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Anne M. Scott (Editor)
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i

FLUID BODIES AND

BODILY FLUIDS IN
PREMODERN EUROPE

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ii

BORDERLINES
Borderlines welcomes monographs and edited collections that, while firmly rooted
in late antique, medieval, and early modern periods, are “edgy” and may introduce
approaches, methodologies, or theories from the social sciences, health studies, and
the sciences. Typically, volumes are theoretically aware whilst introducing novel
approaches to topics of key interest to scholars of the pre-​modern past.

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iii

FLUID BODIES AND

BODILY FLUIDS IN
PREMODERN EUROPE
BODIES, BLOOD, AND TEARS IN
LITERATURE,THEOLOGY, AND ART

Edited by
ANNE M. SCOTT
and
MICHAEL DAVID BARBEZAT

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iv

DEDICATION

This volume is dedicated to the Perth Medieval and Renaissance Group which
celebrates scholarship and sustains scholars with a winning mix of collegiality,
openness and friendship.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

© 2019, Arc Humanities Press, Leeds

The authors assert their moral right to be identi ied as the authors of their part of this work.
Permission to use brief excerpts from this work in scholarly and educational works is hereby granted
provided that the source is acknowledged. Any use of material in this work that is an exception or limita-
tion covered by Article 5 of the European Union’s Copyright Directive (2001/29/EC) or would be deter-
mined to be “fair use” under Section 107 of the U.S. Copyright Act September 2010 page 2 or that satis ies
the conditions speci ied in Section 108 of the U.S. Copyright Act (17 USC §108, as revised by P.L. 94–553)
does not require the Publisher’s permission.

ISBN: 9781641892384
e-ISBN: 9781641892391

www.arc-humanities.org
Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

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v

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii

1 Introduction: Bodies, Fluidity, and Change

MICHAEL DAVID BARBEZAT AND ANNE M. SCOTT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

PART 1:
TRANSFORMATIVE AND MANIPULATIVE TEARS

2 Where Did Margery Kempe Cry?

ANTHONY BALE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

3 Elusive Tears: Lamentation and Impassivity in Fifteenth-​century Passion

Iconography
HUGH HUDSON. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

4 Catherine’s Tears: Diplomatic Corporeality, Affective Performance,

and Gender at the Sixteenth-​century French Court
SUSAN BROOMHALL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

PART 2:
IDENTITIES IN BLOOD

5 Piers Plowman and the Blood of Brotherhood

ANNE M. SCOTT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

6 Performative Asceticism and Exemplary Effluvia: Blood, Tears, and

Rapture in Fourteenth-​century German Dominican Literature
SAMUEL BAUDINETTE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

7 “Bloody Business:” Passions and Regulation of Sanguinity in William

Shakespeare’s Macbeth and King Lear
KARIN SELLBERG. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113

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vi

vi Contents

PART 3:
BODIES AND BLOOD IN LIFE, DEATH,
AND RESURRECTION

8 Saintly Blood: Absence, Presence, and the Alter Christus

DIANA HILLER. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

9 The Treatment of the Body in Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp

HELEN GRAMOTNEV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

10 Augustine on the Flesh of the Resurrection Body in the De fide et

symbolo: Origen, Manichaeism, and Augustine’s Developing
Thought Regarding Human Physical Perfection
MICHAEL DAVID BARBEZAT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175

Select Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197

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vii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1. Places in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre where

Margery Kempe cried ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26

Figure 2. Attributed to Bartolomeo Bellano, Lamentation of Christ, ca.

1476–​1497, stone, plaster, pigments, and gold leaf (?), National
Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, presented by Tomas Harris Esq.
(1276–​D4). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

Figure 3. Cristoforo Guerra (printmaker), after Cesare Vecellio (designer),

Generale di Venetia (Venetian General), woodblock print, from De
gli habiti antichi, et moderni di diversi parti del mondo libri due
(Venice: Damian Zenaro, 1590), f­ igure 102b. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

Figure 4. Carlo Crivelli, Lamentation of Christ, ca. 1476, tempera and gold
leaf on panel, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

Figure 5. Giovanni Bellini, Pietà, late 1460s or early 1470s, tempera on

panel, Pinacoteca di Brera, Milan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44

Figure 6. Piero and Antonio del Pollaiuolo, The Martyrdom of St. Sebastian
(1473–​1475), oil on wood (291 × 203 cm).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

Figure 7. Master of Staffolo, Saints John the Baptist and Sebastian (1449),
verso of the Misericordia Standard, tempera and gold on wood,
Museo Nazionale del Palazzo Venezia, Rome. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141

Figure 8. Giovanni del Biondo, Martyrdom of St. Sebastian and Scenes from
His Life (ca. 1374), tempera and gold on wood (224 × 89 cm).
Florence, Museo dell’Opera del Duomo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142

Figure 9. Cosmѐ Tura, St. Sebastian (ca. 1484), oil on poplar, panel from
altarpiece (panel 75.5 × 33.2 cm). Berlin, Gemäldegalerie-​
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

Figure 10. Luca Signorelli, Martyrdom of St. Sebastian (ca. 1498), oil on
wood, Pinacoteca Comunale, Città di Castello (288 × 175 cm).. . . . . . . . . 144

Figure 11. Gentile da Fabriano, Valle Romita Polyptych (ca. 1405), upper
panel, tempera and gold on wood, Pinacoteca di Brera, Milan
(157 × 80 cm).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148

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 viii
newgenprepdf

viii List of ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 12. Aretine Workshop, Crucifix with St. Francis, detail, late thirteenth
century, tempera and gold on wood, Arezzo, Chiesa di San
Francesco. Scala. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149

Figure 13. Carlo Crivelli, St. Francis Collecting the Blood of Christ
(ca. 1490–​1500), tempera on wood (20 × 16 cm). Milan, Museo
Poldi Pezzoli.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

Figure 14. Taddeo di Bartolo, Death of St. Peter Martyr (ca. 1400), predella
panel, tempera and gold leaf on wood (14¼ × 15⅜ in).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154

Figure 15. Giovanni Bellini, The Assassination of St. Peter Martyr (ca. 1507),
oil and tempera on wood (100 × 165 cm).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

Figure 16. Giovanni Bellini, Assassination of St. Peter Martyr (1509), oil on
panel, The Courtauld Gallery, London (68 × 100 cm). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

Figure 17. Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn, Anatomy Lesson of

Dr. Nicolaes Tulp, 1632. Oil on canvas (216.5 × 169.5 cm).
Mauritshuis, The Hague.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160

Figure 18. Bartholomeus Dolendo after Jan Cornelisz Woudanus, The

Anatomical Theatre in Leiden, 1609. Engraving (46.6 × 55.8 cm).
Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163

Figure 19. Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn, The Slaughtered Ox, 1655.
Oil on wood (94 × 69 cm). Musée du Louvre, Paris. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

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1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION: BODIES, FLUIDITY, AND CHANGE

Michael David Barbezat and Anne M. Scott

FLUID BODIES AND Bodily Fluids in Premodern Europe: Bodies, Blood, and Tears in
Literature, Theology, and Art is an interdisciplinary collection, containing chapters from
specialists in history, art history, and literature, dealing with material from the early
Middle Ages to the early modern period. The essays focus on discussions regarding the
body and how its fluids both signify and explain change. For medieval and early modern
thinkers, the apparent solidity of the body only came about through the dynamic inter-
play of a host of fluidities in constant flux. The intimately familiar language of the body
served as a convenient medium through which to imagine and describe transformations
of the larger world, both for the better and also for the worse. Rethinking the human
body was one way to approach redefining the social, political, and religious realities of
the world.
Fluid Bodies situates itself in the context of a rich and ongoing conversation regarding
conceptions of the human body and its significations in the medieval and early modern
Western world. There is no shortage of scholarship on the subject of corporeality in
these periods. Past work has interrogated the range of meanings assigned to the cat-
egory of body. This work has stressed the multiplicity of these meanings, destabilizing
monolithic categories of universal personhood or universal body by approaching their
subjects through the lenses of gender,1 teleology,2 narrative,3 sexuality,4 and developing
notions of the role played by bodily fluids in human physiology, particularly the humoral
body and its reciprocal relations with its environment.5
Materiality itself has also served as a frequent focus for recent research, particu-
larly into the way the sacred and the material can interact and sometimes cohere. This
work, especially as it has been developed by scholars such as Caroline Walker Bynum,
has stressed the recurrent anxieties that result from the investment of the divine in the
material. Most pertinently for this volume, it also explores the ultimate fruitfulness of
these anxieties as drives for cultural expression and creative thought, particularly in

