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Laurie L. Charlés
Gameela Samarasinghe Editors

Family Systems
and Global
Humanitarian
Mental Health
Approaches in the Field
Family Systems and Global Humanitarian
Mental Health
Laurie L. Charlés • Gameela Samarasinghe
Editors

Family Systems and Global

Humanitarian Mental Health
Approaches in the Field
Editors
Laurie L. Charlés Gameela Samarasinghe
Family Therapist Department of Sociology
Independent Researcher University of Colombo
Boston, MA, USA Colombo, Sri Lanka

ISBN 978-3-030-03215-9    ISBN 978-3-030-03216-6 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03216-6

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018967260

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
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Contents

  1 Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   1
Laurie L. Charlés and Gameela Samarasinghe
  2 Through the Storm: How a Master’s Degree Program
in Marriage and Family Therapy Came to New Understandings
After Surviving Both a Natural and a Human Disaster
Within 6 Months���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11
Anne Rambo, Kara Erolin, Christine Beliard, and Flavia Almonte
  3 Disasters Are Never Natural: Emerging Media to Map Lives
and Territories at Risk������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 23
Gonzalo Bacigalupe
  4 Paved with Good Intentions? The Road of the Humanitarian
Project of DNA Identification of the Missing in Post-Conflict
Cyprus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35
Anna M. Agathangelou and Kyle D. Killian
  5 Undocumented and Unafraid: Resilience Under Forced
Separation and Threat of Deportation���������������������������������������������������� 53
Catalina Perdomo and Tiffany Adeigbe
  6 “Do You Know the Tale of Cinderella?”: Case Study of the Use of
Metaphor and Proverbs with a Newlywed Syrian Couple
in a Refugee Camp in Sidon, Lebanon���������������������������������������������������� 69
Rima Zeid Nehmé
  7 Between Family and Foreign Policy: A Gendered Approach
to Understanding the Impact of Foreign Policy Failure on Human
Security in the SIDS of the Caribbean���������������������������������������������������� 77
Simone Young
  8 Drawing in or Ruling Out “Family?” The Evolution of the Family
Systems Approach in Sri Lanka �������������������������������������������������������������� 99
Evangeline S. Ekanayake and Nilanga Abeysinghe
v
vi Contents

  9 Transvision: Unknotting Double Binds in the Fog of War �������������������� 123

Douglas Flemons and Laurie L. Charlés
10 The Role of Family and Culture in Extreme Adversity:
Psychosocial Response to the Ebola Virus Disease (EVD)
Epidemic in Guinea, West Africa ������������������������������������������������������������ 143
Neda Faregh, Alexis Tounkara, and Kemo Soumaoro

Index�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 165
Contributors

Nilanga Abeysinghe Faculty of Graduate Studies, University of Colombo,

Colombo, Sri Lanka
Tiffany Adeigbe Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Anna M. Agathangelou York University, Toronto, ON, Canada
Flavia Almonte Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Gonzalo Bacigalupe Department of Counseling and School Psychology, College
of Education, University of Massachusetts Boston, Boston, MA, USA
National Research Center for Integrated Natural Disaster Management (CIGIDEN),
Santiago, Chile
Christine Beliard Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Laurie L. Charlés Family Therapist, Independent Researcher, Boston, MA, USA
Evangeline S. Ekanayake Faculty of Graduate Studies, University of Colombo,
Colombo, Sri Lanka
Kara Erolin Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Neda Faregh Carleton University, Montreal, QC, Canada
Douglas Flemons Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Kyle D. Killian Capella University, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Rima Zeid Nehmé Clinical Psychologist, Beirut, Lebanon
Catalina Perdomo Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio, TX, USA
Anne Rambo Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Gameela Samarasinghe Department of Sociology, University of Colombo,
Colombo, Sri Lanka

vii
viii Contributors

Kemo Soumaoro Universite Gamal Abdel Nasser de Conakry, Conakry, Guinea

Alexis Tounkara Independent Consultant, Conakry, Guinea
Simone Young Trinidad and Tobago Fulbright Humphrey Fellow 2016, Washington,
D.C., USA
About the Editors

Laurie L. Charlés, PhD is a licensed marriage and family therapist and qualitative
researcher based in Boston, Massachusetts (USA). She is a former faculty instructor
and former director of the MFT Program at Our Lady of the Lake University, San
Antonio, Texas, USA, and recent subject matter expert in family therapy with two
psychotherapeutic interventions courses sponsored by the World Health Organization
(WHO) and as a WHO Mental Health Officer during the Ebola virus disease (EVD)
outbreak in West Africa in 2015, and with the UNODC in Vienna. Focused on scal-
ing up family therapy practices for host country nationals in fragile states, Dr.
Charlés’ work as a scholar and practitioner includes the performance of qualitative
rapid needs assessments and the supervision and training of psychiatrists, psycho-
social workers, and family therapists for family therapy and psychosocial support
programs in low- and middle-income countries. Dr. Charlés has both a PhD in fam-
ily therapy from Nova Southeastern University and an MA in international relations
from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. Her publica-
tions have appeared in Family Process, the Journal of Marital and Family
Therapy, the Journal of Family Therapy, Qualitative Inquiry, and Boston Globe
Magazine. She is a 2017–2018 Fulbright Global Scholar.

