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In memory of Talma, my beloved aunt and a great lover of books
纪念塔尔玛，我深爱的阿姨和伟大的书籍爱好者
The powerless must do their own dirty work.
无能为力的人必须做自己肮脏的工作。
The powerful have it done for them.
强者已经为他们做到了。
—JAMES BALDWIN
——詹姆斯·鲍德温
Introduction
介绍

One evening in May, in the city of Frankfurt, an American named

Everett Hughes visited the home of a German architect. The year
was 1948, and like much of the rest of Germany, Frankfurt lay in
ruins. Crumbling villas lined the war-blasted boulevards, which the
Allies had bombed repeatedly during the aerial campaign against the
Nazis. Whole neighborhoods had been leveled to the ground. Driving
around a few weeks earlier, Hughes and some companions had
woven through the cratered streets of the decimated city center in
search of a block whose storefronts and residential buildings had
made it through the war unscathed. After a while, they gave up.
“There was always at least one roof or house gone—more often half
or more,” he wrote in his diary.

五月的一个晚上，在法兰克福市，一位名叫埃弗里特·休斯的美国人拜
访了一位德国建筑师的家。那是 1948 年，和德国其他大部分地区一
样，法兰克福也成了废墟。饱受战争摧残的林荫大道两旁矗立着摇摇
欲坠的别墅，盟军在对纳粹的空战中曾多次轰炸过这些林荫大道。整
个街区都被夷为平地。几周前，休斯和一些同伴开车穿过被摧毁的市
中心满是弹坑的街道，寻找一个其店面和住宅楼在战争中毫发无伤的
街区。过了一会儿，他们放弃了。 “总是至少有一个屋顶或房子消失
了——通常是一半或更多，”他在日记中写道。
Hughes had not come to Frankfurt to survey the wreckage. A
sociologist at the University of Chicago, he was there to spend a
semester teaching abroad. Born in 1897, he was a disciple of Robert
Park, a former journalist and aide to Booker T. Washington who
cofounded the Chicago school of sociology, which stressed the value
of direct observation in the study of what Park called human ecology.
A keen observer with a fondness for literature and a knack for seeing
broad patterns in the details of small, seemingly singular events,
Hughes rarely traveled far without a diary or journal in which he
jotted down ideas that often made their way into his scholarly work.
休斯来法兰克福并不是为了勘察残骸。他是芝加哥大学的社会学
家，在那里花了一个学期在国外任教。他出生于 1897 年，是罗伯特·
帕克 (Robert Park) 的弟子，罗伯特·帕克曾是一名记者，也是布克·T·
华盛顿 (Booker T. Washington) 的助手，后者共同创立了芝加哥社会
学派，该学派强调直接观察在帕克所谓的人类生态学研究中的价值。
休斯是一位敏锐的观察家，热爱文学，并且善于从看似奇异的小事件
的细节中发现广泛的模式，他在旅行时很少不带日记或日记，在日记
或日记中记下经常出现在他的学术著作中的想法。
In the journal he kept while in Frankfurt, Hughes described
socializing with “liberal intellectual people who could be of any
western country in their general ideas, attitudes and sophistication.”
The visit he paid to the architect was typical in this respect. They sat
in a large studio filled with drawings, sipping tea and chatting about
science, art, the theater. “If only the intelligent people of all
countries could meet,” a German schoolteacher who was also there
remarked. At one point during the evening, after the schoolteacher
complained that some of the American soldiers she’d encountered in
Frankfurt (which was still under U.S. occupation) lacked manners,
Hughes decided to bring up a more delicate subject. Was she aware,
he asked, of the way that many German soldiers had comported
themselves during the war?
休斯在法兰克福的日记中描述了与“自由派知识分子的交往，他们
的总体思想、态度和成熟度可能来自任何西方国家”。他对建筑师的拜
访在这方面很典型。他们坐在一个摆满图画的大工作室里，喝着茶，
谈论科学、艺术和戏剧。 “如果世界各国的聪明人能够相聚就好了，”
当时也在场的一位德国教师说道。晚上的某个时刻，在学校老师抱怨
她在法兰克福（当时仍在美国占领下）遇到的一些美国士兵缺乏礼貌
后，休斯决定提出一个更微妙的话题。他问道，她是否知道许多德国
士兵在战争期间的表现？
“I am ashamed for my people whenever I think of it,” the
architect stated. “But we didn’t know about it. We only learned all
that later. And you must remember the pressure we were under; we
had to join the party, we had to keep our mouths shut and do as we
were told. It was a terrible pressure.