1 Kay and Rubin, Framing Medieval Bodies. The works cited here are listed in the bibliography at
the end of the chapter and further key works are listed in the Select Bibliography at the end of the
volume.
2 Akbari and Ross, The Ends of the Body; Hirai, Medical Humanism and Natural Philosophy.
3 Cohen and Weiss, Thinking the Limits of the Body.
4 Dinshaw, Getting Medieval; Burger, Chaucer’s Queer Nation.
5 Paster, Humoring the Body; Horstmanshoff, King, and Zittel, Blood, Sweat, and Tears; Lange,
Telling Tears in the English Renaissance.

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2

2 Michael David Barbezat and Anne M. Scott

the signifying power of blood.6 Bynum’s work has illustrated that speculation regarding
bodily change often prompts focused reflections on personal identity. In fact, the need
to maintain personal identity and the desire to keep the world recognizable have often
provided limits to the imagining of a better human being or a more perfect world in
the Western tradition. These speculative limits suggest some of the motivations that
lay beneath thought regarding embodiment and demonstrate that a total separation
between body and soul, that is, between essential personhood and the body, cannot
stand at most points in the medieval and early modern tradition.
The unique contribution of this volume to ongoing scholarship is that it focuses on
the body and its fluids as tools for signifying and understanding processes of change. It
situates its inquiries within the imagery and discourse employed by historical actors, and
through these historicized perspectives it recovers something of the productive fluidity
of embodiment in medieval and early modern worlds. It questions ideas of personhood
in their entanglement with embodied experience. It explores the different purposes and
narratives that explained and structured the experiences of medieval and early modern
bodies, both individual and collective. On the level of bodily matter, it interrogates the
role of the constituent material parts of the body and their participation in a greater
whole. In the sphere of heuristics, it explores the potential for the body and its change-
ability to function as signs. Finally, in all of these functions, its individual chapters draw
attention to the different ways that speculation regarding the body reflected speculation
regarding the larger political and material ordering of the world.
In early medical theory, the human body was considered to be composed of fluids
and these fluids were themselves made up of the four elements that came together to
constitute all terrestrial material substances. The four basic fluids, or humors, of the
body—​blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile—​mirrored the four terrestrial elem-
ents.7 Arising from Hippocratic medicine, the four humors played an essential role in
the body’s economy, generating and sustaining it. These liquids also influenced, and
sometimes were believed to constitute, individuals’ psychological states. In the words
of Gail Kern Paster, due to the workings of the humors in the body, the “passions were
liquid forces of nature.”8 The exact balance of these fluids in a person varied as part of
their individuality. This balance, or complexion, described the humoral state natural to a
given individual and defined which humor was predominant (sanguine, phlegmatic, cho-
leric, or melancholic).9 Yet the individual complexion was not really stable, being subject
to constant disruption through disease. In its constant negotiations for a variable and
unique balance, always under some threat, the fluidity of the body reflected both the
promising and the dangerous malleability of the world.

6 Bynum, The Resurrection of the Body; Metamorphosis and Identity; Wonderful Blood; Christian
Materiality.
7 As well as the four primary qualities (hot, wet, cold, dry).
8 Paster, Humoring the Body, 4.
9 Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, 104–​6.

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3

Introduction 3

As medieval theologians often explained, the eventual perfection of the human

body was an essential part of the perfection of the entire world.10 Speculation regarding
the one frequently attracted the other. Embracing the ancient concept of humanity as
microcosm, or a version of the larger universe in miniature, intellectuals imagined that
transformations of the human body mirrored transformations of the world and vice
versa; reimagining one involved the reconceptualization of both. Study of and specu-
lation regarding the self, likewise, were not necessarily distinct from the study of the
external processes of nature. Since humanity was an image of the elements, principles,
and forces active in the world, human beings enjoyed a privileged position from which
to understand the processes by which they were formed and by which the world itself
continued.11
The body and its processes, as a vehicle through which to rethink the world and its
orderings, did not always, of course, require grand mythological, theological, and philo-
sophical edifices such as that of the Neoplatonic homo microcosmus or learned medicine.
Instead, just as man as microcosm drew together so many different genres, so too did
other forms of speculation regarding the body and its fluids in the context of change.
Beyond literature and written texts, artistic representations of the body also brought
together the interests and influences of multiple genres, and such representations
invoked a wide range of associations and implications just as rich as those found within
textual sources.
The convergence of multiple genres, in unique and often idiosyncratic combinations
reminiscent of the unstable diversity of the larger world, is the point of departure for our
volume. Each chapter takes as its focus representations and conceptions of the body, its
fluids, and their significations within specific historical contexts. In taking this approach
it follows scholars who have insisted, “that we cannot take ‘the body’ for granted as a
natural, fixed and historically universal datum of human societies.”12 Individually, the
chapters take the fluidity of the body in the terms set by a particular context, exploring
what it meant in specific moments and in specific places. The authors in this collection
highlight many concepts that have faded, or routes that were not taken, while identi-
fying others that have only grown more powerful and normative over the passage of
time. From the point of view inhabited by modern scholars interested in the past, these
individual chapters are in a unique position to illustrate what Glenn Burger has called a
process of “becoming.”13 In the present day, certain assumptions about the meanings of
the body and its constituent parts are used to structure society and human experience.
Our chapters demonstrate that there have been many other valid ways of understanding
the body, and that our current interpretations reflect only a few out of many possibilities.

10 For example, Hugh of St. Victor, De sacramentis christianae fidei, 2.17.28 and 2.18.1, in Patrologia
Latina, 176:609–​10; trans. Deferrari, On the Sacraments of the Christian Faith, 466.
11 Stock, Myth and Science in the Twelfth Century, 275.
12 Turner, “Body in Western Society,” 17.
13 Burger, Chaucer’s Queer Nation, x.

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4

4 Michael David Barbezat and Anne M. Scott

The individual chapters chart an eclectic course through these issues within three
main sections. Each chapter, within the bounds of its own case study, considers the role
of the body in medieval and early modern culture, and explores its potential to become
fluid. In those chapters that deal with blood and with tears, it becomes evident that the
emission of those bodily fluids causes something to happen—​they become agents of
change. The contents of each section are not arranged chronologically but by theme.
The first section, “Transformative and Manipulative Tears,” explores performances of
weeping as attempts to invoke social, political, or personal change. The chapters in this
section explore tears in a number of different modes: as a divine gift that authenticates
the sanctity of its recipient, as social performances that connect the weeper to biblical
figures and to God, and as a gendered political strategy. The second section, “Identities
in Blood,” examines presentations of blood as a marker and a shaper of identity out-
side familiar categories of race or heredity. The chapters in this section question the
role of blood, in itself or as an image, in the formation or reformation of the self. These
chapters examine Christ’s blood as a mimetic template for the faithful and explore
later understandings of the role of blood in the composition of a human individual.
The third and final part of the collection, “Bodies and blood in life, death, and resur-
rection,” examines instances in which contemplation of the human body and its domi-
nant fluid, blood, provided an opportunity for thinkers from late antiquity to the early
modern period to critique and reimagine both their roles in society and the nature of
humanity itself.

