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Technology
Technology
Critical History of a Concept

E R I C S C H AT Z B E R G

The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London

The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637
The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London
© 2018 by The University of Chicago
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced
in any manner whatsoever without written permission, except
in the case of brief quotations in critical articles and reviews.
For more information, contact the University of Chicago Press,
1427 E. 60th St., Chicago, IL 60637.
Published 2018
Printed in the United States of America

27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 1 2 3 4 5

ISBN-13: 978- 0-226-58383-9 (cloth)

ISBN-13: 978- 0-226-58397- 6 (paper)
ISBN-13: 978- 0-226-58402-7 (e-book)
DOI: https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226584027.001.0001

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Schatzberg, Eric, 1956– author.

Title: Technology : critical history of a concept / Eric Schatzberg.
Description: Chicago ; London : The University of Chicago
Press, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018011131 | ISBN 9780226583839 (cloth :
alk. paper) | ISBN 9780226583976 (pbk. : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9780226584027 (e-book)
Subjects: LCSH: Technology—History. | Technology—Philosophy.
Classification: LCC T15 .S343 2018 | DDC 601—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018011131

This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992

(Permanence of Paper).
To my sister Sharon Hormby,

who was so excited to see this book.

May her memory be a blessing.

 Contents
1 Introduction: An Odd Concept 1
2 “The Trouble with Techne”: Ancient Conceptions of
Technical Knowledge 16
3 The Discourse of Ars in the Latin Middle Ages 29
4 Natural Philosophy and the Mechanical Arts in the Early
Modern Era 42
5 From Art to Applied Science: Creating a “Semantic Void” 55
6 Technology in the Nineteenth Century:
A Marginal Concept 74
7 Discourse of Technik: Engineers and Humanists 97
8 Thorstein Veblen’s Appropriation of Technik 118
9 Veblen’s Legacy: Culture versus Determinism 136
10 Technology in the Social Sciences before World War II 152
11 Science and Technology between the World Wars 174
12 Suppression and Revival: Technology in World War II
and the Cold War 194
13 Conclusion: Technology as Keyword in the 1960s and
Beyond 214
Rehabilitating Technology: A Manifesto 235

Acknowledgments 237
Notes 241
Bibliography 289
Index 333
ONE

Introduction:
An Odd Concept
Technology is everywhere. The word permeates discourse
high and low, from television advertisements to postmod-
ern theories. In terms of word frequency, technology ranks
on a par with science, right in the middle of other key con-
cepts of modernity (see figure 1). In many ways, technol-
ogy has displaced science as the main concept for making
sense of modern material culture, as seen in phrases such
as “information, bio-, and nanotechnology.”
But the definition of technology is a mess. Rather than
helping us make sense of modernity, the term sows confu-
sion. Its multiple meanings are contradictory. In popular
discourse, technology is little more than shorthand for the
latest innovation in digital devices.1 Leading public intel-
lectuals, such as Thomas Friedman, produce an endless
stream of shallow prose on this theme in their best-selling
books.2
Academics do only a bit better. Some scholars define
technology as “all the many ways things are in fact done
and made.”3 Such definitions are so broad as to be almost
useless, covering everything from steelmaking to singing.
Other academics define technology narrowly as the appli-
cation of science, often pointing to technologies like the
atomic bomb and the transistor, both of which depended
heavily on prior scientific discoveries. Yet historians of
technology have spent decades criticizing this definition,
arguing that science is at most one factor in technology.4
Cultural critics and philosophers, in contrast, often view

1
CHAPTER ONE

religion 0.68

ƉŽůŝƟĐƐ 0.79

ŶĂƟŽŶ 0.83

science 1.00

technology 1.00

art 1.23

culture 1.60

society 1.81

F I G U R E 1 Frequency of major keywords relative to technology in the year 2000. Calculated

from an n- gram search via Google Books Ngram Viewer, February 12, 2017.