Gameela Samarasinghe, PhD is a clinical psychologist by training and is an asso-

ciate professor of psychology in the Department of Sociology, University of
Colombo, Sri Lanka. She initiated the design of and introduced the postgraduate
diploma and master’s in counseling and psychosocial support at the Faculty of
Graduate Studies, University of Colombo. These postgraduate programs try to pro-
voke thinking on alternative visions of what support to individuals and communities
might look like while at the same time providing training on conventional counsel-
ing skills. She has been a member of various advisory groups developing strategies
for post-conflict trauma in Sri Lanka and internationally. These include her role as
a technical advisor to the Asia Foundation’s Reducing the Effects and Incidents of
Trauma (RESIST) Program and to the Victims of Trauma Treatment Program
(VTTP), which are programs designed to support and treat torture survivors. She
was a member of the international research team on “Trauma, Peacebuilding and

ix
x About the Editors

Development,” run from the University of Ulster. She has written extensively on
mental health and psychosocial wellbeing in Sri Lanka. She has been awarded many
fellowships and has been the recipient of research grants including the Fulbright-­
Hays Senior Research Scholar Award (2004–2005) at Boston University and the
Fulbright Advanced Research Award (2013–2014) at Columbia University’s
Mailman School of Public Health.
Chapter 1
Introduction

Laurie L. Charlés and Gameela Samarasinghe

The Transportability of Family Systems Approaches

In our first volume, our contributors shared their work and ideas about the
philosophical and practice dilemmas brought when taking family therapy concepts
and techniques to work in global mental health in humanitarian settings. Here, we
build on those foundations, pushing them yet forward, with contributors who dis-
cuss methods and approaches that reach across a spectrum of family systems work.
Ranging in locations across several continents, and from inter-, trans-, and cross-­
disciplinary traditions and educational backgrounds, our contributors’ collective set
of chapters bring to light the nature and utility of family systems approaches (FSAs)
in the humanitarian space. A common theme in their work is the illustration of the
transportability of family systems approaches, as applied to a clinical case, a com-
munity intervention, a supervisory dilemma, a training adaptation, or a foreign
policy perspective.
Humanitarian situations are complex emergencies no matter where they occur,
and distress and fragmentation of family systems are part of the landscape.
Relationships are at risk of becoming fractured in emergency situations, and it is not
unusual for that to result in, or further, psychosocial suffering. Nevertheless, family
systems approaches can find unexpected utility in such chaos, as their form and
substance can be designed to uniquely fit the conditions common in the humanitar-
ian space.
As in the years of family therapy’s origins, systems ideas have had wide, far-­
reaching applications. However, at its heart, the center of its sensibility, is the

L. L. Charlés (*)
Family Therapist, Independent Researcher, Boston, MA, USA
G. Samarasinghe
Department of Sociology, University of Colombo, Colombo, Sri Lanka

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 1

L. L. Charlés, G. Samarasinghe (eds.), Family Systems and Global
Humanitarian Mental Health, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03216-6_1
2 L. L. Charlés and G. Samarasinghe

p­ owerful idea that people live and thrive in a network of relationships with others
and that this sensibility is worth incorporating robustly in any effort at intervention.
A further, compounded benefit to the transportability of the family systems approach
is the unwavering declaration across communities that “family,” as an idea and a
collective unit, is worth our time and investment in terms of mental health and psy-
chosocial support and in the promotion of community and societal resilience. This,
too, is an ecological sensibility that defined the early years of the field.

 ighlighting Family Systems as an Approach

H
for Psychotherapeutic Intervention

Family, of course, among family therapy scholars and practitioners is understood as

a critical buffer against stress and a protective factor in emergencies (Walsh, 2012).
In this book, however, we do not focus specifically on the systemic family therapy
clinical session, the professional who identifies herself or himself as a “family ther-
apist,” or the established interventions common to family therapy as it exists in a
high-income country (HIC). Outside HICs and regions, there is typically no state
regulation of family therapy as a profession and no routine existence of it as a choice
of study in doctoral or masters’ level graduate training nor a vast set of easily avail-
able resources such as books, articles, or manuals in a language other than English.
Nevertheless, there is generous use of family systems ideas’ application across low-
and middle-income countries’ (LMIC) context-, and in fragile-, conflict-, and
violence-­affected states (FCVs) and humanitarian settings (Charlés & Samarasinghe,
2016). This widespread relevance and utility is the point of our collection and the
focus of the work that is illustrated by our contributors. It is their systemic methods
and approaches in the humanitarian setting, whomever and wherever they are, that
is at the heart of this book.
This value of focusing so keenly on family and family systems, despite the chal-
lenges in doing so, is a theme that runs across each of our contributors’ chapters.
Family systems are important in Trinidad and Tobago. In Syria they are important;
in refugee camps in Lebanon; in communities faced with the DNA identification of
their missing loved one’s remains in Cyprus; in vulnerable shantytowns in Chile; in
marginalized communities in San Antonio, Texas; and in the midst of the 2014 Ebola
virus disease outbreak in Guinea, West Africa, among graduate students in the midst
of a hurricane in Fort Lauderdale or in a class role play in postwar Sri Lanka; in each
case, family systems ideas are important. We can’t name a place nor space that the
idea of family, as a protective factor in complex emergencies, is contested. Rather,
our attention here is to another question, a more critical and challenging one: How
is a family systems approach useful in the humanitarian setting? How is that par-
ticular approach negotiated in practice? How is its stability and promotion, in terms
of psychosocial health, a spark toward something useful for that community?
In this book, our contributors address such questions, but not necessarily through
the modality of the clinical session, although Nehmé (Chap. 6, this volume) and
1 Introduction 3