Transformative and Manipulative Tears

A rich scholarship on tears provides a foundation for this section. Nagy, in Le don des
larmes, argues for tears as a purely physiological function, a view sustained by the early
modern philosopher, René Descartes, in Passions of the Soul. The collection Crying in the
Middle Ages,14 provides a useful starting point for charting change and development with
regard to weeping as portrayed in medieval art and literature. For the early modern view-
point, Telling Tears in the English Renaissance15 warns against the simplistic assumption
that the reasons given for tears are unchanging. Lange points out the differences over
time in attitudes to weeping, suggesting that tears are a valuable indication of fashions in
conceptions about feelings. The first three chapters of this volume engage with and build
on this scholarship, offering new insights with which to approach well-​studied subject
matter.16
First, Bale advances an original explanation of the tears shed by the fifteenth-​
century mystic, Margery Kempe. He argues that she represents her spirituality by
“a crying that is not only socially performative but also follows and supports certain

14 Gertsman, Crying in the Middle Ages.

15 Lange, Telling Tears.
16 Nagy, Le don des larmes; Descartes, The Passions of the Soul; Gertsman, Crying in the Middle Ages;
Lange, Telling Tears.

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5

Introduction 5

rhetorical and contextual cues.”17 Rather than seeing tears as a sign of Kempe’s gender
or of her “madness,” Bale’s chapter discusses Kempe’s highly logical geography of tears.
It considers how her crying functions allusively not only to other holy weepers but also
how it responds to certain sites connected with weeping—​especially those concerned
with the Magdalene and the Passion of Christ. Bale sets Kemp within a tradition deriving
from other mystical and religious authorities. He calls her crying “richly allusive and
intertextual,” and points out that her allusion to “the heat of the fire of love is appropriate
because tears were a sign of heat and moisture.”18
Kempe’s crying is more than personal; it is public, performed in defined places which
have specific significance for the medieval worshipper. In ­chapter 3, Hudson makes the
point that the public shedding of tears is governed by certain codes of conduct, and here,
Bale concurs that, “in many medieval texts, crying only means something when other
people see it.”19 Nonetheless, Kempe’s crying is deeply personal, and is stimulated by her
deep devotion to Christ. Her imaginative emotional oneness with the human, suffering
body of Christ elicits torrential tears of empathy, a reaction that is a normal, human
reaction to the suffering of a loved one whose pain cannot be eased and must be borne
alone. This empathy is perfectly understandable as a human emotion, but drawing a par-
allel between blood and tears, Bale points out the spiritual significance of the reaction:
tears and blood are both warm, wet humors, but additionally, Kempe’s tears were
“pseudo-​stigmatic,” since they symbolize the wounding that she experiences at Calvary.
In a later chapter by Baudinette, “Performative Asceticism and Exemplary Effluvia:
Blood, Tears, and Rapture in Fourteenth-​century German Dominican Literature,” it will
be seen that Kempe’s near contemporaries, the late fourteenth-​ and fifteenth-​century
Dominican nuns, demonstrated in their bodies the significance of shedding their own
blood in empathy with the physical sufferings of Christ in his passion.20
Hudson’s chapter discussing A Lamentation of Christ attributable to the fifteenth-​
century Paduan sculptor Bartolomeo Bellano, and a number of similar compositions in
sculpture and painting, invites nuanced hypotheses about the relationship between the
bodily expression of emotion, devotional practices, and decorum in early modern art. His
analysis of the curious juxtaposition of extreme lamentation and impassivity in fifteenth-​
century passion iconography is closely aligned with Bale’s chapter. In this genre, biblical
figures are often portrayed showing obvious signs of grief beside the crucified Christ,
while the figures of the donors, who funded the work, are often shown as impassive. Like
Bale, Hudson too positions the religious mourner in context, and considers the shedding
of tears within the context of social mores, prescriptions of religious decorum, and his-
torical understandings of the expression of emotion. For Hudson’s figures, even though
they are static in contrast to the intensely corporeal and vibrant Margery Kempe, the
shedding or the restraining of tears takes place in time, in place, and in society.

17 Bale, ­chap. 2.
18 Bale, ­chap. 2.
19 Bale, ­chap. 2.
20 See ­chap. 6.

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6

6 Michael David Barbezat and Anne M. Scott

Hudson relates both the active expressions of grief and the passive expressions of the
donor figures to traditions of affective piety, and carefully contextualizes them. As the
hugely influential Thomas à Kempis suggests, there is a time and place for crying, but it is
quiet tears, shed inwardly in meditation, that are spiritually efficacious.21 Hudson charts
a pathway between texts of devotional literature which advocate emotionally involved
contemplation of Christ’s life and Passion and sumptuary texts and conduct books that
counsel restraint in public expressions of grief. He points out that the artworks illustrate
“the tension or contradiction between the appropriateness of ardent religious feeling
and the inappropriateness of its embodied expression.”22
Moving the discussion of public weeping into the secular sphere, Broomhall,
“Catherine’s Tears: Diplomatic Corporeality, Affective Performance, and Gender at the
Sixteenth-​century French Court,” explores the implications of Catherine de’ Medici’s
tears both in space—​in the public domain of the court—​and in the context of diplo-
matic relationships.23 Here, again, tears are contextual, purposeful, and related both to
the space where they are shed, and the socio-​political context. This chapter explores
how gesture and physical performance, particularly the shedding of tears, constructed
key aspects of diplomatic negotiation for both women and men at the sixteenth-​century
French court. The humoral constitution of the queen led her to employ tears as a political
strategy. These bodily emissions helped to construct the queen’s representation of par-
ticular sentiments in the context of political events. Indeed, they also helped to construct
these contexts, and highlighted the challenges that Catherine faced as a woman involved
in government. She had to contend with the way these gendered liquid emotions drew
upon contemporary understandings of humors and gender; women were conventionally
expected to be weak in government, and the use of tears, whether in women or men, was
traditionally viewed as a sign of weakness. But Catherine’s tears became a strategic tool,
which she wielded in the face of the fears experienced by male diplomats: fears of emo-
tional contagion, including the dangerous power of empathy in the diplomatic moment.

Identities in Blood
In the second part of the collection, blood is explored as the life force not just of the
human body, but of the community. Wonderful Blood and Medieval Blood are founda-
tional texts for the medieval period; The Heart and the Vascular System in Ancient Greek
Medicine from Alcmaeon to Galen and William Harvey and the Mechanics of the Heart
are two texts among many that explore the amazing bodily fluid, blood, in the early
modern era.24

21 Hudson, ­chap. 3.
22 Hudson, c­ hap. 3.
23 Chapter 4.
24 Bynum, Wonderful Blood; Bildhauer, Medieval Blood; Harris, The Heart and the Vascular System;
Shackleford, William Harvey and the Mechanics of the Heart.