technology as an oppressive system of total control that turns means

into ends, seeking only its own perpetuation, what Lewis Mumford
called the “megamachine.”5 Poststructuralists use technology in a sim-
ilar but more positive way to refer to methods and skills in general,
as when Michel Foucault writes about “technologies of the self” and
“technologies of power.”6 Technology can also refer to material artifacts,
from prehistoric stone tools to nuclear power stations.7 And finally,
other scholars, including me, define technology as the set of practices
humans use to transform the material world, practices involved in cre-
ating and using material things.8
Given this welter of contradictory meanings, some scholars have
suggested jettisoning the term completely.9 Yet I believe that a concept
like technology is necessary to make sense of human history. Since the
beginning of the species, humans have consciously shaped the mate-
rial world to sustain life and express culture. Without stone tools, wo-
ven baskets, and other artifacts, early human civilization would have
been impossible. And without the material forms that express our val-
ues, dreams, and desires, human culture would barely exist.10 These di-
verse material practices lie at the heart of human history, and technol-
ogy provides the best concept to describe them.
Technology in the sense of material practices is particularly central
to modernity, the era that gave birth to the industrial age and all its
consequences. “Technology made modernity possible,” proclaims the
philosopher Philip Brey. Yet as Brey notes, theorists of modernity have
done remarkably little to incorporate technology into their theories.
One searches in vain for a clearly articulated concept of technology

2
 INTRODUCTION

among leading theorists of modernity such as Jürgen Habermas, Mi-

chel Foucault, Anthony Giddens, Jean-François Lyotard, and others.11
Even scholars who focus explicitly on technology often treat the con-
cept as unproblematic.12
The marginal status of technology as a concept isn’t the result of
historical accident. Instead, this marginality is rooted in a fundamen-
tal problem. In the division of labor that accompanied the rise of hu-
man civilization, people who specialized in the use of words, namely
scholars, grew distant from people who specialized in the transforma-
tion of the material world, that is, technicians. Our present- day con-
cept of technology is the product of such tensions between technicians
and scholars. Since the time of the ancient Greeks, technicians have
fit uneasily into social hierarchies, especially aristocratic hierarchies
based on birth.13
This tension between scholars and technicians has produced two
sharply divergent traditions about the nature of technology and ante-
cedent concepts. On one side, defenders of technicians view technol-
ogy as a creative expression of human culture. In this view, technology
is imbued with human values and strivings in all their contradictory
complexity. I term this position the cultural approach to technology.
The cultural approach is epitomized by the American public intellec-
tual Lewis Mumford. In the 1930s, Mumford argued that technology
(technics, in his terminology) “exists as an element in human culture
and it promises well or ill as the social groups that exploit it promise
well or ill.” German engineers around the turn of the twentieth cen-
tury made similar claims, insisting that technology (Technik) was an
essential component of culture and a product of the human spirit.14
Technologies thus express the spirit of an age, just like works of art.
The invention of the mechanical clock in western Europe at the end of
the thirteenth century, for example, did not itself create the sense
of time. Instead, the mechanical clock reflected a prior consciousness
of time, rooted in monasteries and medieval towns, that motivated
people to invent, improve, and embrace this new instrument. Chinese
craftsmen had created far more sophisticated astronomical clocks in
the eleventh century, but these devices failed to spread because they
did not reflect a widespread desire for timekeeping.15
In contrast to the cultural approach, other scholars take what I term
the instrumental approach to technology. Supporters of this approach,
often humanist intellectuals, insist that technology is a mere instru-
ment that serves ends defined by others. This vision portrays technol-
ogy as narrow technical rationality, uncreative and devoid of values.