Perdomo and Adeigbe (Chap. 5, this volume) do share their clinical work. However,
the situations of migration in each country where their clinical work takes place (for
Nehme, with Syrian refugees in Lebanon; for Perdomo and Adeigbe, with undocu-
mented immigrants along the Texas-Mexico border) are quite different. Their chap-
ters reflect the different ways that the fate of refugees across the globe is a topic of
intense politicization in high-income countries and in LMICs. For example, “Low-­
income and middle-income countries [who] receive the largest number of asylum
seekers and 80% of the world’s refugees, yet these countries have few resources to
address the substantial health, legal, educational, water, and food requirements of
displaced populations” (Fazel, Karunakara, & Newnham, 2014), while “[s]ome
high-income countries use immigration detention as a stepping-stone to forced
repatriation” (Fazel et al., 2014).
What drives global mental health practice is not a focus on a particular popula-
tion or geopolitical spot in the world, however, even though it often may seem that
way. Global mental health practice is driven by “data about the disparities in mental
health and its subsequent access by people across the globe, including disparities
between and within states (countries), and between vulnerable groups within states”
(Charlés & Bava, in press). In humanitarian settings, those disparities take on a dif-
ferent meaning, where communities are at risk of further fragmentation due to an
ongoing or recent crisis. This pattern is well represented in some of our authors’
work, illustrating both the highly contextualized nature of global mental health and
also, how states and state behavior contribute to vulnerability.
Further, in this volume, our common focus is on the particular method and
approach of a family systems intervention. However, that intervention is not neces-
sarily a clinical, psychotherapeutic one. Systemic intervention in the context of
global mental health and the humanitarian setting demands a hybrid approach, be it
a training exercise or adaptation (Ekanayake & Abeysinghe, Chap. 8; Rambo et al.,
Chap. 2, this volume), a problem/solution set of cases particular to the humanitarian
space (Bacigalupe, Chap. 3; Agathangelou & Killian, Chap. 4; Faregh, Tounkara &
Soumaoro, Chap. 10; Flemons & Charlés, Chap. 4, this volume), or a historical
injustice at the intersection of family psychosocial health and state policy, which is
typically exacerbated in a humanitarian crisis (Young, Chap. 7; Bacigalupe, Chap.
3; Faregh, Tounkara & Soumaoro, Chap. 10, this volume).
In fact, it is the approach, not necessarily the identity of the professional (or his/
her education or degree or license), which we want to highlight. This focus on pro-
cess pays heed to the origins of the field of family therapy, which, of course, was
constructed from and informed by global cross-, trans-, and interdisciplinary col-
laboration. What mattered back then, as now, is the process one engages in to under-
stand a context, knowing the place, or space, and the situation from the inside. For
those professionals not yet exposed to humanitarian settings or conditions in LMICs,
immersing meaningfully in this “inside” may require both substantial unlearning
and relearning. Many seasoned family therapy practitioners trained and operating
primarily in HICs may find themselves encumbered by their traditional knowledge
base when having to adapt to the everyday issues and factors specific to LMICS or
FCVs. These factors change everything – not about the substance of systemic fam-
ily therapy approaches, but, rather, about their form.
4 L. L. Charlés and G. Samarasinghe

 Portfolio of Evidence: Intervention and Family Systems

A
Approaches

In global mental health and humanitarian contexts, the conditions that threaten fam-
ily psychosocial health and well-being are often uncontrollable, assiduous, and,
sometimes, dangerous. Such conditions make experimental research on psychother-
apeutic intervention challenging, though not impossible. For systemic family schol-
ars and practitioners, who thrive in the “messy lived experience” of work with
families, this is familiar territory. While perhaps not always so vivid as to be danger-
ous and unruly, family therapy is, as Lebow (2018) put it, “typically conducted
under conditions far afield from those in the typical random controlled study” (p. 2).
In global, humanitarian settings, such conditions are not only further afield – they
are in a separate field altogether. What, then, is the role of evidence in family ther-
apy approaches in a humanitarian context? How can critical matters of meaningful
impact and sustainable scalability be addressed in such settings?
Whether it is through the efficacy of couple and family interventions (Pinsof &
Wynne, 1995); addressing questions of outcomes with specific applications, popu-
lations, and settings (Liddle, 2016; Sexton, Datchi, Evans, LaFollette, & Wright,
2013; Sprenkle, 2002, 2012; Szapocznik, Schwartz, Muir, & Brown, 2012); or
meta-analyses across large data sets or individual process-oriented case studies
(Chenail et al., 2012), systemic family therapy interventions have been shown to be
effective for a range of clinical issues. According to the World Health Organization,
“Mental health strategies and interventions for treatment, prevention and promotion
need to be based on scientific evidence and/or best practice, taking cultural consid-
erations into account” (WHO Mental Health Action Plan, 2013–2020). The extant
evidence base in family therapy is replete with such strategies and interventions,
which are both “change mechanisms that underlie positive clinical outcomes” and
“across methods and specific to certain approaches” (Stratton, 2016, p. 417).
The theoretical origins and ongoing development of systemic approaches illus-
trate a robust history of exploration with clients about whether the intervention
they are part of is actually meeting their needs (Stratton, 2016). This history sug-
gests, in addition to the extant evidence base, a particular appeal of systemic
approaches, making them unique among a host of psychotherapeutic interven-
tions. Essentially, research shows how much clients value it. For example, Chenail
et al. (2012) conducted a qualitative meta-synthesis of 49 articles and from this
created an “inductive grounded formal theory of CFT (couple and family therapy)
client experience/evaluation/preferences” (as cited in Stratton, 2016, p. 259).
Chenail et al. (2012) provided a rich, descriptive account that told in detail cli-
ents’ reactions to their experience with systemic therapy. Of note is the client’s
appreciation for the therapeutic alliance in systemic therapy, how they felt
they were fairly engaged in the therapy process, and how much they valued hav-
ing the opportunity to hear what other family members contributed to the therapy
(Chenail et al., 2012).
1 Introduction 5