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7

Introduction 7

Identities in Blood is a theme that dominates Scott’s chapter: “Piers Plowman and
the Blood of Brotherhood.” In line with the theme of the collection, the poem considers
Christ’s materiality which coexists with his divinity, a theme that resonates with the
final chapter in which Barbezat rigorously examines the young Augustine’s attempts to
explain various ways of conceiving of the body of God, the resurrection body, and the
bodies of the elect at the end of time.25 Langland approaches the idea of blood through
the portrayal of Christ’s body perceived in three ways: his body as human and corporeal,
his body as the Church, and his body as sacramental, considered in the sacraments of
both Baptism and the Eucharist.26
Throughout the poem Christ’s blood is said to be the cause and ground of brotherly
unity and of human solidarity. In his portrayal of Christ as human and divine, unlike
Margery Kempe or the Dominican nuns discussed in the following chapter, Langland
does not empathize with the suffering Christ; he portrays him poetically, and blood is the
main feature that he stresses. This blood is seen as the arma Christi, the blazon or coat
of arms on the human flesh of Christ. Langland poetically refers to Christ’s human body
as the ceremonial knightly garment that he has put on or assumed. It is this body embla-
zoned with blood that defines Christ, the anointed one, as the crucified and risen one.
In tune with Augustine’s efforts to comprehend the implications of Christ’s body both
in its temporal and eternal manifestations, mentioned in the final chapter by Barbezat,
Langland strives through poetry to make sense of the humanity and divinity of Jesus
Christ by portraying his humanity in its corporeality. The blood is the direct sign of that
corporeality, just as it is the sign of his human/​divine nature worshipped in the sacra-
ment of the Eucharist. For Langland, as for worshippers in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, the blood is key. And, as the liquid that is used for the mortar to build the Barn
of Unity, the allegorical building that Langland portrays as the body of Christ as Church,
this blood supports the building of the brotherhood of the church, just as blood courses
through the veins of Christ’s corporeal body.
Pursuing the concept of flowing blood, Baudinette in the next chapter gives an
analysis of the penitential practices of medieval Dominican nuns in what is now modern
Germany. He examines how, in their bloody somatic piety, the religious women seek
a greater connection to Christ through the emulation of his suffering, just as Margery
Kempe does with her tears. Baudinette carefully contextualizes extreme penitential
practices within the Dominican Order, showing how, in their efforts to achieve oneness
with the crucified Christ, early founding fathers and later Dominican nuns both practised
intensely corporeal penances. Baudinette explains their deliberate drawing forth blood
and shedding manifold tears as a bodily manifestation of their union with God through
the crucifixion of the human body of Christ, and subsequent eucharistic transubstanti-
ation of Christ’s glorified, or as Barbezat names it, “resurrection” body and blood. The
flowing blood is both spiritual and material, transforming each of the practitioners into
an alter Christus (another Christ), a concept pursued further by Hiller who considers the

25 Chapter 10.
26 Chapter 5.

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20

20 Anthony Bale

word for the womb). Medieval kings, medieval bishops, medieval warriors all cry in rit-
ualized and highly aestheticized ways;15 Margery Kempe did not simply cry because she
was either a woman or, to use an anachronistic term, a lunatic. Second, I suggest that we
should consider The Book of Margery Kempe not as a record of Kempe’s emotions but
as a cultural document of the performance of emotions; this may sound like a specious
difference, but we cannot retrieve “how Kempe really felt”; we can, rather, retrieve the
rhetorical and performative gestures she used to convey a sense of feeling and which
structure the Book’s account of feeling.

For Crying Out Loud

In medieval culture, crying and weeping could mean many different things. We tend to
read crying today as a stricken emotional response to sadness, grief, or pain, but this
is a modern understanding of crying as an outpouring of emotional distress. When a
character like Margery Kempe says she is crying, it is not entirely clear what the main
content of this crying is: sobbing, shrieking, weeping, roaring, and convulsions may or
may not come under Kempe’s category of “crying.” In medieval England, tears could be
understood much as we talk about them today, as appearing in the eyes because of a
strong emotion, “bitter tears,” tears of sadness or distress. Tears could also be caused by
entirely physical stimuli: Bartolomaeus Anglicus in his encyclopedia De proprietatibus
rerum named two common causes of crying as “smellinge of scharpenesse of oynouns &
garlek” (the pungent smell of onions and garlic) and “Smooke (which) grevyþ yȝen and
makeþ hem droppe out teeres” (smoke which pains the eyes and causes them to emit
tears). Clearly, people in the Middle Ages knew that crying could be an anatomical or
physiological phenomenon, rather than what we might now call an emotional one. But
we also quite often find the surprising phrase “blodi tears,” as in Chaucer’s Troilus and
Criseyde “The blody teris from his herte melte, | As he that nevere yet swich hevynesse
| Assayed hadde” (the bloody tears were melting from his heart as one who had never
tasted such an anguish.)16 The connection between tears and blood is not as strange as
it might at first sound, because Hippocratic medical theory held that tears were humors
from the brain and so, like any bodily humor, an excess of them needed to be purged by
the body, just as blood had to be let. Tears were thought of as warm and moist (hence the
fire of love that kindled them for Margery) and as such they were closest to blood, the
warm and wet humor. Tears were contrary to hard, cold, or dry states, a notion retained
today in the idiom of a “heart of stone” belonging to someone who is not moved to tears.
St. Gregory of Nyssa, the early Christian theologian, described tears as being “like blood
in the wounds of soul:”17 tears were full of life, they could heal, they had vitality, and
they were evidence of good, pious feeling. Indeed, as Laura Kalas Williams has recently

15 See, for example, Harvey, “Episcopal Emotions.”

16 Chaucer, Troilus and Criseyde, 3.1445–​47 (Benson, ed., 533).
17 Cited in Carruthers, “On Affliction and Reading,” 7.

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21

Where did Margery Kempe cry? 21

argued, Kempe’s tears were “pseudo-​stigmatic,” drawing a parallel between blood and
tears, as “Kempe’s tears symbolize the wounding that she experiences at Calvary.”18
As Mary Carruthers has forcefully stated in her stimulating essay on medieval tears,
“[in medieval ascetic and mystical writing] tears are not necessarily expressions of
sadness, nor indeed of any particular emotion. … Tears can accompany any number of
different emotional states, including joy—​hence the monk can look happy yet inwardly
groan, or weep and be inwardly joyful. Tears are produced by the deliberate exercise
of compunction, which calls upon different emotions, from fear to grief to joy.”19
Carruthers’s argument is useful, although in the evidence from later medieval England,
tears are more often than not associated with lamentation or grief. One of the valuable
things Carruthers’s work does, which is developed in Suzannah Biernoff’s work on
medieval optics and tears, is to show that tears were thought of as a key part of moral
understanding, as the state of crying distilled a moment of correct understanding and
perfect compunction, compunction being the deep and authentic moment at which an
idea or an emotion was imprinted on the receptive intellect or soul.20
This element of tears as a constructive part of composition and a sign of authentic
selfhood lies behind the character Pandarus’s advice to Troilus in Troilus & Criseyde
to “biblotte” (blot) a love letter with his tears, as a sign of emotion (albeit a contrived
one), advice that Troilus is then seen taking up, sealing the letter with his ruby signet
bathed with tears. A “real-​life” version of this can be seen, in the 1450s, of a correspon-
dent saying in a letter that he had bathed his letter in tears. Writing on May 5, 1450, the
Norfolk gentryman William Lomnor wrote to John Paston: “I … am right sory of that
I shalle sey, and haue soo wesshe this litel bille with sorwfulle terys that on-​ethes ye
shulle reede it (i.e. you shall hardly be able to read it).”21 Lomnor was in fact writing to
report the execution of the Duke of Suffolk three days previously. Do we read his tears
shed over his letter as a figure of speech, or as a contrivance designed to show the sin-
cerity and depth of his inner feelings? Lomnor’s letter is quite legible, and so the reader
seems to be being asked to imagine him weeping as he writes, in order better to connect
his emotional and affective states during the act of composition.
This leads us back to the problem of tears: their sincerity is constantly doubted.
For the devout weeper, however, tears often represent an outpouring of moral or pious
understanding as bestowed by the mercy and favour of God. Medieval tears might thus
be presented as a sign of rationality—​of good devotion or inspiration and its sincere
liquid distillation—​rather than a sign of boundless or limitless emotion or of affective,
pre-​cognitive reaction. Yet idioms in Middle English include people crying for pity, for
joy, for “mischaunce” (that is bad luck), in rage, in pain. The hermeneutic possibilities of

18 Williams, “ ‘Slayn for Goddys lofe,’ ” 92.

19 Carruthers, “On Affliction and Reading,” 8.
20 Biernoff, Sight and Embodiment in the Middle Ages, 117–​19; see too McEntire, The Doctrine of
Compunction.
21 “From William Lomnor,” Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, part 2, ed. Davis, 35
(#450).