3
CHAPTER ONE

The American sociologist Talcott Parsons, for example, described tech-

nology as “the simplest means- end relationship,” the choice of the best
methods for achieving a specific goal. In this narrow view, even cost
becomes irrelevant. For example, an engineer seeking corrosion resis-
tance might choose gold rather than iron for an oil pan.16 Two mil-
lennia earlier, Aristotle had made a similar argument, dividing the
practical arts (techne) from both ethical and philosophical knowledge.
According to Aristotle, ethics and philosophy were inherently virtuous,
while the practical arts acquired virtue only by serving ends external
to themselves.17
Both these conceptions of technology express fundamental truths.
As a set of concrete material practices, technologies are always both
cultural and instrumental, similar to what we find in works of fine art.
Artistic expression requires both aesthetic sensibility and technique,
that is, cultural creativity along with the instrumental means to ex-
press this creativity. Although we can distinguish between aesthetic
creativity and technique, fine art can never be reduced to either, even
though the art world often denigrates technical skill over aesthetic
expression.18
Discourse about modern technology favors the instrumental over
the cultural viewpoint. An entire tradition of philosophical critique is
based on precisely this reduction of technology to technique, that is,
instrumental rationality.19 But enthusiasts also embrace the instrumen-
tal understanding of technology. For enthusiasts, our modern techno-
logical civilization represents the embodiment of reason in the world,
with new technologies as the vanguard of progress.20 In contrast, the
cultural understanding of technology is definitely a minority view. It
is found, for example, among historians of technology who connect
technological choices to specific aspects of culture and society, and
among a few thoughtful engineers who seek to defend the dignity and
autonomy of their profession.21
More than intellectual clarity is at stake here. The tension between
the instrumental and the cultural understanding of technology has
concrete implications for the role of technology in late modernity.
Most fundamentally, the instrumental concept of technology effaces
the role of human agency. It focuses on innovation rather than use,
treating actual technologies as natural objects, stripped of creativity
and craft, subordinate to scientific knowledge, mere means to ends.
When the instrumental view grants a role to human agency, it restricts
this agency to a narrow technical elite or the rare inventive genius. In
contrast, the cultural concept of technology is human centered, stress-

4
 INTRODUCTION

ing use rather than novelty. It views technology as a creative, value-

laden human practice, a practice that relies irreducibly on craft skills
as well as formal knowledge. In this view, all humans are the rightful
heirs to technology, not just technical elites.22
Unfortunately, historical amnesia has obscured the tensions be-
tween the cultural and instrumental views of technology, even among
historians of technology. Because these tensions remain largely unrec-
ognized, they have produced a concept of technology that is, ironically,
ill suited for understanding late modernity. Most of the present- day pa-
thologies in the concept of technology are, I argue, rooted in this clash
between the cultural and the instrumental approaches. If we ever hope
to make sense of modernity, scholars need to acknowledge their unique
and at times pernicious role in the history of this concept.

The Marginality of Technology in Scholarly Discourse

This lack of attention to technology is all the more surprising when

compared with the massive literature on other central concepts of
modernity, such as art, science, culture, and politics.23 There are two
main reasons for this neglect. The first lies in the human propensity
to take most technologies for granted. The philosopher Langdon Win-
ner terms this attitude of not-seeing “technological somnambulism,”
the tendency to sleepwalk through the material processes that consti-
tute much of what it means to be human.24 Similarly, Paul Edwards
describes how everyday technologies disappear in a fog of familiar-
ity, particularly “mature technological systems” like sewers or electric
power, which “reside in a naturalized background, as ordinary and un-
remarkable to us as trees, daylight and dirt.”25 Only when such tech-
nologies fail do people become aware of their powerful presence.
As a result of this somnambulism, the technologies that garner the
most attention are new devices and processes. Yet as David Edgerton
has shown, daily life relies far more on old technologies like cotton
fabrics and asphalt roads than on the latest smartphone. The focus on
novelty has become embedded in the very concept of technology itself,
thus rendering invisible most of what makes technology significant
both today and in the past.26
But invisibility of the quotidian only partly explains the relative ne-
glect of technology in scholarly discourse. Language is surely less vis-
ible than the infrastructures and artifacts of modern technology. Yet
since the ancient Greeks, scholars have worked tirelessly to make lan-

