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org (E-ISSN 2348-1269, P- ISSN 2349-5138)

TELANGANA MOVEMENT (2009-2014)

1
Dwarapureddi Shree Surya, 2Dr. Rajeesh CS
1
Student, 2 Assistant Professor
1
Department of Political Science
1
Lovely Professional University, Jalandhar, PUNJAB, INDIA

Abstract: The Telangana movement refers to the formation of the new State of Telangana, which was previously
a part of Andhra Pradesh. The main reason for agitations calling for separate Telangana is lack of development
when compared to Coastal Andhra. The bill for the formation of Telangana was first introduced in Lok Sabha
on Feb 7, 2014. On Jun 2, 2014, Telangana state was formed.

Keywords-TelanganaMovement,TelanganaState

Research Gap

 This research paper discussed the reasons involved in the Telangana movement.
 This paper discussed the cultural and economic factors that support Samaikyandhra.
 It also discussed how Telangana movement common factors that affect other states in the country.

Research Outcomes

 Holistic view of Telangana Movement (2009-2014).

 How resources are distributed between the Andhra state and Telangana State.
 How the Telangana movement did impact other states demanding division of states in the country.

TELANGANA MOVEMENT

Introduction

The Indian culture is so complex and differentiated that it is exceptionally hard to be brief in any of its
perspectives. Individuals of India have lots of diversity in their day-by-day life from multiple points of view due
to its different traditions, dialects, religions, administration structures, laws, social relations, and so on; there are
many troubles in the administration of a big diversified nation like India.

The province of Andhra Pradesh (AP) was made on Nov 1, 1956, with Hyderabad as its capital, by blending the
nine Telugu-talking areas (Telangana) of the old regal territory of Hyderabad with the 11 regions of the Andhra
state. The last had been framed on Oct 1, 1953, by isolating the regions from the Madras state (Rao, 1973;
Vaikuntam, 2004). Consequently, before 1947, Telangana was essential for the Hyderabad state. In 1948, the
association government incorporated the Nizam state into the Indian association after a furnished activity
known as 'Police Action' (Jadhav, 1997; Kodanda Ram, 2007). As per temporary aggregates of the 2011
enumeration of India, 1 AP is the fourth-biggest state in India with a region of 275,068 sq km and a populace of
84,665,533.

The state positions fifth as far as population. It involves 23 regions: 10 regions of Telangana (Adilabad,
Hyderabad, Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Khammam, Mahabubnagar, Medak, Nalgonda, Ranga Reddy, and
Warangal); nine areas of Coastal Andhra (Srikakulam, Vijayanagaram, Vishakapatnam, East Godavari, West
Godavari, Guntur, Krishna, Prakasham and Nellore); and four locales of Rayalaseema (Chittor, Anantapur,
Cuddapah, and Kurnool).

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Telangana has an old history of battle and insubordination against mastery. During the standard of the Kakatiya
line in the 11th century, the clans rose against the rulers fighting low tax collection. Years and years after the
fact, the QutbShahis who governed from Golconda (presently a piece of Hyderabad) needed to fight the Mughal
Emperor, Aurangazeb. At the hour of the last Nizam—during the 1940s—there was a furnished group and
workers' battle against him and his Jagirdars.

In this way, a culture of obstruction against mistreatment has verifiably been normal for the locale (Thirumali,
2003). The development for separate Statehood for Telangana came to fruition after the arrangement of AP in
1956. This article fundamentally inspects the issue and offers a discourse.

The interest for Telangana has been imagined, sustained, coordinated, explained, and kept alive by the educated
people. A predominant part of these learned people works intimately with the government officials and
apparently directs their action. In the case of Telangana state turning into a reality, this gathering is well on the
way to employ extensive force and impact.

The political actors on the stage for Telangana can be divided into three broad groups. These actors include
politicians, intellectuals, including lawyers, journalists, etc., besides students. Based on the issue they
emphasize, the groups can be identified as geographic Telangana (Bhugolika Telangana), democratic Telangana
(Prajaswamika Telangana), and social Telangana (Saamajika Telangana). A brief exposition of their respective
stances as regards the necessity for a state of Telangana.