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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Cercopithecidae

[Inhalt]

1. Macacus maurus F. Cuv.

Tafel I und II

mas a.sen., Balg mit Schädel, Loka, c 1300 m am Pik von

Bonthain, Süd Celébes, 21. X 95 (Tafel I und II).
mas b.juv., Balg mit Schädel, Barabatuwa bei Pankadjene,
Süd Celébes, 30. VI 95.
mas ad.,
c. Haut mit Schädel, in Spiritus, Süd Celébes.
mas d.ad., Skelet, Gowa bei Makassar, Süd Celébes.
juv., Skelet,
e. Makassar, Süd Celébes.

Exemplar a ist, der Grösse und Färbung (Tafel I c. ⅓ n. Gr.), sowie

dem Schädel (Tafel II ¾ n. Gr.) nach, ein Greis. Bräunlich, Kopf
heller, Rücken dunkler (R i d g w a y III 1, vorn mehr III 3; R a d d e
29b, am Rücken und an den Extremitäten dunkler 1. Haare des
Nackens und Oberrückens sehr lang, bis 10 cm und darüber, stark
mit Weiss gemischt, Unterrücken mit nur wenig weissen Haaren, am
Gesässe weisslich, viel heller als das von mir Abh. Ber. 1896/7 Nr. 6
Tafel I, 5 abgebildete Exemplar von Tonkean, Hinter- und Innenseite
der Oberschenkel grau, Vorderhals und Oberbrust hellgrau. Die
oberen Extremitäten aussen bräunlich, ebenfalls stark mit Grau
melirt, Hand grau und weiss, Vorderarm innen weiss; am
Unterschenkel wenig Weiss, Hinterhand stark grau und weiss
behaart, Augenbrauen mit viel Weiss, Wangen, Bart, Kinn, Kehle
stark melirt. Im Ganzen liegt ein bräunliches Exemplar mit weisser
und grauer Zeichnung vor gegenüber dem erwähnten schwarzen,
mit Grau gezeichneten von Tonkean. — Die M a a s s e sind am
Balge nicht mit Sicherheit zu nehmen, da das Skelet fehlt: Vom
Vertex zum Anus c 520 mm, von der Lippe zum Anus (alle
Krümmungen mitgemessen) 720, Hinterhand 165.
S c h ä d e l m a a s s e : Grösste Länge 143 mm, Jochbogenbreite 92,
Breite am proc. zygom. os. front. 71.5, geringste Breite zwischen
den Augenhöhlen 6.5, Breite an den Alveolen der Caninen 35.6,
geringste Breite am Pterion 44.4, grösste Breite am Pterion 55.

Exemplar b ist durchweg bräunlich, an den Extremitäten zum Theil

heller, am Gesäss, an der Innenseite des Oberschenkels und an der
Kehle graubräunlich. Maasse am Balge nicht gut zu nehmen.
Hinterhand c 150 mm.

Exemplar c. Färbung wie b.

Exemplar d. Maasse: Grösste Länge des Schädels 131 mm,

Jochbogenbreite 87, Femur 196, Tibia 171, Humerus 169, Radius
175. 12 Caudalwirbel (Abh. Ber. 1896/7 Nr. 6 p. 3 habe ich
irrthümlich 9 Caudalwirbel statt 12 für das Tonkean-Exemplar, 7 statt
10 für das Parepare-Exemplar angegeben). [3]

Es ist nicht ohne Interesse durch den genauen Fundort von a zu

erfahren, dass dieser Affe auch in einer Höhe von 1300 m lebt.
E v e r e t t beobachtete ihn, wenn ich ihn recht verstehe, ebenda
zwischen 6000 und 7000 Fuss (NZ. III, 150 1896), und die Herren
S a r a s i n bemerken, dass er bis auf die höchsten Grate des
Berges, c 9800 Fuss, gehe, wo es schon empfindlich kalt sein kann.
Die starke und dicke Behaarung mag ihn genügend schützen, und
es bleibt zu konstatiren, ob so alte Exemplare aus der Ebene, wo die
Art auch lebt — denn S a r a s i n s erhielten sie in Makassar recht
häufig aus dem Gowaschen — einen ebenso dicken Pelz haben. Bis
jetzt sind mir nur jüngere Individuen aus der Ebene untergekommen,
vielleicht dass Ex. g des Leidener Museums (Cat. MPB. VI, 118 1876
und XI, 32 1892) alt genug wäre, um den Vergleich zu gestatten,
allein es ist ohne Fundort.

Das grosse alte Männchen vom Pik von Bonthain, das die Herren
S a r a s i n als seltenes Jagdstück erbeuteten, erweitert unsere
Kenntniss dieser immer noch ungenügend bekannten Art von
Celébes in, wenigstens für mich, unerwarteter Weise. Ich hatte das
grosse adulte Männchen von Tonkean, Nordost Celébes, das ich
Abh. Ber. 1896/7 Nr. 6 p. 3 beschrieb und Tafel I 5, II 1–2, III 1–2
abbildete, trotz seiner schwarzen Extremitäten (die auch das junge
Weibchen von da — Tafel I 4 — aufwies) für einen alten M. maurus
angesehen, wenn ich auch (S. 4) hervorhob, dass weiteres Material
nöthig sei, um klar zu erkennen, ob die graue Phase an Unterarm
und Unterschenkel auch übersprungen werden könne, und wenn ich
auch ferner hervorhob, dass adulte schwarzgliedrige Exemplare bis
jetzt überhaupt noch nicht bekannt geworden seien (S. 3). Ich nahm
in Folge dessen an, dass M. maurus über ganz Celébes mit
Ausschluss der nördlichen Halbinsel, wo Cynopithecus niger
(Desm.) und nigrescens (Temm.) hausen, vorkomme. Das grosse
alte Exemplar vom Pik von Bonthain aber zeigt nun, dass das,
wenigstens bezüglich der nordöstlichen Halbinsel, nicht zutrifft. Hier
lebt eine andere Art. Sie ist schlank und schwarz, die vom Süden
dagegen gedrungen und bräunlich, mit Grau an den Extremitäten.
Selbst ein sehr altes Individuum von Nordost Celébes mit weissen
Altershaaren würde nie so braun sein können wie das Bonthain-
Exemplar, während die Differenz in der Farbe des Gesässes und der
Parthien darunter vielleicht als Altersdifferenz angesehen werden
kann. Ebenso differiren die Schädel und die Bezahnung. Bei fast
gleicher Schädellänge: 143 gegen 144 (Tonkean), sind alle Maasse
kleiner bei dem älteren Bonthain-Exemplare (vgl. obige Maasse
gegen die l. c. Seite 3 gegebenen), die knöcherne Nasenöffnung ist
breiter, die fossa canina viel flacher, das os zygomaticum lange nicht
so weit ausladend, der ganze Schädel graziler, was neben weiteren
anderen Differenzen auch aus der Abbildung erhellt. Dem hohen
Alter entsprechend sind alle Schädelnähte geschlossen, die crista
sagittalis und occipitalis sehr stark entwickelt, die Zähne hochgradig
abgenutzt, aber viel graziler, die Länge der Zahnreihen kürzer: p 2
bis m 3 sup. 2 33.4 mm gegen 37.2 bei dem Tonkean-Exemplar. In
der Abbildung erscheint die norma facialis (Tafel II Fig. 1) kürzer als
bei dem Tonkean-Exemplare (l. c. Tafel II Fig. 1), was aus der
überhaupt anderen Schädelconfiguration resultirt, besonders aber
steigt das Schädeldach weniger an (siehe norma lateralis, Fig. 2 in
beiden Fällen), wodurch sich die norma facialis verkürzt 3. Die
grössere Schlankheit des Tonkean-Affen kommt deutlich in den
Maassen der Extremitätenknochen zum Ausdrucke gegenüber den
Maassen des vielleicht älteren Exemplares von Parepare, die ich l. c.
Seite 3 gab, und gegenüber denen des ziemlich gleichaltrigen Ex. d
(s. oben). Von dem alten Bonthain-Männchen liegen die Knochen
nicht vor.