5
CHAPTER ONE

guage visible as an object of inquiry.27 Why has technology, both in

substance and as a concept, not received similar attention in Western
intellectual history?
Most scholarship is produced by intellectuals who experience tech-
nology primarily from the outside. Since ancient times, much of this
discourse has displayed an appalling ignorance if not outright hostility
toward the practical arts. In the 1920s, John Dewey criticized this at-
titude of “profound distrust of the arts” and “disparagement attending
the idea of the material,” which was expressed philosophically in “the
sharp division between theory and practice.”28 (Note that Dewey was
using the term arts in its broader meaning, which includes all forms of
making, not just the fine arts.) In the Western philosophical tradition,
knowing has been consistently ranked higher than making, if mak-
ing was considered at all. This prejudice continues in our late-modern
era, when humanist intellectuals often see technology as a threat, and
most natural scientists elevate pure knowledge over practical applica-
tions, a bias that also dominates philosophy of science.29
Despite the general distrust of the practical arts and the denigration
of practice, alternative scholarly traditions have dealt sympathetically
with topics that would now be termed technology. One tradition has
affirmed the dignity of the mechanical arts and technology, from the
twelfth- century theologian Hugh of St. Victor through Francis Bacon
and Karl Marx. Another approach, more critical of technology’s per-
vasive role in the culture of modernity, has also been deeply engaged
with technological practices and ideas, from Mary Shelley to Lewis
Mumford. Some of these thinkers, most important Mumford, played
key roles in the history of the concept of technology.
More recently, scholars in science and technology studies (STS) have
tried to remedy the scholarly neglect of technology, producing signifi-
cant theoretical insights in addition to their empirical works.30 How-
ever, STS scholars still tend to collapse technology into science, as dem-
onstrated by the widely used concept of technoscience.31 Historians of
technology also have made major contributions to the discourse of tech-
nology, particularly through the Society for the History of Technology
and similar academic organizations. And philosophers of technology
have generated an impressive body of literature that grapples with
fundamental questions of theory.32 But the history and philosophy
of technology have for the most part remained intellectual ghet-
toes, even within their respective scholarly disciplines. Few papers
in these fields are presented at national meetings of historians and phi-
losophers.33 When scholars outside these subfields discuss technology,

6
 INTRODUCTION

they often ignore the contributions of historians and philosophers of

technology.34
Some historians and philosophers of technology have internalized
the prejudices that make them feel marginal. Historians of technology
in particular have developed a Rodney Dangerfield complex, plain-
tively lamenting their lack of respect in the broader scholarly commu-
nity.35 Such thinking may explain why this field has failed to clarify
the concept of technology itself, a failure directly linked to the lack of
historical consciousness about technology the term. If academics who
specialize in the study of technology can’t figure out what it means,
how can we expect others to do so?
This lack of historical consciousness is especially clear when phi-
losophers try to get a handle on the concept of technology.36 Philoso-
phers tend to prefer prescriptive to descriptive definitions; that is, they
make claims about how terms ought to be used.37 Such claims are usu-
ally justified on logical rather than historical grounds. For example, a
number of philosophers writing in English have sought to differentiate
technology from technique (or technics). One such philosopher is Larry
Hickman, a creative thinker who applies insights from John Dewey’s
pragmatism to the philosophy of technology. Hickman notes that ety-
mologically, technology should refer to the study of technical things,
but that instead the term usually refers to the technical things them-
selves, or “technique.” Hickman defines technique rather oddly as “ha-
bitualized skills together with tools and artifacts.”38
Hickman calls for separating these two terms, technique and technol-
ogy. He ascribes to technology all the higher cognitive qualities involved
in using tools and artifacts to solve problems. When a problem is
solved, what remains is technique, the stable, largely noncognitive solu-
tion. In this schema, technology is “active, reflective and creative,” while
technique is “for the most part passive, non-reflective and automatic.”39
Hickman’s approach falls short, however, in its lack of any historical
basis for his definitions of technique and technology. He seems unaware
that almost all continental European languages maintain a distinction
between technique and technology, but one that does not deny creativity
to technique. Since the 1890s, all attempts to strip away the creative,
cognitive components of the Continental concept of technique have
been fiercely resisted by technical practitioners and their intellectual
allies.40 In a sense, Hickman has reproduced, in his artificial division
between technique and technology, the same historical separation of
mind and hand, theory and practice, that Dewey himself sought to
overcome.