Such qualitative evidence that Chenail et al. (2012) contributed can be very
useful beyond the clinic, as Langlois, Tunçalp, Norris, Askew, and Ghaffar (2018)
recently pointed out:
qualitative evidence is invaluable for national and local decision-makers and practitioners
to understand factors influencing the implementation and scale-up of health policies and
programmes. Qualitative data have proven essential in planning, developing and imple-
menting health policies and interventions, including in low- and middle-income countries.
Qualitative evidence also helps policy-makers and programme managers to make decisions
about how to adapt a given WHO guideline and how to prioritize this guidance … [It] is also
aligned with a global movement towards the generation and use of a wide array of evidence
in policy-making. (Langlois et al., 2018, p. 79)

Applying an evidence-based approach to policy-making, however, be it family sys-

tems intervention or another psychotherapeutic intervention may not be sufficiently
meaningful to address the needs that are brought by the context in LMICs and
FCVs. Nevertheless, critical questions must always be asked about how impactful
treatments actually are and also how meaningful (Lebow, 2018). As Lebow (2018)
noted, there are several reasons family therapy approaches are not easily captured in
conventional experimental research. For example, clients may have more than one
clinical condition alongside the presenting problem. We find this point particularly
relevant with regard to conditions in LMICs and FCVs – although Lebow (2018)
was not speaking of them. Of further interest, Lebow (2018) also pointed out that
when therapists are likely to practice more than one “pure brand version” of therapy
(p. 2), experimental research methods are unlikely to fit. We also find such condi-
tions – practitioners who adhere to more than one brand or approach – pervasive,
common, and actually quite amenable to practitioners working in LMICs and FCVs
or in a humanitarian setting.
Evidence-based approaches to psychotherapeutic intervention, if done meaning-
fully, add to the credibility of all mental health and psychosocial support social
science and can offer an important ethical and moral voice. However, our experi-
ence in global mental health and humanitarian settings suggests they are rarely suf-
ficient on their own. Rather, such settings reflect the demand overall for a greater,
more diverse “portfolio of approaches” (Schindler, Fisher, & Shonkoff, 2017).
Indeed, systemic approaches for families and communities in global mental
health and humanitarian settings should include an expansive and generous defini-
tion of evidence. It should include approaches informed by evidence as well as
multi-, trans-, and interdisciplinary innovation informed by best practice. It should
include a broad set of systemic family clinicians and researchers, development and
governance professionals proficient in foreign policy, and the international system
in its application. Most significantly, it should include and engage client families
and communities originating in the places where clinical research and projects are
conducted. For us, this is the minimum requirement for a “portfolio of approaches”
to global mental health and MHPSS in humanitarian settings. At the very least, it is
what we can and should expect of our future discourse in the arena of global mental
health – particularly when family systems approaches are the intervention. It is our
belief that such a proposal is more typically suited to the circumstances on the
6 L. L. Charlés and G. Samarasinghe

ground of LMICS and FCVs, which demands a constantly inductive, sometimes

unconventional sensibility to problem-solving, which may start with, but not neces-
sarily end, with a randomized, controlled trial. The sensibility should be driven by
circumstances on the ground and the people in the field who know them best. We
offer this collection of chapters in that spirit.

