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Characteristics
This article is about authoritarianism in political science and organizational studies. For authoritarianism in psychology, see Authoritarian personality.
Constitutions in authoritarian For a form of government where power is held by a single individual, see Autocracy.
regimes
Authoritarianism is a political system characterized by the rejection of democracy, and political plurality. It
Part of the Politics series
Economy
involves the use of strong central power to preserve the political status quo, and reductions in the rule of
Basic forms of government
Institutions law, separation of powers, and democratic voting.[1][2] Political scientists have created many typologies

Interactions with other elites describing variations of authoritarian forms of government.[2] Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic List of forms of government

and the masses or oligarchic and may be based upon the rule of a party or the military.[3][4] States that have a blurred List of countries by system of government
boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid
Manipulation of information Source of power [show]
democracies", "hybrid regimes" or "competitive authoritarian" states.[5][6][7]
Systemic weakness and Power ideology [show]
resilience The political scientist Juan Linz, in an influential[8] 1964 work, An Authoritarian Regime: Spain, defined Power structure [show]

Violence authoritarianism as possessing four qualities: Related [show]

Typologies 1. Limited political pluralism, which is achieved with constraints on the legislature, political parties and Politics portal
interest groups. · ·
Similar terms
2. Political legitimacy based on appeals to emotion and identification of the regime as a necessary evil
Subtypes
to combat "easily recognizable societal problems, such as underdevelopment or insurgency."
Authoritarianism and 3. Minimal political mobilization, and suppression of anti-regime activities.
democracy
4. Ill-defined executive powers, often vague and shifting, used to extend the power of the executive.[9][10]
Competitive authoritarian
Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive direct elections to legislatures, free and competitive direct or indirect elections
regimes
for executives, or both.[11][12][13][14] Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack human rights such as freedom of religion, or countries
Authoritarianism and fascism
in which the government and the opposition do not alternate in power at least once following free elections.[15] Authoritarian states might contain
Authoritarianism and nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature
totalitarianism fraudulent, non-competitive elections.[16] Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until the mid-1970s
Economic effects but declined from then until the year 2000.[17]

Historical trends

Post World War II anti

Characteristics
Authoritarianism is characterized by highly concentrated and centralized government power maintained by political repression and the exclusion of
potential or supposed challengers by armed force. It uses political parties and mass organizations to mobilize people around the goals of the regime.[18]
Adam Przeworski has theorized that "authoritarian equilibrium rests mainly on lies, fear and economic prosperity."[19]

Authoritarianism also tends to embrace the informal and unregulated exercise of political power, a leadership that is "self-appointed and even if elected
cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation of civil liberties and little tolerance for meaningful opposition.[18]
A range of social controls also attempt to stifle civil society while political stability is maintained by control over and support of the armed forces, a
bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation of allegiance through various means of socialization and indoctrination.[18] Pippa Norris and Ronald
Inglehart identify authoritarianism in politicians and political parties by looking for values of security, conformity, and obedience.[20]

Authoritarianism is marked by "indefinite political tenure" of the ruler or ruling party (often in a one-party state) or other authority.[18] The transition from an
authoritarian system to a more democratic form of government is referred to as democratization.[18]

Constitutions in authoritarian regimes

Authoritarian regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such as constitutions.[21] Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve a
variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of
future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in
practice).[22] Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes.[23] An authoritarian constitution "that successfully
coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate the regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a
different set of arrangements."[24] Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; however, in
some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior.[25]

The Soviet Russia Constitution of 1918, the first charter of the new Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), was described by Vladimir
Lenin as a "revolutionary" document. It was, he said, unlike any constitution drafted by a nation-state.[26] The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism"
has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet.[27] Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist"
regimes ("the sort familiar in the modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying
institutional devices") and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power).[27] He describes
authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritarian dominant-party states that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, but do not
arbitrarily arrest, political dissidents; (3) permit "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections",
without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as the drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best
it can that it will prevail – and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to
ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable." Tushnet cites Singapore as an example of an authoritarian
constitutionalist state, and connects the concept to that of hybrid regimes.[27]