7
CHAPTER ONE

The History of the Concept of Technology: An Overview

The dominant definitions of technology are fundamentally at odds with

its etymology. The - ology suffi x suggests that technology should refer to
an academic field or a system of formal knowledge, a meaning derived
from the ancient Greek term logos, or “reasoned discourse.” However, in
present- day usage, technology refers more to things than ideas, to mate-
rial practices rather than a scholarly discipline. Similar terms for other
fields of knowledge can also refer to the object of study, such as the use
of ecology to refer to biological communities themselves. Yet technology
is different. Its original meaning as a field of study has almost com-
pletely disappeared, at least in English. This original meaning survives
here and there, primarily in the phrase “Institute of Technology” in
names of schools of higher technical education.
Perhaps this divergence from etymology is what Heidegger meant
when he said, “The essence of technology is by no means anything tech-
nological.” But Heidegger never said that. He said: “So ist denn auch das
Wesen der Technik ganz und gar nichts Technisches.” The word that
Heidegger used in his essay, which is translated into English as “tech-
nology,” is actually Technik.41 In fact, almost all Continental languages
have a cognate of technique that can be translated into English as “tech-
nology.” For example, “history of technology” in French is l’histoire des
techniques, in German Technikgeschichte, in Dutch techniekgeschiedenis,
in Italian storia della tecnica, and in Polish historia techniki.42
What is even odder, however, is that cognates of technology also ex-
ist in all Continental languages, for example die Technologie in German
and la technologie in French. Through most of the twentieth century,
these technology- cognates were less common than technique- cognates,
but they were still present. However, all these terms, the cognates of
technique and technology, are translated as “technology” in English:
Continental languages use two words where English uses one. Conti-
nental languages have maintained, at least until recently, a distinction
between technique and technology that is lost in English translation.43
What, then, is this distinction between technique and technology in
Continental languages? Quite simply, it is exactly what we would ex-
pect from etymology. Technology is the science of technique; in this re-
gard, technique refers to the principles and processes of the useful arts, a
meaning rooted in the Greek word techne. In French and German, this
distinction between technology and technique remained fairly clear until
the 1980s, when the English concept of technology began to influence

8
CHAPTER TWO

Socrates then denied that rhetoric is a techne, because it relied on

unsystematized experience rather than logos. Rhetoric, he argued, is
“not art but a matter of experience, because it has no speech to give
about the nature of the things it makes use of or what it uses them
on, . . . and therefore it can’t state the cause of any of them. I don’t call
any proceeding that’s irrational an art.”13 In effect, Plato was making
a claim about the relationship between theory and practice, arguing
that a true techne required rational thought about cause and effect, a
form of knowledge that we might classify as science. Plato’s comments
in Gorgias cannot be translated as a statement about the relationship
between science and technology; such modern categories would have
made no sense in ancient Greece. Nevertheless, Plato’s comments in
Gorgias did question the nature of the knowledge involved in techne.
Plato never focused on techne as a concept, and he did little to dis-
tinguish techne from other forms of knowledge. Particularly in his
early dialogues, he often used techne and episteme (scientific knowledge)
interchangeably, using both in the sense of expertise.14 For Plato’s stu-
dent Aristotle, in contrast, techne and episteme become fundamentally
distinct categories.
Aristotle made two crucial distinctions that profoundly shaped
Western thought. These distinctions appeared most clearly in his Nico-
machean Ethics, written about 350 BCE. In this work, Aristotle sharply
distinguished techne from moral knowledge, phronesis, and from scien-
tific knowledge, episteme.15 These demarcations elevated episteme and
phronesis at the expense of techne.
In chapter 6 of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle defined episteme,
phronesis, and techne as three categories of reason. These Greek terms
are traditionally translated as “science,” “prudence,” and “art” respec-
tively, but their meaning in the Greek differs substantially from their
English counterparts. Episteme, argued Aristotle, deals with the realm
of necessity, with knowledge of the eternal, what cannot be otherwise.
In contrast, both techne and phronesis deal with “those things that do
admit of being otherwise,” that is, the realm of contingency.16
Aristotle described techne as “artfully contriving,” an activity that
originates from the person doing the making, not the thing made.
Episteme was devoid of techne, because it dealt with things that arise
from necessity, out of their own nature. In Aristotle’s worldview, then,
episteme and techne are completely separate, the one dealing with the
natural and the other with the artificial. Aristotle was not arguing that
techne lacked reason (logos), but rather that techne concerned reason-
ing about a completely different subject matter from episteme. Like

20
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
discovered. But even the victims of that malady find atmospheric and other
conditions friendly to a prolongation of life in the salubrious air and sunshine of
the South African tablelands.