Our Contributors and Their Methods and Approaches

Our contributors range in their professional backgrounds, and their work mirrors the
interdisciplinary origins of systemic therapy. What is unique about their work, and
a key focus of our book, are the authors’ geopolitical locations on the globe, the set
of conditions that define that setting as a humanitarian context of intervention, and
how they address those conditions through the application of a family systems
approach. As these authors illustrate, practitioners living and working in LMICs or
FCVs are expert at managing the shifting dynamics or circumstances inside human-
itarian corridors or state conditions. However, the questions they bring to the family
therapy world are different, unlike the settings in HICs, where the humanitarian
space may be a new character, the protagonist, and the unexpected arrival with
whom one must learn to work in order for their FSA to be sustainable. Among all,
it is the humanitarian space that is the common factor; all work must incorporate
those conditions in the design if the approach is to be sustainable. When the sys-
temic approach is brought forward by transdisciplinary professionals, it brings a
new flavor to the method that challenges the status quo. Further, the challenges
demand the attention of professionals beyond the clinical realm, as Simone Young,
a foreign policy expert, demonstrates in her chapter.
Anne Rambo, Kara Erolin, Christine Beliard, and Flavia Almonte, in a chapter
that is an approach to training and practice, discuss earnestly and with smart dili-
gence how they had to review and revise very unexpectedly the contents of their
master’s degree program in marriage and family therapy. In Florida, where Rambo
and her co-authors are based, the group found that they and their clients were
faced with two emergencies, a hurricane and a shooting in a school, which made
them question their own understanding of the relevance and appropriateness of
the program they offered in their university to address the consequences of such
tragedies.
Unlike in the USA where family systems therapy is an accepted and a used
method to support individuals within family, Sri Lanka is beginning to discover its
usefulness and potential with families in crisis situations. Evangeline Ekanayake
and Nilanga Abeysinghe creatively and vividly present the challenges that propo-
nents of family systems approaches are facing in Sri Lanka including their ­questions,
doubts, and successful outcomes through the discussion of two cases. Most interest-
ingly, and with aplomb and in robust detail, the authors point to how they gradually
develop an approach more suitable to the Sri Lankan context, with the collaboration
of trainees in a master’s program and also, in a training program for counsellors in
the hill country.
18 A. Rambo et al.

PROMISE program, and statements were made that the reduction in schoolhouse
arrests brought about by the PROMISE program had prevented the school shooter
from being arrested before the shooting (French, 2018). These allegations were
based on misconceptions – the school shooter had actually been arrested several
times, the school district had expelled the school shooter, and the school shooter
was at no point a client of the PROMISE program (Travis, 2018). PROMISE was
primarily designed to reduce the schoolhouse arrests of students of color (www.
browardintervention.org), and the school shooter, like all school shooters to date,
was a White male.
Yet the allegations persisted. Some of our students became involved in argu-
ments about this online, on Facebook in particular, and program directors (Rambo
and Beliard) had to caution students not to attempt to speak for the school district,
even in fervent defense. Seeing firsthand how facts do not always affect people’s
responses was a political education for our students, many of whom found them-
selves galvanized into increased political action.
Through these difficult times, the WhatsApp group for students continued to be
an online support group. Students shared information about the shootings, ways to
help, and concern for those affected. Almonte remembers a student posting about
attending the funeral of a beloved high school teacher, who had been killed trying to
protect students. Faculty continued to take time in class for “check-ins,” expressing
personal concern and inviting students to share.

Multiple Levels of Trauma

Everyone experiences the storms of life, and all of our students and faculty experi-
enced these calamitous events. Yet all did not experience them equally. Almonte
remembers during the hurricane how issues of privilege were very apparent and
were openly discussed among the student body, as some students had the financial
and family resources to easily evacuate the hurricane, and others did not have such
resources.
After the school shootings, racial issues became an increased topic of conversa-
tion. Beliard, Cunningham, Fontus, and Moye (2018) has written about the daily
microaggression therapists of color experience. Students of color in South Florida
also deal daily with the national and local experience of racial violence, in particular
the Trayvon Martin and Charles Kinsey shootings, which took place here in Florida
(www.circleoffathers.org). Based on incidents between 2014 and 2017, you are
eight times more likely to be shot by police in Florida if you are Black (Montgomery,
2017). Charles Kinsey was himself a therapist, working with a client at the time he
was shot, and Rambo remembers the alarm this triggered for students working in the
community. Rambo also noted students of color were for the most part less sur-
prised about the unfairness of post Stoneman Douglas allegations against
PROMISE. They had not had the luxury of ignoring past misinformation campaigns
and acute fear reactions. Beliard reports in a dissertation group she runs for women
2 Through the Storm: How a Master’s Degree Program in Marriage and Family… 19

of color that students expressed pain about the national attention paid to the Parkland
shootings, as opposed to other shootings which affected people of color. The experi-
ence of feeling hopeless to help was also not new. Conversations in class and in our
Courageous Conversations increased, specifically about the “multilayered” (p. ix)
nature of trauma (Kolayjian & Paloutzian, 2009) and the way in which trauma
affects us all individually, but also affects our communities, our social networks,
and our historical kinship frameworks.

