are linked to the inability of the JI to successfully form
a strong political party in the province. This stems from the thinking that
the Bengali Muslim identified the JI with their West Pakistani rulers. Also
the JI ideology did not appeal to the East Pakistani people owing to their
greater democratic and political consciousness.
The JI also intensified its campaign against the Awami League (AL) after
the Pakistan Army action from March 1971 onwards. They stated that the
AL's separatist struggle was part of an international conspiracy against
Islam. To that extent the JI attempted to project the impression that
Pakistan and Islam were under a threat"in order to rationalise the Pakistan
Army atrocities in East Pakistan. Essentially the JI propaganda for West
Pakistani consumption was that the Army action was only against those
Bengali Muslims under Hindu influence and hence their actions were
justifiable in the interest of Islam and the integrity of Pakistan.

The Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto Regime: 1974

The loss of Pakistan's eastern wing inspired the orthodox elements to renew
their efforts and ensure that the ideological basis of Pakistan was secure.
Moreover ZA Bhutto embarked on Islamic socialism which attracted
vehement criticism from the orthodox groups. In order to placate these
orthodox clerics or fundamentalists, Bhutto in the 1973 constitution
declared Islam as the 'state religion' and clearly mentioned that 'only a
Muslim was entitled to become the President of Pakistan'.After the ulama
succeeded in their objective to incorporate Islamic provisions in the
constitution their next move was to resume the anti-Ahmadiya campaign.
Maulana Maudoodi led the anti-Ahmadiya movement alongwith the Ahrar
leader Agha Shorish Kashmiri and together they accused Bhutto of
nurturing sympathy towards the Ahmadiyas. Further they sought
constitutional and legal measures against the Ahmadiyas. In 1973 Sardar
Qayuum Khan the President of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir adopted
legislative action in the provincial assembly to declare the Ahmadiyas non-
Muslims.
The loss of Pakistan's eastern wing inspired the orthodox elements to renew
their efforts and ensure that the ideological basis of Pakistan was secure.
Moreover ZA Bhutto embarked on Islamic socialism which attracted
vehement criticism from the orthodox groups. In order to placate these
orthodox clerics or fundamentalists, Bhutto in the 1973 constitution
declared Islam as the 'state religion' and clearly mentioned that 'only a
Muslim was entitled to become the President of Pakistan'.After the ulama
succeeded in their objective to incorporate Islamic provisions in the
constitution their next move was to resume the anti-Ahmadiya campaign.
Maulana Maudoodi led the anti-Ahmadiya movement alongwith the Ahrar
leader Agha Shorish Kashmiri and together they accused Bhutto of
nurturing sympathy towards the Ahmadiyas. Further they sought
constitutional and legal measures against the Ahmadiyas. In 1973 Sardar
Qayuum Khan the President of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir adopted
legislative action in the provincial assembly to declare the Ahmadiyas non-
Muslims.

The following year the OIC conference was held in Lahore and the
representatives of Saudi, Libya and Jordan acted as a pressure group
against the Ahmadiyas. Later at a meeting in Jeddah in April 1974 the
Ahmadiyas were proclaimed a 'non-Muslim minority' and the Pakistani
delegation there were in agreement.
In April 1974 the fundamentalists continued in their struggle against the
Ahmadiyas and sought the resignation of Air Marshal Zafar Choudhary
who was a nephew of the former foreign minister Choudhry Zafarullah. He
was replaced by Air Marshal Zulfiquar Ali Khan who was a relative of
former Chief of Army Staff General Tikka Khan. Apart from these high
profile changes in the military hierarchy the government took stern action
against other Ahmadiya officials.

Bhutto on his part was keen to solve the issue constitutionally but the
opposition staged a walkout in the National Assembly. On June 13, 1974 he
stated in the house that:
 The issue is a religious one and its solution must not adversely affect the
solidarity and sovereignty of the country. My government and the PPP are
wedded to the Islamic tenets and the ideology of Pakistan. Soon after the
budget session, the issue will be placed before the National Assembly. 20
For Pakistan, the Ahmadiya problem had both internal and external
dimensions which left the government with no option but to bow to the
wishes of the people. For Bhutto, it meant that he measured up to his
popular image of Quaid-I-Awam and had completed a mission that his
predecessors had left incomplete.

Can religion, so often seen as being the problem, be utilised as a possible instrument
towards peace between these countries?

It can be, but the problem is not religion but rather how it is used or
misused. No religion whether Islam, Christianity, Hinduism or Judaism
propagates the use of violence, force or discrimination against others. We
can and should use religion as a basis for unifying, but the problem at a
lower level is that unfortunately countries often use religion as a
smokescreen behind which they pursue their national interests.