On the whole, there can be no question as to the general good effect upon
health of the South African climate. Europeans and Americans living therein
pursue their athletic sports with all the zest experienced in their native climates,
and the descendants of the original Dutch and Huguenot settlers—now in the
sixth and seventh generations—have lost nothing of the stature nor of the
physical energy that characterized their forefathers.

South Africa used to be the habitat of an unusually rich fauna. The lion, leopard,
elephant, giraffe, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, antelope in thirty-one species,
zebra, quagga, buffalo and various other wild creatures—some of them savage,
and all of them beautiful after their kind—abounded. But of late years all this has
been changed. Since firearms have been greatly improved and cheapened and
the country has been opened to the Nimrods of the world and the [269]swarming
natives have procured guns and learned to use them, the wild animals have
been thinned out. There are now but two regions in South Africa where big
game can be killed in any great numbers—the Portuguese territory from the
Zambesi to Delagoa Bay, and the adjoining eastern frontier of the Transvaal.

Snakes of various kinds and sizes, from the poisonous black mamba to the
python that grows to over twenty feet in length, used to infest many parts of the
country, but they have almost disappeared from the temperate regions inhabited
by the whites.

The farmers’ worst enemies are not now the great beasts and reptiles of former
years, but the baboons, which gather in the more rocky districts and kill the
lambs, and two species of insects—the white ants and the locusts—which
sometimes ravage the eastern coast.

Beyond that of most countries in the world of equal extent the flora of South
Africa is rich in both genera and species. The neighborhood of Cape Town and
the warm, sub-tropical regions of eastern Cape Colony and Natal are specially
affluent in beautiful flowers. In the Karoo district, and northeastward over the
plateau into Bechuanaland and the Transvaal, vegetation presents [270]but little
variety of aspect, owing in part to the general sameness of geological formations
and in part to the prevailing dryness of the surface.
In general, South Africa is comparatively bare of forests—a fact for which
denudation by man cannot account, for it is yet a country new to civilization.
Some primitive forests are to be found on the south coast of Cape Colony and in
Natal. These have been put under the care of a Forest Department of the
government. In the great Knysna forest wild elephants still roam at large. The
trees, however, even in the preserved forests, are small, few of them being more
than fifty or sixty feet in height. The yellowwood grows the tallest, but the less
lofty sneezewood is the most useful to man. Up the hillsides north of Graham’s
Town and King William’s Town are immense tracts of scrub from four to eight
feet high, with occasional patches of prickly pear—a formidable invader from
America, through which both men and cattle make their passage at the cost of
much effort and many irritating wounds from the sharp spines. A large part of
this region, being suitable for little else, has been utilized for ostrich farming.

In the Karoo district and northward through [271]Cape Colony, western

Bechuanaland and the German possessions in Namaqualand and Damaraland
—a desert region—there are few trees except small and thorny mimosas.
Farther east, where there is a greater rainfall, the trees are more numerous and
less thorny. The plain around Kimberley, once well wooded, has been stripped of
its trees to furnish props for the diamond mines and fuel.

The lack of forests is one of the principal drawbacks to the development of

South Africa. Timber is everywhere costly; the rainfall is less than it would be if
the country were well wooded; and when rains do come the moisture is more
rapidly dissipated by absorption, evaporation and sudden freshets because of
the absence of shade. Of late energetic measures have been taken to supply
nature’s lack by artificial forestry. On the great veldt plateau in the vicinity of
Kimberley and of Pretoria and in other localities the people have planted the
Australian gum tree, the eucalyptus and several varieties of European trees,
including the oak, which, besides being useful, is very beautiful. If the practice
be continued the country will reap an incalculable benefit, not only in
appearance, but also in climatic conditions. [272]