Geographic Telangana:

The main contention of this group is that most of the problems of Telangana would be solved by and through
separate Statehood in India. The group deeply resents Andhra's domination of Telangana. The group is aware
that there are other issues in Telangana, such as caste and class. However, it perceives these issues as 'internal
contradictions.' The first priority is to resolve what the group perceives to be the 'external contradiction,'
namely, Andhra domination. A separate state is being demanded because not only have the powers-that-be
neglected to develop Telangana. They have also systematically exploited it, denying it its share of funds, taking
over its economy, discriminating in matters of education, employment, industrialization, and so on; in short,
denial, deprivation, plunder, and diversion. Equally, if not, more importantly, another basis for seeking a
separate Telangana state is the cultural issue. Andhra's domination over Telangana is perceived as a hegemonic
relationship, whereas Telangana has had a distinct culture of its own. This culture has developed over the years.
An important process had been the different struggles that erupted in the region, mainly the struggles against the
Nizam's rule, particularly the Telangana armed struggle (1946–48). This was a defining struggle that ensured
that the response to social injustice itself became an important identity for the people of the region. Telangana
became synonymous with individual dignity and self-respect. People here perceive that their dignity has been
constantly undermined ever since the formation of the State of AP. Leaders from Andhra and Rayalaseema
regions have been dominating the State's politics, and this domination has had its spin-offs in other areas such
as economy and culture.

The culture of the hegemonic power has decisively influenced the media, literature, and so on. People in the
Telangana region perceive this as cultural imperialism. Therefore, the argument goes, the formation of a
separate state of Telangana is essential for the people to assert their political power in order to protect not just
their economic interests but also dignity, self-respect, and distinct culture. As a counter-hegemonic strategy, an
attempt is being made by the promoters of the separate State to reconstruct the history and culture of Telangana
and portray it as superior to Andhra culture. The coincidental discovery of certain archaeological sites in
Telangana has come in handy for imparting antiquity to the Telangana culture. A fort built without using bricks
that are spread over.

Three hundred acres have been excavated at a site in the Adilabad district. According to the intellectuals of this
group, this testifies to the antiquity of the fort as well as Telangana culture. The last featured their way of life
and history and caused it to have all the earmarks of being the historical backdrop of the whole AP. Essentially,

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Telangana history doesn't discover sufficient notice in the course readings. Further, numerous chronicled
realities have been distorted or misinterpreted.

Therefore, a different state is expected to reestablish and secure the way of life of Telangana. In this sense, the
interest for Telangana state on geographic lines is an unfortunate obligation—assurance of Telangana culture.
The contention about social uniqueness with individuals from Andhra district is as per the following: Telangana
locale has unmistakable 'Ganga–Jamuni (composite)' culture (Raj, 1987; Zahir, 2008). Individuals neither
distinguish themselves as Hindus or Muslims, however, as Telanganites. The area has a cosmopolitan culture,
with individuals hailing from various regions like Karnataka, Maharashtra, and Gujarat. Hence, the Telangana
culture has numerous similitudes with north India. In contrast to Andhra, however, like in north India, the
principally burned-through food thing is wheat (rotis), and the primary celebrations incorporate Dusshera and
Diwali. Since the collecting season in the Telangana wide open is in October, Dusshera is commended,
conversely, to individuals of Andhra for whom the collecting time frame is each January, which matches with
the Sankranti celebration. During this period, 'the vast majority of Hyderabad gets exhausted individuals from
the Andhra area since they return home for the celebration. There is almost no portrayal of Telangana lingo and
culture in contemporary Telugu highlight films on the grounds that the entertainment world is dominatingly
under the possession and control of Andhras. Telangana, its kin, and their tongue are appeared in helpless light,
as substandard, coarse, and so forth.

The geographic Telangana point of view additionally addresses a significant viewpoint—waterway waters.
Telangana is surrounded by two significant waterways of South India, Krishna, and the Godavari. Inside the
present geological limits of AP, around 70% of the catchment territories of the two streams are in the Telangana
district. Also, the greater part of the feeders of these waterways navigates its length and breadth. If the water in
these streams coursing through the district is appropriately used, each section of land of cultivable land
accessible in Telangana could be furnished with guaranteed water system offices, and each town furnished with
guaranteed drinking water.

Yet, Telangana has been denied its legitimate offer in the stream waters by progressive governments throughout
the last five-and-half many years, independent of the ideological groups and pioneers in power. Then again,
beachfront Andhra has been the significant recipient of the stream waters used hitherto. To be noted is the way
that, while deciding the portion of waters of waterway Krishna among the three riparian states, that is,
Maharashtra, Karnataka, and AP, the Bachawat Tribunal allotted 811 thousand million cubics (TMC) feet of
water to AP. The distribution of water among various locales of the State has notwithstanding been the privilege
of the state government.8 The genuine aim of the decision areas is to redirect the undiscovered water of streams
Godavari and Krishna to seaside Andhra and Rayalaseema districts, denying the Telangana districts of its due
share in the waters (Jayashanker, 2004).