Aftermath of Both Disasters

These experiences of trauma changed faculty and students alike. As a community,

we experienced a renewed dedication to our field. The need for culturally sensitive
family therapists to work with survivors of trauma could not be more apparent to us.
We saw intensified commitment to the PROMISE program, to Stable Place equine
therapy with trauma survivors, and to community service in general. Almonte
describes a new sense of pride in being a family therapist, as she now sees the pro-
fession as incorporating a response to the whole system and to the entire communi-
ties in need.
Faculty came away with increased respect for the cohesive community which
students have developed on their own and for the power of social media. Recently,
the MS program director (Rambo) was told by several students of a student unhappy
with a grade, who was posting negative comments about an instructor on the first-­
year students’ WhatsApp group chat. Previously, she might have intervened with
the student and discussed professional guidelines for appropriate use of social
media. Now, remembering how the students were there in the dark for each other in
a way faculty alone could not be, she chose instead to simply counsel the concerned
students on how to support their colleague through these struggles. It all worked out.
We were all moved, individually and collectively, by the Stoneman Douglas stu-
dents caught up in the shooting who spent their last moments or what they feared
might be their last moments texting and Instagramming their parents and siblings
with messages of love. Social media is how this generation connects, and the faculty
has developed a new appreciation of that reality.
Curriculum changes were also made. Principles of psychological first aid (PFA)
and responding to natural disasters and other traumas have become a standard part
of our curriculum. One of the PFA trainings was videotaped and is publicly avail-
able to view on our program website (www.cahss.nova.edu). We made significant
changes to our International Perspectives in Counseling and Therapy course to
address global mental health in humanitarian contexts, including trauma, ambigu-
ous loss, and resilience. As a part of the requirements, students now complete the
National Child Traumatic Stress Network (NCTSN) Psychological First Aid Online
course. Adding this material to our family therapy curriculum both better prepares
us for crisis, and connects us more intensively with those working in the field
worldwide. Our students were surprised to learn how widespread the use of PFA is
Another random document with
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 CHAPTER XV

DEATH'S KINDLY VEIL

Robespierre has thus been vanquished for the second time!

Where will they take him? To the Tuileries, to the Convention, into the
very midst of the victorious National Assembly, where the dying despot is
to be exposed to the raillery of the populace, before being carried to the
scaffold. Robespierre is laid down in the courtyard of the Hôtel de Ville,
and placed with infinite care on a litter. They lift his head and bind up his
wound, for he must live long enough to receive the final retribution. The
bullet has but half robbed the scaffold of its prey.

Artillerymen now come forward, and take him up again, but

Robespierre, still unconscious, knows nothing of what is passing round him.
They lift the wreck of what was once the Incorruptible and continue their
way. Saint-Just walks in the rear between two gendarmes, his hands bound
behind him, very pale, with head erect, and perfectly indifferent to the
insults hurled at him—the only one of his allies who is with Robespierre in
the hour of defeat. The others are either dead, hidden or fled. But their turn
will come, for hot search is afoot for the cowards and fugitives.

The gloomy cortège crosses the Place de la Grêve, and moves in the
direction of the quay, on its way to the Tuileries, beneath a cloudless sky
that smiles after the rain, as the stars are gradually effaced by the first
gleams of dawn. It is three o'clock. The cortège is followed by a curious
and gaping crowd. Passers-by stop and ask, "What is it?"

"Robespierre, who is wounded. They are taking him to the Convention."

Then the inquirers' faces light up with joy.

 "It is all over, then! ... The tyrant is going to die! ... There will be no
more scaffold!"

And the passers-by joined the crowd.

But at the Convention the order had been given that the "monster" was
not to be received. Even a captive and almost a corpse, they will not allow
Robespierre again to cross the threshold, once he has been banished from
their midst. The Incorruptible, as an outlaw, belongs to justice only. So the
wounded man is taken up and laid at the foot of the grand staircase leading
to the Committee of Public Safety.

There, on the very spot where, two days before, Robespierre, returning
from the Conciergerie, hurled defiance at Billaud-Varennes, he now lies on
a litter, vanquished, ruined, gasping out his life!

A peremptory order is given, and flies from mouth to mouth.

Robespierre is to be transported to the Committee's waiting-room. Saint-
Just walks in front now, with Dumas, President of the Revolutionary
Tribunal, who has been discovered hidden in a corner of the Hôtel de Ville,
and several others whose arrest and arrival is also announced.

The litter is carried into the room. Robespierre still unconscious is lifted
out and laid on a table, and his head is pillowed on a deal box, containing
samples of munition bread. His shirt, loosened at the neck, and leaving the
throat bare, is covered with blood which still flows freely from the
mutilated jaw. The sky-blue coat is soiled and torn, the nankeen breeches,
the white stockings, washed and ironed by Cornélie Duplay, are now all
stained and disfigured.

The Incorruptible is a mutilated mass, but a living mass, still breathing

and still suffering.

Robespierre has opened his eyes; he raises his right hand, groping
instinctively for his handkerchief, wishing to wipe his mouth. His trembling
fingers come in contact with a white leather pistol-case, which he lifts to his
lips to staunch the blood. By an irony of fate the case bears the inscription
—"The Great Monarch; Lecourt, manufacturer to the King."
 Robespierre appears to revive. He looks round, and his eyes fall on
Saint-Just and Dumas, side by side in the recess of one of the windows,
shrugging their shoulders at the rudeness of the people who pass through
the room and stare at them as if they were curiosities. The insults are now
directed against Robespierre, who turns away:—"There is fallen majesty for
you!" exclaims one.... "Majesty laid low," says another.... "With his
bandages he looks like a mummy or a nun!" ... "Yes, a nun with her head-
gear awry!" ... "He is thinking of his Supreme Being! It's just the right
moment!"