The largest political division of South Africa is Cape Colony. The area is about
292,000 square miles and the population, white and native, is 2,011,305. The
whites number about 400,000. But little of it is suitable for agriculture, and
considerable portions of it are too arid for stock raising. Including the natives the
population is only about seven to the square mile. On the lowlands skirting the
sea on the south and west are some fruitful regions that give a profitable yield of
grapes and corn. On the tableland of the interior there is a rainfall of only from
five to fifteen inches in the year. As a consequence the surface is dry and
unfriendly to vegetable life. In an area of three hundred miles by one hundred
and fifty there is not a stream having a current throughout the year, nor is there
any moisture at all in the dry season except some shallow pools which are soon
dried up by evaporation. Nevertheless, in this desert, bare of trees and of
herbage, there is abundance of prickly shrubs, which are sufficiently succulent
when they sprout under the summer rains to afford good browsing for goats and
sheep. In the northwestern part of the interior and northward to Kimberley and
Mafeking, the country is better watered than the more westerly regions, and
[273]grazing animals find a generous growth of grass as well as nutritious shrubs.
In the southeastern part the rainfall is still heavier. The foothills of the
Quathlamba Range toward the sea are covered in places with forests, the grass
is more abundant and much of the land can be tilled to profit without artificial
irrigation. In 1899 there were about 3,000 miles of railway and nearly 7,000
miles of telegraph open in the colony. The number of vessels entering the ports
of Cape Colony in 1897 was 1,093, with a total tonnage of 2,694,370 tons; in
addition to this there were 1,278 vessels engaged in the coastwise trade, with a
tonnage of 3,725,831 tons. The foreign commerce of Cape Colony is large,
including, as it does, the bulk of the import and export trade of all South Africa.
The total importation of merchandise for 1897 was $80,127,495, and the
exports, including a large proportion of the gold and diamond products of
Kimberley and the Transvaal, amounted, in 1898, to $123,213,458.

Natal, beyond any other part of South Africa, is favored by natural advantages. It
lies on the seaward slope of the Quathlamba Mountains, and its scenery is
charmingly diversified by some of the lesser peaks and the foothills of that
range. It is well watered by perennial streams [274]fed by the snows and springs
of the mountains. While the higher altitudes to the west are bare, there is
abundance of grass lower down and toward the coast there is plenty of wood.
The climate in general is much warmer than that of Cape Colony; in the low strip
bordering the sea it is almost tropical. This high temperature is not caused so
much by latitude as by the current in the Mozambique Channel, which brings
from the tropical regions of the Indian Ocean a vast stream of warm water, which
acts on the climate of Natal as does the Gulf Stream on that of Georgia and the
Carolinas. Nearly the whole of Natal may be counted temperate; the soil is rich,
the scenery is beautiful, and, with the exception of certain malarious districts at
the north, the climate is healthful. Foreigners from Europe and America may
reasonably hope to enjoy long life and prosperity in it. The principal crop for
export is sugar, but cereals of all kinds, coffee, indigo, arrowroot, ginger,
tobacco, rice, pepper, cotton and tea are grown to profit. The coal fields of the
colony are large, the output in 1897 being 244,000 tons. There are 487 miles of
railway, built and operated by the government. The imports in 1897 amounted to
nearly $30,000,000. Pop. 828,500; whites, 61,000. [275]

The Orange Free State, in its entire area of 48,000 square miles, is on the great
interior plateau at an altitude of from 4,000 to 5,000 feet above the sea level.
The surface is mostly level, but there are occasional hills—some of them rising
to a height of 6,000 feet. The land is, for the most part, bare of trees, but affords
good grazing for two-thirds of the year. The air is remarkably pure and bracing.
There are no blizzards to encounter. There are, however, occasional violent
thunderstorms, which precipitate enormous hailstones—large enough to kill the
smaller animals, and even men. Notwithstanding the generally parched
appearance of the country, the larger streams do not dry up in winter. The
southeastern part of the Free State, particularly the valley of the Caledon River,
is one of the best corn-growing regions in Africa. In the main, however, with the
exception of the river valleys, the land is more suitable for pasture than for
tillage. The grazing farms are large and require the services of but few men; as a
consequence the population increases slowly. The Free State, corresponding in
size to the State of New York, has only about 80,000 white inhabitants and
130,000 natives. The chief industry is agriculture and stock-raising. A railway,
[276]constructed by the Cape Colony government, connects Bloemfontein, the
capital of the Orange Free State, with the ports of Cape Colony and Natal, and
with Pretoria, the capital of the South African Republic.