To exacerbate the situation for the Telangana open country, certain improvements like the Green Revolution got
the development of new assortments of rice which are reliant on serious contributions of water; others inputs
being composts and pesticides. Without surface water accessibility, the ranchers are compelled to go for bore-
well innovation to draw subsurface water from more prominent profundities. An additional marvel is the
expanded utilization of electric force along these lines. In this way, hefty exhausting of subsurface semi-bone-
dry grounds combined with the consistent decrease of customary water-drawing methods that were more eco-
accommodating and economical, and so on, have prompted the consumption of the hydrological system. The
broad siphoning of water has prompted many bore-wells to go dry. These turns of events, corresponding with
the dry season, unfavorably affect public activity in Telangana, especially for its provincial poor. It has brought
about their underestimation and movement, though desertification is crawling up the open country.

Surely, a gathering of scholarly people portrayed the upheld hardship of individuals of Telangana in a narrative,
Still Seeking Justice, in 2004. Surely, ranchers in Telangana have put away more cash on bore-wells and siphon
sets than some other product throughout the long term. In any case, there is no assurance that sinking a drag
well consequently guarantees the find of water. Despite what might be expected, bore-wells have sunk ranchers
into and driven them to suicides. This is the essence of the contention for geographic Telangana. The
perspective on the gathering needing a majority rule in Telangana is introduced straightaway.
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Social Telangana There is an alternate gathering promoting a social Telangana, featuring issues at two levels—
outside and inside. The 'outside' contention infers that the Andhra administration is liable for Telangana's
concern as it molded the strategy of the State directly from its beginning, its plan being essential to solely use
the actual assets of Telangana. The 'inner' measurement of the issue doubtful has been that Telangana was made
in reverse on account of the presence and propagation of the way of life of predominant ranks. During the
Nizam's standard, individuals from these standings—Velama, Reddy, and so on—got together to expect the
elements of a landowner, income authorities, etc. After the Nizam state's consolidation into the Indian
association, they became public delegates, legislators, and officials; arrangements of various ideological groups
have essentially been something similar since power just changed hands among the predominant positions.
Indeed, even the Telangana issue is being enunciated for their advantage. Also, affable society comprises of the
expert relationship of instructors, legal counselors, representatives, columnists, understudies, and so on, and
these have been prevalently affected by the prevailing positions. These associations have just been supporting
the predominant force structure.

Notwithstanding, another pattern is apparent in the ideological groups today, as indicated by this gathering.
Areas of gathering enrollment that is drawn from denied segments (in reverse ranks, Scheduled Castes [SCs],
Scheduled Tribes [STs], minority networks, and so on) have begun to address and even oppose their separate
initiative over the Telangana issue. Despite the fact that in the underlying stages, individuals from the social
Telangana bunch featured issues like water and water system, they steadily moved their concentration from
formative issues to the standing/social inquiry. A significant justification for this move was the
acknowledgment that the Telangana development likewise was in possession of the predominant station. The
gathering's position in this way has been that assuming the standing issue isn't tended to, the core of the
Telangana issue would stay immaculate.

Since regardless of whether a different state is acquired, benefits like water assets, land, political force,
economy, and so forth would go to the upper-position areas in the new State. The Dalit issue, ladies issue, and
so on can't be isolated from the Telangana development since they are largely joined. In this way, the socio-
social measurement is similarly significant. A locale can't be considered distinctly to be an actual substance.
Besides, whose culture is it that is getting enunciated? It is just the way of life of the prevailing stations, as
indicated by the social Telangana group.

The current force elites could catch power by forcing their social authority over the lower ranks. Henceforth, to
acquire political force, the social territory should be challenged. Rank imperialism should be disposed of. In
Telangana, the inferior culture is not quite the same as the Hindu standard culture. There are an aggregate
cognizance and social solidarity among the inferior areas. There is an incredible level of mainstream thoughts
disguised among them. There is much in like manner, for example, among Hindus and Muslims. The
opportunity has arrived to shape a league of the barred standings and networks to accomplish their
communitarian and political objectives. The Dalit–Bahujans, due to their mathematical importance in
Telangana, have a splendid possibility of shaping an administration. This causes them to take an interest in the
development of a different Telangana.

Reasons involved in the Telangana movement:

1. Sub nationalism and federalism-

Ethnic homogeneity is necessary for the provinces to be stable. This is observed throughout history. One such is
seen in Nigeria, in which 36 states are created from 3 regions. Even this is seen in countries such as Brazil,
Switzerland, and Spain.

Redrawing the state boundaries based on ethnic demands is one of the strengths of Indian democracy. Article 3
of the Indian constitution empowers the Indian constitution to create federal states.