“每当我想到这一点时，我都为我的人民感到羞耻，”建筑师说道。
“但我们对此一无所知。我们后来才知道这一切。你一定记得我们承受
的压力；我们必须入党，我们必须闭嘴，按照别人告诉我们的去做。
这是一种可怕的压力。
“Still, I am ashamed,” the architect went on. “But you see, we
had lost our colonies and our national honor was hurt. And these
Nazis exploited that feeling. And the Jews, they were a problem …
the lowest class of people, full of lice, dirty, poor, running about in
their Ghettos in filthy caftans. And they came here and got rich by
unbelievable methods after the first war. They occupied all the good
places. Why, they were in the proportion of 10 to 1 in medicine and
law and government posts.”
“尽管如此，我还是感到羞耻，”建筑师继续说道。 “但是你看，我
们失去了殖民地，我们的国家荣誉也受到了伤害。这些纳粹分子利用
了这种感觉。而犹太人，他们是一个问题……最低阶层的人，满是虱
子，肮脏，贫穷，穿着肮脏的长袍在犹太人区跑来跑去。第一次战争
结束后，他们来到这里并以令人难以置信的方式致富。他们占据了所
有好地方。嗯，在医学、法律和政府职位上，他们的比例是 10 比
1。”
At this point, the architect lost his train of thought. “Where was
I?” he asked. Hughes reminded him that he had been complaining
about how the Jews had “got hold of everything” before the war.
至此，建筑师失去了思路。 “我刚才在哪儿？”他问。休斯提醒他，
他在战前一直在抱怨犹太人如何“掌握了一切”。
“Oh yes, that was it,” the architect said. “Of course, that was no
way to settle the Jewish problem. But there was a problem and it
had to be settled some way.”
“哦，是的，就是这样，”建筑师说。 “当然，这不是解决犹太人问
题的方法。但问题确实存在，必须以某种方式解决。”

Hughes left the architect’s house shortly after midnight. But this
conversation stayed with him. After returning to North America, he
described it in a lecture at McGill University in Montreal. Fourteen
years later, in 1962, a version of the lecture appeared in the journal
Social Problems. By this point, numerous theories had emerged to
explain the procession of horrors that had unfolded under the Nazis
and culminated in genocide: the existence of a uniquely German
“authoritarian personality”; the fanaticism of Adolf Hitler. Hughes
focused on another factor that implicated people who were anything
but fanatics and that was hardly unique to Germany. The
perpetrators who carried out the ghastly crimes under Hitler were
not acting solely at the behest of the führer, he argued. They were
“agents” of “good people” like the architect who refrained from
asking too many questions about the persecution of the Jews
because, at some level, they were not entirely displeased.
午夜过后不久，休斯离开了建筑师的房子。但这次谈话一直萦绕在他
心头。返回北美后，他在蒙特利尔麦吉尔大学的一次演讲中描述了这
一点。十四年后，即 1962 年，该讲座的一个版本出现在《社会问
题》杂志上。至此，出现了许多理论来解释纳粹统治下发生的一系列
恐怖事件并最终导致种族灭绝：德国独特的“独裁人格”的存在；阿道
夫·希特勒的狂热休斯关注的是另一个因素，该因素涉及的人绝不是狂
热分子，而且这在德国并不罕见。他认为，在希特勒统治下犯下可怕
罪行的肇事者并不是完全按照元首的命令行事的。他们是“好人”的“代
理人”，就像建筑师一样，他们没有对犹太人的迫害提出太多问题，因
为在某种程度上，他们并不完全不满。
“Holocaust,” “Judeocide”: various terms had been used to
describe the Nazi campaign to exterminate the Jews. Hughes chose
a more prosaic expression. He called it “dirty work,” a term that
connoted something foul and unpleasant but not wholly
unappreciated by the more respectable elements in society. Ridding
Germany of “inferior races” was not unwelcome even among
educated people who were not committed Nazis, Hughes concluded
from the architect’s reflections on the “Jewish problem,” variations of
which surfaced in other conversations he had while in Frankfurt.