Economy
Scholars such as Seymour Lipset,[28] Carles Boix, Susan Stokes,[29] Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens[30] argue that
economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue that while economic development
makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an
authoritarian state into a democracy).[31]

Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances the bourgeoise and labor are more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other
circumstances.[32] Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term.[33]

According to Michael Albertus, most land reform programs tend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withhold property rights
from the beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations.[34]

Institutions
Authoritarian regimes typically incorporate similar political institutions to that of democratic regimes, although they may serve different purposes.
Democratic regimes are marked by institutions that are essential to economic development and individual freedom, including representative legislatures
and competitive political parties.[35][36] Most authoritarian regimes embrace these political structures, but use it in a way that reinforces their power.[35]
Authoritarian legislatures, for example, are forums through which leaders may enhance their bases of support, share power, and monitor elites.[37]
Additionally, authoritarian party systems are extremely unstable and unconducive to party development, largely due to monopolistic patterns of
authority.[38]

Democratic and authoritarian arguably differ most prominently in their elections. Democratic elections are generally inclusive, competitive, and fair.[39] In
most instances, the elected leader is appointed to act on behalf of the general will. Authoritarian elections, on the other hand, are frequently subject to
fraud and extreme constraints on the participation of opposing parties.[38] Autocratic leaders employ tactics like murdering political opposition and paying
election monitors to ensure victory.[35][40] Despite this, the proportion of authoritarian regimes with elections and support parties has risen in recent
years.[35] This is largely due to the increasing popularity of democracies and electoral autocracies, leading authoritarian regimes to imitate democratic
regimes in hopes of receiving foreign aid and dodging criticism.[35][41]

According to a 2018 study, most party-led dictatorships regularly hold popular elections. Prior to the 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative
parties or candidates for voters to choose. Since the end of the Cold War, about two-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some
opposition, but the elections are structured in a way to heavily favor the incumbent authoritarian regime.[42] In 2020, almost half of all authoritarian
systems had multi-party governments.[43] Cabinet appointments by an authoritarian regime to outsiders can consolidate their rule by dividing the
opposition and co-opting outsiders.[43]

Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include:[42]

Control of the media by the authoritarian incumbents.

Interference with opposition campaigning.
Electoral fraud.
Violence against opposition.
Large-scale spending by the state in favor of the incumbents.
Permitting of some parties, but not others.
Prohibitions on opposition parties, but not independent candidates.
Allowing competition between candidates within the incumbent party, but not those who are not in the incumbent party.

Interactions with other elites and the masses

The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime
may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts.[44][45] Authoritarian rule entails a balancing act whereby the ruler has to
maintain the support of other elites (frequently through the distribution of state and societal resources) and the support of the public (through distribution
of the same resources): the authoritarian rule is at risk if the balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by the elites or an uprising by the mass
public.[46][47]

Manipulation of information
Main articles: Political censorship and Propaganda

According to a 2019 study by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman, authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and mass
repression to maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted to manipulation of information as a means of
control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy.[48]

While authoritarian regimes invest considerably in propaganda out of a belief that it enhances regime survival, scholars have offered mixed views as to
whether propaganda is effective.[49]

Systemic weakness and resilience

Andrew J. Nathan notes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion,
over-centralization of decision making, and the predominance of personal power over institutional norms. ... Few authoritarian regimes – be they
communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist – have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions."[50]

Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or
elite demands and that the authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise the
legitimacy of an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse.[18]

One exception to this general trend is the endurance of the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party which has been unusually resilient among
authoritarian regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to four factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics";
(2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in the promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional
specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's
legitimacy among the public at large."[50]

Some scholars have challenged notions that authoritarian states are inherently brittle systems that require repression and propaganda to make people
comply with the authoritarian regime. Adam Przeworski has challenged this, noting that while authoritarian regimes do take actions that serve to enhance
regime survival, they also engage in mundane everyday governance and their subjects do not hold a posture towards the regime at all moments of their
life. He writes, "People in autocracies do not incessantly live under the shadow of dramatic historical events; they lead everyday routine lives."[51]
Similarly, Thomas Pepinsky has challenged the common mental image of an authoritarian state as one of grim totalitarianism, desperate hardship, strict
censorship, and dictatorial orders of murder, torture and disappearances. He writes, "life in authoritarian states is mostly boring and tolerable."[52]