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2. Inequalities between the regions

Andhra region has fertile Krishna and Godavari delta that has high agricultural productivity. There were
significant inequities between the regions. The literacy rate is higher in Andhra Pradesh. Subsequently, many
Andhra people migrated to Hyderabad. Lack of qualified people in the Telangana region resulted in more jobs
for Andhra people in Hyderabad. In addition to this, the land cost in Telangana is relatively cheaper when
compared to Andhra. As a result, Andhra people used to sell a small piece of land in their hometown and used
to buy a large piece of land for the same price in Telangana. The high court of Andhra Pradesh gave a
judgment that mulki rules do not apply to jobs in the Electricity board of Andhrapradesh triggered student
unions to start a protest. This lead to the creation of a political party in 197 known as Telangana PrajaSamiti.

3. The lack of a preferential system for the Telangana people.

4. Globalization and media.

SAMAIKYANDHRA MOVEMENT

The Declaration of a separate state of Telangana resulted in the samaikyandra movement. Supporters of the
Samaikyandhra movement are against the partition of the State. The idea of the formation of separate states
based on linguistic identity had its root in Telugu people when they demanded a separate State of Andhra from
Madras province in 1953. In the initial periods of state formation, people supporting vishalandra were focused
mainly on state development based on linguistic unity. They failed to identify regional differences. However,
later regional differences emerged with the backwardness of one region resulting in protests for separate
identity and recognition. Later announcement of a separate state of Telangana resulted in the formation of the
samaikyandhra movement . Close by disturbances and counter-tumults, and a fascinating political discussion is
occurring in the State among advocates and foes of the Telangana development.

Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema, and Telangana form three subregions of Andhra Prades. Right from the
formation of the State and even before, various differences existed between the three regions. However, the
majority of the people and leaders of Telangana are in support of a single unified state of Andhra Pradesh based
on linguistic identity. The socialists, who at that point had impressive public help in Telangana, were
straightforwardly on the side of the possibility of Vishalandhra. Later Regional feelings resurfaced and gained
an upper hand over the need for a unified state leading to the separate Telangana movement in the 1970s.In the
year 1969, Telangana Praja Samithi was formed. Its aim is the formation of a separate Telangana state.
However, then Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi suppressed the movement promising Telangana people an
equal distribution of resources , preference ti the localities in jobs e.t.c

Telangana movement once again resurfaced between 1995 to 2004 during the time of N.Chandra Babu Naidu.
K. Chandra Sekhar formed Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS ) in 2001 . TRS expanded its clout and arose as a
significant political part in AP by forming a union with congress and TDP. The development of the TRS
resulted in the support for separate Telangana from leaders of the Congress, TDP, PrajaRajyam Party (PRP),
and Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP). At this point, different parties took different stands.
BJP, CPI(ML) are in favor of Telangana formation. CPI (Marxist) represented samaikyandra. The LokSatta
Party believed that there must be good administration which matters for development rather than state formation
for development.

Be that as it may, the genuine impulse came after an ever-increasing number of learned people, students, and
youth started relating to the development and partaking in it. Under these boards of trustees, individuals were
prepared for various sorts of dissent – strikes, rastarokos, dharnas, mass parades and mobilizes, gheraos, vanta-
varpu (cooking in the city), social projects, and political gatherings. They started celebrating the Bathukamma
festival grandly by forming social gatherings in public to strengthen the unity and identity of the Telangana
people. People also started singing folklore songs of Telangana in commendation of individuals who sacrificed
their lives for Telangana.

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Governments in AP had tried to keep all Telugu individuals joined, appealing to the common language of both
states. The melody, Maa Telugu TallikiMallePoodanda, written in 1942, is sung in numerous administration
capacities. NTR, while pursuing a career as a film actor, has lauded the Telugu culture and made an impact on
Telugu people's life through his films and songs. Among his songs, one such song filled with the passion of
linguistic and regional identity is "Telugu Jathi Manadi, Ninduga Velugu Jathi Manadi. " Many melodies and
sonnets are written and sung to arouse the feeling of having a place with one language and the local area. Not
only melodies and festivals, but people also started constructing Telugu talli monuments in every town and
region. It summoned good emotions among the Telugu public.

Influence of Telangana state formation on other states

The subject of perceiving the privileges of regionally thought gatherings to characterize or reclassify their
personalities and to have their very own State has been integral to the legislative issues of State development in
worldwide organizations by and large and in India specifically. At the core of the legislative issues of
acknowledgment is the possibility that personalities are characterized and re-imagined in a 'dialogical'
relationship with the critical others. Emphasizing the significance of acknowledgment in an alternate setting,
Taylor (1994, 25) battled that non recognition or misrecognition can cause anguish and a type of mistreatment.
This non recognition can lead to change of rules and existing pattern of administration in a multinational
settings where they donot have equal number of resources. This is clearly seen in formation of mobilization
groups in Kashmir, Punjab and in some North east states for acknowledgement of the Centre.