“Having dissociated himself clearly from these people, and having
declared them a problem, he apparently was willing to let someone
else do to them the dirty work which he himself would not do, and
for which he expressed shame,” Hughes wrote of the architect. This
was the nature of dirty work as Hughes conceived of it: unethical
activity that was delegated to certain agents and then conveniently
disavowed. Far from rogue actors, the perpetrators to whom this
work was allotted had an “unconscious mandate” from society.
“大屠杀”、“犹太灭绝”：各种术语被用来描述纳粹灭绝犹太人的运
动。休斯选择了一种更为平淡的表达方式。他称之为“肮脏的工作”，
这个词意味着肮脏和令人不快的事情，但社会上更受尊敬的人并非完
全不欣赏。休斯从建筑师对“犹太人问题”的反思中得出结论，即使在
受过教育、不犯纳粹倾向的人中，消除德国的“劣等种族”也并非不受
欢迎，休斯在法兰克福的其他谈话中也出现了不同的问题。休斯在谈
到建筑师时写道：“在明确与这些人划清界限，并宣布他们是一个问题
之后，他显然愿意让别人对他们做他自己不会做的肮脏工作，并为此
表示羞耻。” 。这就是休斯所设想的肮脏工作的本质：将不道德的活
动委托给某些代理人，然后方便地否认。这部作品的施暴者远非流氓
演员，而是受到了社会的“无意识委托”。
In recent years, a growing body of evidence has confirmed that
the Nazis did manage to secure such a mandate. As the historian
Robert Gellately shows in his 2001 book, Backing Hitler, the violent
campaigns against Jews and other “undesirables” were hardly a
secret to ordinary Germans, who knew about and not infrequently
lent assistance to the drive for racial purification. In this sense,
Hughes’s article in Social Problems, titled “Good People and Dirty
Work,” was prescient. But as Hughes took pains to emphasize, he
had not published his essay to establish this. “I do not revive the
case of the Nazi Endloesung (final solution) of the Jewish problem in
order to condemn the Germans,” he wrote, “but to recall to our
attention dangers which lurk in our midst always.”
 近年来，越来越多的证据证实纳粹确实成功地获得了这样的授权。
正如历史学家罗伯特·盖拉特利 (Robert Gellately) 在其 2001 年出版
的《支持希特勒》一书中所表明的那样，针对犹太人和其他“不受欢迎
的人”的暴力运动对于普通德国人来说并不是什么秘密，他们了解并经
常为种族净化运动提供帮助。从这个意义上说，休斯在《社会问题》
上发表的题为《好人和肮脏的工作》的文章是有先见之明的。但正如
休斯煞费苦心地强调的那样，他还没有发表论文来证实这一点。 “我
重提纳粹最终解决犹太人问题的案例并不是为了谴责德国人，”他写
道，“而是为了提醒我们注意始终潜伏在我们中间的危险。”
Raised in a small town in rural Ohio, Hughes had witnessed some
of these dangers up close. He was the son of a Methodist minister
whose commitment to racial tolerance won him no love from the Ku
Klux Klan, which, one night, dispatched some of its white-robed
emissaries to the Hughes household to burn a cross on the family
lawn. The experience imbued Hughes with an awareness of the
darker currents that ran through his own society and with a lifelong
aversion to chauvinism of any kind. A skeptic who recoiled from the
jingoism of the Cold War, Hughes had little patience for the notion
that America was an exceptional nation immune to the moral lapses
that befell other countries. After his essay on dirty work was
published, the sociologist Arnold Rose wrote to Social Problems to
complain that Hughes had understated the uniquely murderous
nature of Nazi racial ideology. In response, Hughes emphasized,
again, that he hadn’t written it with the German experience foremost
in mind. “[My essay] was addressed to North Americans … to put us
—and especially the people of the U.S.A.—on guard against our own
inner enemies,” he affirmed. “We are so accustomed to racial
violence and to violence of other kinds that we think little of it. That
was the theme of my lecture in 1948. I repeat it more emphatically
in 1963, when many of us Americans still practice private lynching,
police torture, what amounts to inquisition and criminal trial by
legislative bodies; and when the rest of us do not bother, dare, or
have not found a way to stop it.”