Nach alledem ist eine Identificirung beider Formen ausgeschlossen,

und ich trenne daher die von Tonkean in Nordost Celébes ab als

Macacus tonkeanus n. sp.

Früher hatte ich mich dazu nicht berechtigt gefühlt, da M. maurus

sich als sehr variabel in der Färbung erwies, und mir ein notorisch
altes Exemplar gegenüber dem von Tonkean nicht vorlag, überhaupt
wohl nicht bekannt war. Durch weitere Ausbeute wird sich erst
feststellen lassen, wo sich diese beiden Arten gegeneinander
abgrenzen, eventuell ob sie ineinander übergehen. Aus Central
Celébes kennt man, wie ich (l. c. p. 2) bereits hervorhob, bis jetzt nur
Affenfellstücke an Mützen der Eingebornen, die aber die
Extremitäten gerade dazu nicht verwenden; man kann daran nur
constatiren, dass es Macacus-, und [4]nicht Cynopithecus-Felle sind.
Es ist daher auch nicht richtig, wenn A d r i a n i (TTLV. XL, 343 1898)
den Affen von Central Celébes Papio niger nennt 4.

Gewiss wird es noch lange dauern bis eine erschöpfende Kenntniss

der Macacus-Formen von Celébes vorhanden ist, wenn auch seit
W e b e r s Untersuchungen (Zool. Erg. I, 103 1890) Licht auf die bis
dahin herrschende Dunkelheit fiel.

[Inhalt]

2. Cynopithecus niger (Desm.)

mas a.
ad., Balg und Schädel, Lilang bei Kema, Minahassa,
Nord Celébes, 8. II 96.
mas b.
juv., Skelet, Tomohon, Minahassa, Nord Celébes,
17. X 94.

In Bezug auf die Verbreitung von C. niger über Batjan (l. c. p. 7)

möchte ich noch bemerken, dass der Umstand seines
Nichtvorkommens auf dem g a n z n a h e n Halmahéra, ein
genügender Beweis dafür sein dürfte, dass er nach Batjan vom
Menschen gebracht worden ist. Wenn P. L. S c l a t e r (Geogr. Mam.
1899, 228) es noch ganz neuerdings für „möglich“ hält, dass die Art
ebenso nach den Philippinen gekommen sei, so kann ich dem
gegenüber nur wiederholt betonen (s. auch Abh. Ber. 1896/7 Nr. 6 p.
8), dass sie sicher dort nicht zu Hause ist.
[Inhalt]

3. Cynopithecus niger nigrescens (Temm.)

mas a.
ad., Balg mit Schädel, Buol, Nord Celébes, VIII 94.
mas b.
ad., Skelet, zwischen Malibagu und Duluduo, Nord
Celébes.
mas ad.,
c. Schädel, Negeri lama, östlich von Gorontalo,
Nord Celébes.
fem. d.
juv., Schädel, Bone Thal bei Gorontalo, Nord
Celébes, c 500 m.

Ex. a ist ausgesprochen nigrescens (im Gegensatze zu niger) durch

die braune Färbung, besonders an den hinteren Extremitäten, sowie
durch die ungetheilten Gesässchwielen.

Ex. b–d. Hier erschliesse ich die Bestimmung nigrescens nur aus
dem Fundorte. Te m m i n c k (Coup-d’oeil III, 111 1849, s. auch
S c h l e g e l Cat. MPB. VII, 121 1876) hatte nigrescens von
Gorontalo, Tulabello und Tomini von niger aus der Minahassa
abgetrennt; die Fundorte dieser 3 Exemplare sind alle westlich von
Bolang Mongondo. Als ich kürzlich glaubte (Abh. Ber. 1896/7 Nr. 6 p.
7) auf die braunschwarze Färbung (nach Te m m i n c k ) besonders
auf den Schultern und dem Rücken, kein Gewicht legen zu müssen,
weil Exemplare der Minahassa dies auch mehr oder weniger zeigen,
hatte ich noch kein Fell vor Augen; Ex. a aber überzeugt mich, dass
die braune Färbung, besonders an den hinteren Extremitäten, so
ausgesprochen ist, dass sie gar nicht übersehen werden kann, und
ich muss es ausschliessen, dass damit ein individueller Charakter
vorliegt, ebensowenig wie in den ungetheilten Gesässchwielen; hier
handelt es sich gewiss um Charaktere, die an die Localität gebunden
sind, was weitere Exemplare zu bestätigen hätten. Ob die anderen
von Te m m i n c k angegebenen Unterschiede von niger: „face plus
comprimée et queue fort peu apparente“ stichhalten, kann ich
vorläufig nicht entscheiden. Ich muss meine Beobachtung an
lebenden Boliohuto Exemplaren im Walde, dass sie von unten
gräulich waren (l. c. p. 6), nun auch so deuten, dass diese
Farbenwirkung von ihrem bräunlichen Fell herrührte, um so mehr als
gerade die Unterseite der hinteren Extremitäten von Exemplar a
heller braun ist.

Vom Gorontaloschen bis Tomini ist also nur niger nigrescens

bekannt, von der Minahassa niger. Welche Form in Bolang
Mongondo lebt, muss noch constatirt werden, ebenso ob C.
nigrescens oder Macacus, resp. welche Art Macacus, zwischen
Tomini und Parigi vorkommt (bezüglich der Localitäten verweise ich
auf Karte II der „Birds of Celebes“ 1898).

1 Die Deutsche Zoologische Gesellschaft empfahl (Verh. 1894, 103) zur

Farbenbestimmung S a c c a r d o s Chromotaxia, allein dessen 50 Töne
genügen zu einer auch nur etwas feineren Bestimmung nicht, während
R i d g w a y s (Nomenclature of colors 1886) 186 Töne viel weiter führen;
vollständig dienen kann jedoch nur R a d d e s Farbenscala mit ihren c. 900 Tönen,
die aber ihres Preises wegen (60 M) keine grössere Verbreitung gefunden hat,
während R i d g w a y in Vieler Hände ist, so dass es einen Nutzen haben kann, ihn
zu citiren. Es wäre wünschenswerth, dass man von den noch allgemein üblichen
vagen Farbenbezeichnungen, die eine Verständigung erschweren, abginge. ↑
2 H e n s e l sche Bezeichnung. ↑
3 Der Unterkiefer hat links einen überzähligen Backzahn, m 4, und von p 2 ist nur
noch ein kleiner Rest vorhanden, die Alveole zum grössten Theile
verwachsen. ↑
4 A d r i a n i erwähnt daselbst (p. 344) u. a., dass die To Radja fest glauben, die
Affen seien Menschen. ↑
[Inhalt]
 Tarsiidae

[Inhalt]

4. Tarsius fuscus Fisch.-Waldh.

Tafel III, Fig. 1–2

mares,
a, b. Bälge mit Schädel, Tomohon, Minahassa, Nord
Celébes, 26. V und 12. VI 94.
mas, c.
Skelet, Tomohon, V 94.
8 Exemplare
d–l. in Spiritus aus der Minahassa, IV 94, und
Tomohon, II und IV 94.