Indeed, previous studies have shown that the Indian State's responses in particular and that of worldwide states
overall to regional assemblies are extensively dictated by two overlappin contemplations: 1)The connection
between government configuration to accord regional convenience and worries about the regional
trustworthiness of states.2)The essential interest and job of actors in deciding regional change, particularly since
such change may have huge redistribution – monetary, political, and social–effects. Given these considerations,
it is not surprising that India's internal borders continue to be 'tacky' and hard to change, notwithstanding
consolidating truly adaptable arrangements under Article 3 of its Constitution.

Like most worldwide organizations, the greater part of the current 29 Indian States was made to perceive and
oblige their unmistakable ethnolinguistic and ancestral identities. Seven as anyone might expect, the legislative
issues of State arrangement in India were driven by the worry that making ethnolinguistic States could release
incomprehensible' withdrawal actuating and severance forestalling' results – to acquire Erk and Anderson
(2009).

Since Herbert H. Risely, at that point who is a Home Secretary of the british government in India, bought a
proposal to divide Bengal with the understanding that there was a solid relationship between's semantic regions
and authoritative effectiveness, the basic to redesign India's States along ethnolinguistic lines to advance
authenticity, productivity, and steadiness was recognized. Albeit the Indian National Congress officially
acknowledged this at its Nagpur meeting in 1920 and kept on loaning its help to the thought until the last part of
the 1930s, it accordingly reneged on this after the ascent of Muslim communalism and viciousness going with
the segment of the subcontinent. The changed position resounded in the reports of the Etymological Territories
Commission (headed by S.K. Dar) and the JVP advisory group, established by the congress, in 1948 when they
underlined that 'essential thought should be given to the security, solidarity and monetary thriving of India'
before any revamping could happen.

Jawaharlal Nehru and other founders of Independent India are of ideation that division of states based on
language will hinder the development of the Nation. However, despite their ideation, the movement which
started in Andhra Pradesh demanding a separate state from Tamil Nadu turned violent after the death of Sri
PottiSriramulu, congress leader, leading to the formation of a separate Andhra state, which is the first State to
form on language basis post-independent India. Nehru then formed a committee with Fazal Ali as its head, who
is a former chief justice of India.

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Flagging a takeoff from the prior official stand, the SRC put forth a defense for perceiving ethnolinguistic and
social uniqueness as a premise of States rearrangement as it thought that doing so would not sabotage yet
reinforce the solidarity, morality, and security of India

Since the emergence of Andhra Pradesh in 1953, many new states are formed based on language, which
included Gujaratand Maharastra,Punjab, andHaryana. Since then, language became one of the fundamentals in
the formation of the states. The way that the interest for a Punjabi-speaking State was agreed to solely after the
Akali Dal under the authority of Fateh Singh delinked itsPunjabis(State)demand from its religious and
secessionist suggestions further merged three different standards and standards of State development in India, in
particular interest for a different State should be famous, peaceful, and non-secessionist. These, alongside
language, established what Brass (1974, 17 – 18) calls the 'four brilliant standards' of State development in India
in the principal stage.

The third period of State arrangement in India occurred in the year 2000 when three new states are formed by
partition of Madhya Pradesh. These 3 included Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Uttarkhand. The rearrangement of
borders with the formation of new states has highlighted that good administration and progress of the State are
important, and this became the new rationale for state formation.The initial concerns might be a result of a
complex startegic agendas of multiple people and social movements . As ideological groups contended to
collect this POS electorally, they turned out to be progressively agreeable to settle on the possibility of little
States.

Seen against the three significant periods of State development, the arrangement of Telangana in June 2014
denoted a coherence and change in the legislative issues of State arrangement in India. Like the prior stages, the
formation of Telangana underscores the significance of the regional and ethnolinguistic personality of a
gathering and factors like a turn of events and administration in the legislative issues of State development.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, Telangana formation is due to multiple social, economic, and ethnic reasons, leading to multiple
rallies, movements, and sacrifices of life.The demand for a separate State of Telangana finally leads to its
formation on Jun 2, 2014. The long-standing inequalities, especially in terms of wealth, education, and jobs,
resulted in the Telangana movement. The formation of the Telangana state leads to another basis for state
formation, i.e., inequalities between regions in terms of development. Sharing a common language alone will
not unite people.

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