休斯在俄亥俄州乡村的一个小镇长大，他亲眼目睹了其中一些危
险。他是一位卫理公会牧师的儿子，他对种族宽容的承诺并没有赢得
三K党的喜爱，一天晚上，三K党派了一些白袍特使到休斯家，在自家
草坪上烧了一个十字架。这段经历使休斯意识到了贯穿他自己的社会
的黑暗潮流，并对任何形式的沙文主义产生了终生的厌恶。休斯是一
个对冷战沙文主义退缩的怀疑论者，他对美国是一个不受其他国家道
德败坏影响的特殊国家的观念缺乏耐心。在他关于肮脏工作的文章发
表后，社会学家阿诺德·罗斯写信给《社会问题》杂志，抱怨休斯低估
了纳粹种族意识形态独特的杀戮性质。作为回应，休斯再次强调，他
在写这本书时并没有首先考虑德国的经验。 “[我的文章]是写给北美人
的……让我们——尤其是美国人民——警惕我们自己的内在敌人，”他
肯定道。 “我们已经习惯了种族暴力和其他类型的暴力，以至于我们
对此不以为意。这是我 1948 年演讲的主题。我在 1963 年更强调地
重复了这一点，当时我们许多美国人仍然实行私刑、警察酷刑、立法
机构的审问和刑事审判；当我们其他人不愿意、不敢或没有找到阻止
它的方法时。”
As the exchange suggests, Hughes was interested in raising
questions about a dynamic that he was convinced existed in every
society, not least his own. There was, to be sure, no moral
equivalence between the injustices of postwar America and the
atrocities of the Nazi era, which Hughes described as “the most
colossal and dramatic piece of social dirty work the world has ever
known.” But less extreme forms of dirty work that took place in less
autocratic countries still required the tacit consent of “good people.”
In fact, one could argue, this consent mattered far more in a
democracy, where dissent was tolerated and public officials could be
voted out of office, than in a dictatorship like Nazi Germany. Like
their peers in other democratic countries, Americans had the
freedom to question, and potentially stop, unethical activity that was
carried out in their name.
正如交流所表明的那样，休斯有兴趣提出有关他确信每个社会都存
在的动态的问题，尤其是他自己的社会。可以肯定的是，战后美国的
不公正行为与纳粹时代的暴行之间在道德上并不等同，休斯将纳粹时
代描述为“世界上有史以来最巨大、最戏剧性的社会肮脏工作”。但在
不那么专制的国家发生的不那么极端的肮脏工作仍然需要“好人”的默
许。事实上，有人可能会争辩说，这种同意在民主国家中比在纳粹德
国这样的独裁国家中更重要，在民主国家中，异议是可以容忍的，公
职人员可以被投票下台。与其他民主国家的同龄人一样，美国人有权
质疑并可能阻止以他们的名义进行的不道德活动。
 “The question concerns what is done, who does it, and the
nature of the mandate given by the rest of us to those who do it,”
wrote Hughes. “Perhaps we give them an unconscious mandate to
go beyond anything we ourselves would care to do or even to
acknowledge.”
休斯写道：“问题涉及做了什么、谁做了，以及我们其他人给予那
些做这件事的人的任务的性质。” “也许我们无意识地赋予他们超越我
们自己愿意做甚至承认的任何事情的权力。”

More than fifty years after Hughes’s essay was published, the
questions he posed bear revisiting. What kind of dirty work takes
place in contemporary America? How much of this work has an
unconscious mandate from society? How many “good people” prefer
not to know too much about what is being done in their name? And
how much easier is this to achieve when what gets done can be
delegated to a separate, largely invisible class of “dirty workers”?
休斯的文章发表五十多年后，他提出的问题值得重新审视。当代美国
发生了什么样的肮脏工作？这项工作有多少是出于社会无意识的委
托？有多少“好人”不愿意过多了解以他们名义所做的事情？当可以将
完成的工作委托给一个单独的、基本上看不见的“肮脏工人”阶层时，
实现这一目标有多容易？
Since the winter of 2020, our collective reliance on invisible
workers who help keep society running has been glaringly exposed.
It came to light during the coronavirus pandemic, which prompted
governors to issue lockdown orders and led tens of millions of jobs
to disappear or be put on hold. The pandemic revealed the degree
to which more privileged Americans with the luxury to work from
home were dependent on millions of low-wage workers—
supermarket cashiers, delivery drivers, warehouse handlers—whose
jobs were deemed too critical to be halted. These jobs were often
reserved for women and people of color, hourly workers toiling in the
shadows of a global economy whose rewards had long eluded them.
During the pandemic, the functions these laborers performed
received a new designation: “essential work.” This designation did
little to alter the fact that many workers continued to be denied
access to health care, paid sick leave, and, even as they risked
exposure to a potentially fatal virus, personal protective equipment.