But Robespierre, under this railing clamour and abuse, does not stir.
There he lies, stretched out motionless, his eyes fixed on the ceiling, the
very embodiment of silent scorn. Slowly and without a word, he drinks the
cup of bitterness; he will drink it so, to the very dregs. A conqueror, he
would have been to them a god; vanquished, they nail him to the pillory.
Such is the constant perfidy of human nature! And yet he had been so near
success, so near! If the Convention had not proved so cowardly at the
sitting, had not succumbed directly before Tallien's attack! ... If they had but
let him speak! If they had allowed him to defend himself! But the plot had
been too well laid. Then Robespierre's thoughts wander to the other
wretches, the Communes, the cowards on whom he had counted, the vile
traitors and base deserters!

His bitter meditations are suddenly cut short by a shooting pain in the
knee, which runs through him like a knife. It is his garter, which is too
tightly drawn. He raises himself and stretches out his hand to undo it, but
his strength fails, and he falls back again. Suddenly he feels some one
gently loosening it. He lifts himself again and bends forward. Can he be
dreaming? That young man ... yes, it is Olivier! ... Olivier, himself!

"Oh, thank you, my ... thank you, my ... thank you, monsieur!" he says
hastily.

He is on the point of saying, "my son!" but has strength enough left to
recollect himself. No! Olivier must never know the secret of his birth,
never, never!
 Robespierre falls back again. The emotion is too much for him, and he
faints away.

Yes, it is Olivier, who has just obtained from the Committee a passport
for his mother, his fiancée, and himself. Crossing the waiting-room he had
seen Robespierre stretched out on the table in front of him. Touched with
pity at his vain and painful attempts to undo the garter, he had come to his
assistance.

Olivier now leaves the Committee of Public Safety to rejoin Clarisse

and Thérèse, who are waiting for him in the Tuileries Gardens, and
overcome with fatigue have sat down on a bench, and seeing them in the
distance hastens his steps.

"I have the passport!" he exclaims.

"Then let us go, and lose no time!" Clarisse answers; "let us return to
Montmorency, at once! I long to leave the city of woe and misery."

"We cannot go yet," replies Olivier. "The passport must bear the stamp
of the Committee of General Security to be of any use, and I must present
myself before the Committee at three o'clock."

"Then, what are we to do? Where shall we go?" asks Clarisse wearily.

"We can only go to the Rue du Rocher, to Leonard's landlady. She will
receive me with open arms, you will see, now she has no longer
Robespierre to fear."

It is five o'clock, and day has just dawned. The air is soft and fresh, the
sky above of sapphire blue; the trees, the streets, the very houses, seem
smiling with renewed life, after the refreshing shower.

In this brightening dawn Robespierre is being taken to the Conciergerie,

for the Committee of Public Safety have altered their decision. Robespierre
and his accomplices, now found and arrested, are to be confined in the
Conciergerie in order to undergo the formality of identification. From
thence they are to be taken to the scaffold without trial or judgment, as
outlaws.

So Robespierre is replaced on the litter, followed by the gaping crowd.

He sleeps the whole way, lulled by the measured tread of the men who carry
him, and only awakes to find himself in a narrow cell, in charge of a
gendarme.

"Can I write?" he asks.

"No!"

"Where am I?"

"At the Conciergerie."

His eyes flash for a second. He looks round uneasily and repeats—"At
the Conciergerie! In what part of the Conciergerie?"

"Between the Queen's cell and the Girondins' Chapel."

Between his victims! He is between his victims! The fearful warning on

the prison walls passes again before his eyes: "Robespierre, your hour will
come!..." The dead were right! If he had done away with the guillotine in
time, he would perhaps not be there, himself a victim of the Terror he had
let loose! But he could not! No, he could not, it was too soon.... He would
have been engulfed in the turmoil, just the same! ... In continuing the
Revolutionary Tribunal, in keeping the executioner at his post, he was
merely protecting his own head!

His mind is flooded with ideas.... He is, dreaming vaguely, his dim eyes
fixed on the low ceiling of his cell.... His youth smiles at him through the
mist of years, every detail of the past comes back to him in clear and lucid
vision.

He sees Clarisse seated at her harpsichord, he is turning over the leaves

of her music ... but the vision trembles, and then fades away. Fever
gradually rises to his brain, takes entire possession of him, and deadens his
senses, so that he is completely unconscious, and when Fouquier-Tinville,
his creature of the Revolutionary Tribunal, his accomplice in the days of
bloodshed, comes forward to identify him, he does not recognise his voice.

The end is now approaching. At five in the afternoon the gendarmes

come to conduct Robespierre to the scaffold. The Convention has decreed
that for this occasion the guillotine shall be erected at the Place de la
Révolution. Robespierre is borne on the litter through the crowd of
prisoners, the victims of his hatred and his laws, and when the dying man
has passed the threshold they breathe again. With him death departs and
new life comes in.

The tumbril is waiting in the courtyard, surrounded by a crowd of sans-

culottes and Mænads, and hundreds of spectators eager to witness the
startling spectacle, are swarming in the streets to hoot and abuse
Robespierre as heartily as they had cheered and applauded him at the Fête
of the Supreme Being! To effect this startling change one sitting of the
Convention has sufficed!

Robespierre is now in sight. This is the signal for the wildest uproar. He
is seated on a bench in the first tumbril, and fastened against the bars of the
cart to keep him from falling. The fresh air has revived him; he allows them
to do as they please, looking on in silent scorn. Others of the condemned
are placed in the same tumbril: Augustin Robespierre, Saint-Just, Dumas
the president, Hauriot, and Couthon. The two last are seated right and left of
Robespierre. Four other carts follow, equally loaded. The condemned
number twenty-two in all.