[5]

Je nach dem Alter verschieden gefärbt, jüngere gelber, ältere grauer.

Das kleine Exemplar oben links auf Tafel II Fig. 2 stellt das jüngere
Stadium in c ⅔ nat. Grösse dar. Das andere kleine, Fig. 3, ist T.
sangirensis von Siao in c ½ nat. Grösse. Ich erwähnte schon früher
(Abh. Ber. 1896/7 Nr. 6 p. 8), dass es keine genügende Abbildung
von T. fuscus gäbe, besonders da er früher meist mit T. spectrum
zusammengeworfen worden ist, welche letztere Art vielleicht in
mehrere Rassen zerfällt; dies zu beurtheilen genügt das vorhandene
Material von den verschiedenen Fundorten noch nicht.

O. T h o m a s (TZS. XIV, 381 1898) monirt, dass ich die genaueren

Unterschiede zwischen T. sangirensis und T. philippensis nicht
angegeben habe, während ich die zwischen fuscus und philippensis
wohl aufführe; allein da sangirensis sich fuscus, und nicht
philippensis anschliesst, so wäre es überflüssig gewesen, diese
Unterschiede nochmals ausführlich zu wiederholen. Auch meint er,
dass ich die Tarsen von philippensis als „vollkommen nackt“
bezeichne, übersieht aber, dass ich sie (Abh. Ber. 1896/7 Nr. 6 p. 9
Zeile 7) „so gut wie nackt“ und (Zeile 27) „fast nackt“ nenne, also
genau so wie er sie bezeichnet: „tarsis fere nudis“.

Das Thier spielt eine Hauptrolle in den Erzählungen der Eingebornen

von Central Celébes, die die Baree-Sprache reden (A d r i a n i :
Étude sur la litt. des To Radja, TTLV. XL, 342–53 1898). Es heisst da
nggasi oder tangkasi (Minahassa: tangkasi, Sangi: tenggahĕ, Dajak
ngadju, Bórneo: ingkir).
[Inhalt]
Chiroptera
Megachiroptera
 Pteropidae

[Inhalt]

5. Pteropus wallacei Gr.

Tafel IV, Fig. 1

Bälge,
a–c. 2 mares, 1 fem., Tomohon, Minahassa, Nord
Celébes, XI 94 (94, 89, 89 mm) 1.
mas,d.
in Spiritus, Tomohon, 6. IV 94 (87 mm).

Nord und Süd Celébes: Amurang (Mus. Leid.), Lotta, Masarang 3500
Fuss hoch (Mus. Dresd.), Tomohon (Sarasins), Makassar (Brit. Mus.).

H i c k s o n (Nat. N. Cel. 1889, 85) glaubt die Art auch auf der kleinen
Insel Talisse im Norden von Celébes gesehen zu haben.

[Inhalt]

6. Pteropus alecto Temm.

mas,a. Balg, Buol, Nord Celébes, VIII 94 (155 mm).

mas,b. Balg, Bonthain, Süd Celébes, 4. X 95 (160 mm).
fem.,c.Balg, Sokoija, Matanna See, Südost Central Celébes,
6. III 96 (115 mm).
fem.,d.in Spiritus, Tomohon, Minahassa, Nord Celébes, IV 94
(143 mm).
mas,e. in Spiritus, Umgegend von Makassar, Süd Celébes
(170 mm).
[6]

Diese Art, die die Herren S a r a s i n von Nord, Central und Süd
Celébes mitbrachten, soll von Celébes nach Osten bis Neu Guinea
vorkommen. Wie weit sie nach Westen geht, ist noch unsicher; bis jetzt
ist sie westlich von Celébes nur von Bawean, zwischen Java und
Bórneo, genannt. Te m m i n c k beschrieb sie nach einem Exemplar
aus der Minahassa (Mon. Mam. II, 76 1835–41), dieses Exemplar fehlt
aber in J e n t i n k s Catalog des Leidner Museums (XII, 147–8 1888);
es war, der Beschreibung nach, sehr dunkel gefärbt und ebenso sind
die 5 Exemplare der Herren S a r a s i n und die 3 von Celébes im
Dresdner Museum, die aus der Minahassa, Gorontalo und Makassar
stammen. Es fragt sich, ob, bei genügend grossem Materiale von allen
Fundorten, nicht Localrassen zu unterscheiden sein werden. Keinenfalls
genügt D o b s o n s Diagnose von alecto (Cat. Chir. Brit. Mus. 1878,
56).

[Inhalt]

7. Pteropus hypomelanus Temm.

Bälge,
a, b. mas, fem., Makassar, Süd Celébes, IX 95 (123, 124
mm).
4 c–e
fem.,
1. in Spiritus, Makassar, VIII, IX 95 (120, 128, 125, 100

mm).
mares,
f–h. in Spiritus, Insel Bonerate, im Süden von Celébes,
30. XII 94 (115, 118, 113 mm).

Eine über den ganzen Ostindischen Archipel verbreitete Art. Im

Dresdner Museum ist sie auch von Sulu und Talaut vertreten. Ob nicht
Localrassen zu unterscheiden sein werden innerhalb des grossen
Verbreitungsbezirkes der Art, kann nur an der Hand eines grossen
Materiales von überall her beurtheilt werden.

[Inhalt]

8. Pteropus mackloti Temm.

(Pteropus celebensis Schl.)

Balg,a.Tomohon, Minahassa, Nord Celébes, III 94 (127 mm).

fem.,b.in Spiritus, Tomohon (133 mm).

Ich folge J e n t i n k (Webers Zool. Erg. I, 126 1891), der die

Berechtigung von Pt. celebensis Schl. von Celébes als Art oder
Unterart, auf Grund des ihm vorliegenden Materiales von Nord, Central
und Süd Celébes, sowie von Sula, Flores und Timor, nicht anerkannte,
ohne aber dass ich ein gegründetes eigenes Urtheil darüber hätte. Die
Art ist auch von Batjan registrirt und dürfte sich wohl noch anderswo
finden. Das Dresdner Museum besitzt sie ausserdem von der Insel
Saleyer im Süden von Celébes.

[Inhalt]

9. Xantharpyia 2 minor (Dobs.)

D 1873
o b s o n J. As. Soc. Beng. XLII pt. II 203 pl. XIV, 9 (Ohr),
Java, Cynonycteris minor
id.1876
Mon. As. Chir. 32 (Ohr abgeb.), Java, Cynonycteris minor
 id.1878
Cat. Chir. Br. M. 73, Java, Cynonycteris minor
Hickson
1889 Nat. N. Cel. 84, Talisse, Cynonycteris minor.
fem.,a.in Spiritus, Tomohon, Minahassa, Nord Celébes III 94
(74 mm).
fem.,
b–d.in Spiritus, Minahassa (72, 67, 67 mm).