Yet it underscored a basic truth, which is that society could not
function without them.
自2020年冬天以来，我们对帮助维持社会运转的隐形工人的集体
依赖已经暴露无遗。这一现象在新冠病毒大流行期间曝光，促使州长
发布封锁令，并导致数千万个工作岗位消失或被搁置。这场流行病揭
示了，拥有在家工作的特权的美国人在多大程度上依赖于数百万低薪
工人——超市收银员、送货司机、仓库管理员——他们的工作被认为
太重要了，不能停止。这些工作通常是为女性和有色人种保留的，他
们是在全球经济的阴影下辛苦工作的小时工，而他们长期以来一直得
不到报酬。在大流行期间，这些劳动者所执行的职能获得了新的名
称：“基本工作”。这一称号并没有改变这样一个事实：许多工人仍然
无法获得医疗保健、带薪病假，甚至在冒着接触潜在致命病毒的风险
时也无法获得个人防护装备。然而它强调了一个基本事实，那就是没
有他们，社会就无法运转。
But there is another kind of unseen labor that is necessary to
society, work that many people see as morally compromised and
that is even more hidden from view. The job of running the
psychiatric wards in America’s jails and prisons, for example, which
have displaced hospitals as the largest mental health institutions in
many states, resulting in untold cruelty and in routine violations of
medical ethics among staff who acquiesce when security guards
abuse incarcerated people. Or the job of carrying out “targeted
killings” in America’s never-ending wars, which have faded from the
headlines even as the number of lethal strikes conducted with little
oversight has steadily increased.
但还有另一种看不见的劳动是社会所必需的，许多人认为这种劳动
在道德上有损，甚至更加隐蔽。例如，在美国的看守所和监狱中管理
精神病房的工作，已经取代医院成为许多州最大的精神卫生机构，导
致了无数的残忍行为，并且默许了狱中保安虐待的工作人员经常违反
医疗道德。人们。或者在美国永无休止的战争中进行“定点清除”的工
作，尽管在缺乏监督的情况下进行的致命袭击的数量稳步增加，但这
种工作已经从头条新闻中消失了。
 In the margins of the journal he kept while in Frankfurt, Everett
Hughes jotted down a phrase for people who erected such barriers.
He called them “passive democrats.” Passive democrats were people
with seemingly enlightened attitudes “who don’t mean ever to do
anything about anything, except carry on delightful, disinterested
conversation.” The problem with such people was not that they
didn’t know about the unconscionable things going on around them.
It was that they lacked what Hughes called “the will to know.” To
maintain a clean conscience, they preferred to be kept in the dark.
埃弗里特·休斯在法兰克福保留的日记的页边空白处为那些设立此
类障碍的人记下了一句话。他称他们为“消极的民主主义者”。消极的
民主主义者是那些态度看似开明的人，“除了进行愉快、无私的对话
外，他们无意做任何事情”。这些人的问题并不在于他们不知道周围发
生的不合理的事情。问题是他们缺乏休斯所说的“求知意愿”。为了保
持良心清白，他们宁愿被蒙在鼓里。
It’s hard to say how much of a difference it would have made if
the passive democrats in Nazi Germany had been more active; they
lived in a dictatorship, after all, where dissent was crushed and the
state demanded absolute obedience from its subjects. But as noted,
Hughes wasn’t thinking primarily of Nazi Germany when he wrote his
essay about dirty work. He was thinking of his fellow Americans,
citizens of a democracy in which active engagement could make a
difference, stirring debate about whether morally objectionable
practices should go on.
很难说如果纳粹德国的消极民主派更加积极主动的话，情况会产生
多大的变化。毕竟，他们生活在独裁统治下，异议遭到镇压，国家要
求其臣民绝对服从。但正如所指出的，休斯在写关于肮脏工作的文章
时主要想到的并不是纳粹德国。他想到的是他的美国同胞，民主国家
的公民，积极参与可以发挥作用，引发关于道德上令人反感的做法是
否应该继续下去的争论。
In the decades since Hughes’s essay appeared, the passivity of
Americans seems only to have deepened. In recent presidential
elections, tens of millions of voters have not bothered to exercise a
right for which prior generations fought and died. Thanks to
technology, information has never been easier for ordinary people to
access. It has also never been easier to avert one’s eyes by clicking
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