The South African Republic, commonly called the Transvaal, is 119,139 square
miles in area. The white population, numbering 345,397, is largely concentrated
in the Witwatersrand mining district. The native inhabitants number 748,759. All
the Transvaal territory belongs to the interior plateau, with the exception of a
strip of lower land on the eastern and northern borders. This lower section is
malarious. It is thought, however, that drainage and cultivation will correct this,
as they have done in other fever districts. Like the Free State, the Transvaal is
principally a grazing country. The few trees that exist in the more sheltered parts
are of little value, except those in the lower valleys. The winters are severely
cold, and the burning sun of summer soon dries up the moisture and bakes the
soil, causing the grass to be stunted and yellow during most of the year. Until
about sixteen years ago there was little in the surface appearance and known
resources of the Transvaal to attract settlers, and nothing to make it a desirable
[277]possession to any other people than its Africander inhabitants. In 1884
discoveries of gold were made, the first of which that excited the world being
some rich auriferous veins on the Sterkfontein farm. In a little time it became
known that probably the richest deposit of gold in the world was in the
Witwatersrand district of the Transvaal. Later, in 1897, diamonds were
discovered in the Transvaal, the first stone having been picked up at Reitfontein,
near the Vaal River, in August of that year. Since then the precious crystals have
been found in the Pretoria district, in Roodeplaats on the Pienaars River, at
Kameelfontein and at Buffelsduff. The output of gold in 1898 was $68,154,000,
and of diamonds $212,812.01. The total output of gold since it was first
discovered amounts to over $300,000,000, with $3,500,000,000 “in sight,” as
valued by experts. The commerce of the South African Republic, while
necessarily great because of the large number of people employed by the
mining industries, cannot be as accurately stated as that of states whose imports
are all received through a given port or ports. Foreign goods reach it through
several ports in Cape Colony, Natal, Portuguese East Africa, and in smaller
quantities from other ports on the coast. [278]The total imports for 1897 are
estimated at $107,575,000.

Griqualand West, a British possession bordering on Cape Colony on the south

and on the Free State on the east, owes its chief importance to the Kimberley
diamond mines, near the western boundary of the Free State and 600 miles
from Cape Town. These mines were opened in 1868 and 1869. It is estimated
that since that time $350,000,000 worth of diamonds in the rough—worth double
that sum after cutting—have been taken out. This enormous production would
have been greatly exceeded had not the owners of the various mines in the
group formed an agreement by which the annual output was limited to a small
excess over the annual demand in the world’s diamond markets. So plentiful is
the supply, and so inexpensive, comparatively, is the cost of mining that other
diamond-producing works have almost entirely withdrawn from the industry
since the South African mines were opened. It has been estimated that ninety-
eight per cent of the diamonds of commerce are now supplied by these mines.

The British protectorate of Bechuanaland, lying to the north of Cape Colony and
Griqualand and to the west of the Transvaal, has an [279]area of about 213,000
square miles, with a population of 200,000—mostly natives. A railway and
telegraph line connect it with Cape Colony on the south and Rhodesia on the
north.
Rhodesia includes the territory formerly known as British South Africa and a
large part of that known as British East Africa. The area is about 750,000 square
miles—equal to about one-fourth of the area of the United States of America,
excluding Alaska. No exact statement of population can be made; estimates
range from 1,000,000 to 2,000,000, of which only about 6,000 are whites. The
entire territory is under the administration of the British South African Company,
organized and incorporated in 1889, subject to the British High Commissioner at
Cape Town. Rhodesia lies chiefly within the tablelands of South Africa and has
large but yet undeveloped resources, including grazing and agricultural lands
and important mining districts. Owing to the newness of the country to civilization
no definite statement can be made relative to its commerce. In all probability
Rhodesia will open a field wherein enterprise along the lines favored by its
natural resources and conditions will be richly rewarded.

The End.

[281]
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Metadata

Title: The Africanders: A

century of Dutch-
English feud in
South Africa
Author: Le Roy Hooker Info
(1840–1906) https://viaf.org/viaf/104480090/
File 2023-09-23
generation 11:48:34 UTC
date:
Language: English
Original 1900
publication
date:
Keywords: Afrikaners,
Transvaal (South
Africa)
History, South
Africa -- Politics and
government