Während sonst Xantharpyia amplexicaudata (Geoffr.) mit weiter

Verbreitung über Südasien bis zu den Philippinen und Aru auch von
Celébes registrirt ist (z. B. D o b s o n Cat. Chir. Br. M. 1878, 73,
J e n t i n k Cat. MPB. 1887 IX, 263 und 1888 XII, 151) — das
Originalexemplar kam nach G e o f f r o y aus Timor —, war H i c k s o n
der erste und einzige, der X. minor von der kleinen Insel Talisse im
Norden von Celébes aufführte, und zwar als „very common“. Die von
den Herren S a r a s i n in Nord Celébes gesammelten vier Exemplare
können ihrer geringen Grösse wegen nicht zu amplexicaudata gestellt
werden, und auch desshalb nicht, weil der kleine pm 1 sup. zwischen c
und pm 2 eng eingekeilt ist, statt durch Zwischenräume getrennt
(D o b s o n l. c.). Eine Revision der in Sammlungen vorhandenen
Exemplare von amplexicaudata ist daher angezeigt, zumal alle, die das
Dresdner Museum von Nord Celébes und den Sangi Inseln besitzt, im
Ganzen 35, zu minor gehören, welche Art D o b s o n nach e i n e m
Weibchen von Java beschrieb, von wo sie aber sonst nicht wieder
registrirt worden zu sein scheint. Hingegen hat J e n t i n k (NLM. V, 173
1883) Xantharpyia brachyotis (Dobs.) von Amurang, Minahassa, Nord
Celébes, aufgeführt. [7]Diese Art wurde von D o b s o n von Neu Irland
beschrieben (PZS. 1877, 116 und Cat. 1878, 74) und ist später von
Shortland und Fauro (Salomo Inseln) und von Duke of York
nachgewiesen worden (PZS. 1887, 323 und 1888, 483 und Cat. MPB.
XII, 151 1888). J e n t i n k sagt, dass die zwei Exemplare von Celébes
„in allen Punkten“ mit D o b s o n s Beschreibung übereinstimmen. Die
Unterschiede zwischen X. minor und brachyotis bestehen nach
D o b s o n bei letzterer in viel kürzeren Ohren, längerer Schnauze und
darin, dass pm 1 sup. nur bei jungen Exemplaren vorhanden ist;
D o b s o n erwähnt noch, dass die Schulterdrüse der Männchen durch
dicke gelbe Haarbüschel, wie bei Pteropus, verdeckt seien. Letzteres
zeigen auch die Exemplare von minor von Nord Celébes und den Sangi
Inseln, und zwar nicht nur die alten Männchen, sondern auch die alten
Weibchen; die Haare sind zum Theile lebhaft rostroth.

Aus alle dem dürfte hervorgehen, dass unsere Kenntniss dieser Formen
noch sehr ungenügend ist. Einerseits wäre zu untersuchen, ob X. minor
(von Java und Celébes) nicht identisch ist mit X. brachyotis (vom
Bismarck Archipel und Celébes), oder ob und eventuell wie sich beide
Formen subspecifisch von einander abgrenzen, und andrerseits, wie
sich diese beiden zu X. amplexicaudata verhalten, sowohl artlich, als
auch geographisch. Dazu aber ist ein weit umfangreicheres Material
von den verschiedensten Fundorten nöthig als bis jetzt die besten
Museen enthalten.

[Inhalt]

10. Cynopterus latidens Dobs.

fem.,a.in Spiritus, Tomohon, Minahassa, Nord Celébes, 11. IV

94 (70 mm).
fem.,
b–d.in Spiritus, Minahassa (76, 71, 72 mm).

Diese Art wurde von D o b s o n nach einem Weibchen von der Insel
Morotai bei Halmahéra beschrieben (Cat. Chir. 1878, 86 pl. V, 3,
Zähne), allein schon J e n t i n k (Cat. MPB. XII, 155 1888) führte ein
Männchen von „Menado“ (Celébes) auf, von v. F a b e r gesammelt, das
allerdings in dem Verzeichnisse der F a b e r schen Sammlung (NLM. V,
173 1883) nicht vorkommt (diese Sammlung stammte von Amurang,
siehe p. 170, nicht von Manado). Die 4 von den Herren S a r a s i n aus
Nord Celébes gebrachten Exemplare stimmen nur in sofern nicht mit
D o b s o n s Beschreibung überein, als der Kopf vor und über den
Augen nicht fast schwarz, sondern mit dem Hinterkopfe gleich gefärbt
ist; da alle 4 aber in der Kopffarbe überhaupt etwas untereinander
differiren, indem einige heller sind als andere, und D o b s o n nur e i n
Exemplar von Morotai vorlag, so lässt sich nicht beurtheilen, ob der
hellere Vorderkopf der Celébes-Exemplare ein constanter Charakter ist;
die Kopffarbe mancher Flederhunde variirt bedeutend, und das könnte
daher bei Cynopterus auch statthaben. Keinenfalls fühle ich mich
vorläufig berechtigt, die Celébesform desshalb subspecifisch
abzutrennen; erst weiteres Material wird darüber entscheiden können.

Es ist das Material fast aller Flederhunde in den Museen noch viel zu
unzulänglich, um bei weiter verbreiteten Arten Localrassen mit
Sicherheit unterscheiden zu können; diese Erkenntniss ist der Zukunft
vorbehalten. Wenn wir bei Arten mit grösserem Verbreitungsbezirk oft
stillschweigend annehmen, dass sie fortdauernd von Insel zu Insel
fliegen, so ist dies doch keineswegs bewiesen. Bei der Nähe von Nord-
Celébes und Morotai könnte man a priori ja vielleicht geneigt sein, ein
Überfliegen des Meeres für möglich zu halten; sieht man doch von der
Höhe des Klabat unter Umständen den Vulkan Ternate (M e y e r &
W i g l e s w o r t h : Birds of Celebes I Intr. 52 1898). So kommt z. B.
Pteropus mackloti in Nord Celébes und Batjan vor. Allein nicht jede Art
muss infolge von Isolirung abändern. Auf der anderen Seite sind
Pteropus personatus von Ternate und Pt. wallacei von Nord Celébes
zwar nahe verwandt, aber verschieden, ein Beweis, dass der
Meeresarm sehr wohl auch Fledermäuse trennen kann, so gut wie
Vögel ein selbst viel schmälerer (l. c. 125). Ausnahmsweise wird die
See überflogen, nach der Isolirung aber ist die Abänderung vor sich
gegangen, und die jetzige Constanz der Formen beweist eben, dass ein
weiteres regelmässiges Überfliegen nicht statt findet.

[Inhalt]
Anmerkung

Cynopterus brachyotis (S. Müll.)

ist noch nicht von Celébes registrirt, und wenn auch in Sammlungen
wohl vorhanden, doch mit C. marginatus (Geoffr.) verwechselt worden.
Das Dresdner Museum erhielt sie in den J. 1877 und 1894 aus der
Minahassa, [8]sowie 1893 von Sangi und 1897 von Talaut, im Ganzen
13 Exemplare. J e n t i n k wies in einem lehrreichen Artikel (NLM. XIII,
201 1891) diese von Bórneo, den Andamanen und Nepal bekannte,
aber von D o b s o n in seinem Catalog (1878) vergessene Art von Java
und Sumátra nach; von Sumátra und „Indien“ ist sie auch im Dresdner
Museum. Die folgende Synonymie giebt in Kürze ihre Geschichte:

S 1839
a l . M ü l l e r Tijdschr. Natuur. Gesch. en Phys. V, 146
Pachysoma brachyotis (Bórneo)
1835–1841
Te m m i n c k Mon. Mam. II, 362 Pachysoma brachyotum
(Bórneo)
J .1870
E . G r a y Cat. Monkeys etc. 123 Cynopterus
marginatus var. brachyotis (Bórneo)
D 1873
o b s o n J . As. Soc. Beng. XLI pt. II, 201 pl. XIV, 5 (Ohr)
C. m. var. andamanensis (Andamanen)
id.1876
Mon. As. Chir. 26 Cynopterus brachyotus subsp., Ohr
abgeb. („Andaman Island“, Bórneo)
id.1878
Cat. Chir. Br. Mus. vacat!
S 1887
c u l l y J . As. Soc. Beng. LVI pt. II, 239 Cynopterus
brachyotus (Nepal)
B 1888
l a n f o r d Fauna Br. Ind. Mam. 264 Cynopterus
brachyotus (Andamanen, Bórneo, Nepal)
J e1888
n t i n k Cat. MPB. XII, 154 Cynopterus brachyotis
(Bórneo)
id.1891
NLM. XIII, 202 Cynopterus brachyotis (Bórneo, Java,
Sumátra).