Now Robespierre's via dolorosa begins.

Abuse and insults rain down on them in torrents, covering Robespierre

and his accomplices with ignominy.

The ghastly procession crosses the Pont-au-Change, the Quay de la

Mégisserie, and passing the Rue de la Monnaie it enters the Rue Saint-
Honoré.
 Curses are heard mingling with the shrieks of the rabble, for among the
crowd there are many victims of the Terror, widows and orphans conjuring
up the memory of all their anguish, all the drama of the guillotine, the work
of the Incorruptible.

A woman clutches at the tumbril in which Robespierre sits, a woman

whose two children had been torn from her by the Prairial law.

"Monster!" she cries, "vile monster! in the name of all mothers, I curse
you to hell!"

The crowd following the cortège grows denser as it proceeds. It is

Decadi, the Republican Sunday. All Paris is out of doors. The windows and
balconies are thronged with men and women in festal attire, pressing
forward to see the procession file past, and showering down shouts of joy
and triumph, for the passing of those tumbrils means also the passing away
of the reign of Terror.

Robespierre continues his dreadful way, his eyes fixed and glassy, his
face wrapped in the bandage which holds his jaw together, and partly hides
it like some ghastly mask. By his side sits Hauriot, livid and terrified,
covered with the mud and filth of the sewer into which he had fallen.
Couthon and Augustin Robespierre, pitifully mutilated, are lying at the
bottom of the cart. Saint-Just alone stands erect, his hands bound, and
retains his scornful air.

The tumbrils enter the Rue Saint-Honoré near the Jacobin Club, where
two days before the Incorruptible reigned supreme. The martyrdom is not
over. They are before the house of the Duplays.

The cortège stops.

At a given signal a child dips a broom in a pail of blood, and sprinkles

the front door.

"Ha! Robespierre, here is your cavern branded with the blood of your
victims!" cries a voice.
 A plaintive howl is heard from behind the blood-smeared door. It is
Blount, who has scented his master. Robespierre shuts his eyes but it is
useless, for he can hear!

People question each other in the crowd. Where are the Duplays? In
prison! The father at Plessis, the mother at Sainte-Pilagie with her young
son. Lebas has killed himself! His body is there in one of the carts. As to
the daughters, they have fled, most probably.

But now for the guillotine!

The cortège continues its way, while the heart-rending moans of Blount
can still be heard in the distance. That cry of the faithful dog, recognising
his master and calling to him, is the last adieu to Robespierre from his
recent home.

The first tumbril is already at the top of the Rue Saint-Florentin. A man
turns out of the street and runs in the direction of the Rue de la Révolution.

The crowd cry after him—

"Hallo, there! will you not see the Incorruptible's head cut off? Stop!
stop! Don't be so chicken-hearted!"

But the man is already far away. It is Olivier, returning from the
Committee of General Security, where he had at last succeeded in having
his passport countersigned, after endless trouble. He tries to cross the Rue
Saint-Honoré, but the crowd fills the street; so he retraces his steps,
followed the Jardin des Tuileries, and reaches the Rue Saint-Florentin, at
the very moment when the tumbrils are at hand.

Away from them he hurries, towards the Rue de Rocher, where Clarisse
and Thérèse are impatiently awaiting him in their room. The landlady,
anxious to be taken back to favour, has been worrying them with officious
attention since the morning.

Olivier bursts in upon them eagerly—

 "It's done! Now we can start! Is the carriage ready?"

The widow Beaugrand is in despair.

"Then you have decided to go? Will you not wait until to-morrow? I
have such a nice supper prepared!"

Olivier grows impatient. Clarisse and Thérèse get ready to start.

"It's all right! Everything is arranged," says the landlady. "The carriage
has been ordered, and is just two steps from here."

She hastens downstairs, followed by Olivier and the two women, who
wait outside. The street is deserted. The day melts in a soft twilight. Stars
already twinkle in the cloudless sky. Light, happy laughter comes from a
balcony opposite, the echo of childish merriment, which soon ceases with
the closing of a door.

The carriage has arrived, an open char-à-banc with four seats. Olivier
helps his mother and his fiancée in, then climbs up on the box beside the
driver.

"To Montmorency! And take the shortest cut!"

The carriage rolls away amidst the farewells and good wishes of the
widow Beaugrand. However, at the end of the Rue du Rocher it stops
suddenly and draws up to the side of the road. Two carts are coming at full
gallop, driven by men in red nightcaps. Olivier asks impatiently—

"What is the matter now?"

"It's the dead bodies of the condemned, citoyen; they are taking them to
the Cemetery des Errancy. Ah! now, the Incorruptible can kill no more!"

The two women have heard!

Clarisse and Thérèse fall on their knees, their hands clapped, and their
eyes lifted in prayer. Olivier bares his head. The carts are passing. Clarisse
and Thérèse make the sign of the cross. Olivier, pale with emotion, follows
their example, turning towards Thérèse and his mother, whose eyes dwell
with strange emotion on his face. Her tear-dimmed gaze is full of mute
thanksgiving, the secret of which Olivier will never know.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ROBESPIERRE
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