The Islam that was propagated by Prophet Mohammad is a very tolerant

religion. The form of Islam that spread in South Asia, Afghanistan, Iran,
Iraq and Turkey, can be understood in a broad sense as Sufi. Sufism, as an
approach to the exercise of belief, is a very tolerant and inclusive approach.
It is inclusive of all others who are not Muslims, approaching them as
human beings.

Unfortunately in some parts of the Muslim world, we have seen the

emergence of a very extremist interpretation. The word fundamentalism is
the wrong word for this approach, which can broadly be described as
Wahhabism or Salafism. That's what is happening in parts of Afghanistan,
Pakistan, and in the extremism that is playing out in Iraq and Syria.
his kind of militant extremism is really an abuse of Islam rather than an
interpretation of the religion in its correct form because none of the actions of
these groups are actions that traditional Islam justifies in any way.
What Pakistan is really trying to do is to expunge the country from this
extremist belief. We tried for many years to engage with these groups to try and
bring them into the fold through peaceful means, dialogue and opening up.
That door is still open, but the response has been the use of terrorist methods
and therefore as a country we have felt compelled to use force to contain these
groups.
Conclusion

The role of religion in the political evolution of Pakistan has to be divided

into the pre-partition and the post-partition periods. The political evolution
symbolised by Muslim communalism and Muslim nationalism in that order
commenced in the pre-partition period which was based largely on religion.
The role of religion in the political evolution has therefore been far greater
in the pre-partition period and thereafter tapered off in the post-partition
period because the movement for Muslim nationhood was driven by secular
Muslims.
During the early 1940s the Muslim League was so preoccupied in its
struggle for Pakistan that it did not focus on the type of nation state that
would take shape. The League lacked a clear agenda after the
accomplishment of its political objective. As a result, soon after the Muslim
state was created a conflictual relationship arose between the traditionalists
and the secularists on how Islamic the political structure should be.

The Ahmadiya controversy has proved to be the most potent cocktail of

religion and politics in Pakistan. It was the beginning of sectarianism which
now poses a serious problem to political stability and national security. The
other important fallout of the Ahmadiyas issue was that it resulted in the
imposition of military rule due to a breakdown of law and order for the first
time in the country. The incident helped to convince the religio-political
parties about their ability to dictate terms to an elected regime and also
their clout to topple governments. Apparently military rule in the infant
phases of nationhood had its own implications on the polity and has proved
disastrous in the long term.

Pakistan has proved to be a 'schizophrenic' state owing to the dichotomous

nature of its Constitution which incorporates both Islamic ideology and
parliamentary democracy. The Objectives Resolution and the Basic
Principles Committee (BPC) report were aimed to mollify the
fundamentalist clerics who asserted their opinions through 'street power'.
To that extent the Resolutions and the BPC report were the beginning of
the quest for an Islamic state in the country. The first decade of
independence therefore involved a national debate on how much Islam was
necessary for the country. The BPC report was able to keep the
fundamentalist clerics and the Islamic liberals happy about the
incorporation of Islam and democracy. The report essentially ensured that
the fundamentalists did not come to power.
It is debatable when the Pakistani political leadership buried the
two nation theory. Whether it was Jinnah's controversial speech
implying the state favours no religion and respects all, or the year
that the government stopped any further immigration of Indian
Muslims to Pakistan. However, the secession of East Pakistan in
1971 made it clear that religion alone was inadequate for Pakistan
to prosper as a nation state.
The Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto regime attempted to remain as secular
as possible, but was compelled to declare the Ahmadiyas a non-
Muslim minority because of domestic and foreign pressures.
Thereafter the Zia regime which was synonymous with state
patronage to Islam only heightened the role of religion in politics
and thereby fuelled sectarianism further.

The role of religion in political evolution also includes the Islamic

concept of Jehad or holy war which has created controversy
among nations of the secular world. The interpretation of the
doctrine of Jehad differs between the traditionalists and liberals.
The doctrine is supposed to mean a permanent state of war
between the Islamic and non-Islamic world. However, this war
does not amount to killing people but implies a sense of non-
recognition of other nations or people. For India this has a special
relevance with Pakistan which has embarked on the path of
political Islam.

The role of religion in political evolution also includes the Islamic concept
of Jehad or holy war which has created controversy among nations of the
secular world. The interpretation of the doctrine of Jehad differs between
the traditionalists and liberals. The doctrine is supposed to mean a
permanent state of war between the Islamic and non-Islamic world.
However, this war does not amount to killing people but implies a sense of
non-recognition of other nations or people. For India this has a special
relevance with Pakistan which has embarked on the path of political Islam.