Violence
Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a common characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence tends to be common in
authoritarian states because of a lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and
the masses.[44]

Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to as coup-proofing (structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power). Coup-proofing
strategies include strategically placing family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creating of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and
developing multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another.[53] Research shows that some coup-
proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring[54][55] and reduce the likelihood of mass protests.[56] However, coup-proofing reduces military
effectiveness,[57][58][59][60] and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract.[61] A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduce
the occurrence of coup attempts.[62] Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have
more to gain by patience than by plotting.[62] According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighboring countries lead
to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region.[63] A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by
other countries with similar histories.[64] A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by
purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders.[65] A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that
personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes; the authors argue that this is because
"personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler."[66]

According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship.[67]

Typologies
According to Yale professor Juan José Linz there a three main types of political regimes today: democracies, totalitarian regimes and, sitting between
these two, authoritarian regimes (with hybrid regimes).[68][69]

Similar terms
An authoritarian regime has "a concentration of power in a leader or an elite not constitutionally responsible to the people".[70] Unlike totalitarian
states, they will allow social and economic institutions not under governmental control,[71] and tend to rely on passive mass acceptance rather than
active popular support.[72]
An Autocracy is a state/government in which one person possesses "unlimited power".
A Totalitarian state is "based on subordination of the individual to the state and strict control of all aspects of the life and productive capacity of the
nation especially by coercive measures (such as censorship and terrorism)".[73] and are ruled by a single ruling party made up of loyal supporters.[74]
Unlike autocracies, which "seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition",[75] totalitarian states are characterized by an official
ideology, which "seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition",[75] and "seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a
prelude to world domination".[75]
A Fascist state is autocratic and based on a political philosophy/movement, (such as that of the Fascisti of pre-WWII Italy) "that exalts nation and
often race above the individual and that stands for a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social
regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition".[76]

Subtypes
Several subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others.[77] Linz identified the two most basic subtypes as traditional
authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes:

Traditional authoritarian regimes are those "in which the ruling authority (generally a single person)" is maintained in power "through a combination of
appeals to traditional legitimacy, patron-client ties and repression, which is carried out by an apparatus bound to the ruling authority through personal
loyalties." An example is Ethiopia under Haile Selassie I.[77]
Bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes are those "governed by a coalition of military officers and
technocrats who act pragmatically (rather than ideologically) within the limits of their bureaucratic
mentality."[77] Mark J. Gasiorowski suggests that it is best to distinguish "simple military authoritarian
regimes" from "bureaucratic authoritarian regimes" in which "a powerful group of technocrats uses the state
apparatus to try to rationalize and develop the economy" such South Korea under Park Chung-hee.[77]

According to Barbara Geddes, there are seven typologies of authoritarian regimes: dominant party regimes,
military regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect military regimes, or hybrids of the Honoring South Korean President
first three.[78] Park Chung-hee in Army Parade at
Armed Forces Day on 1 October 1973
Subtypes of authoritarian regimes identified by Linz are corporatist or organic-statistic, racial and ethnic
"democracy" and post-totalitarian.[77]

Corporatist authoritarian regimes "are those in which corporatism institutions are used extensively by the state to coopt and demobilize powerful
interest groups." This type has been studied most extensively in Latin America.[77]
Racial and ethnic "democracies" are those in which "certain racial or ethnic groups enjoy full democratic rights while others are largely or entirely
denied those rights", such as in South Africa under apartheid.[77]
Post-totalitarian authoritarian regimes are those in which totalitarian institutions (such as the party, secret police and state-controlled mass media[79])
remain, but where "ideological orthodoxy has declined in favor of routinization, repression has declined, the state's top leadership is less personalized
and more secure, and the level of mass mobilization has declined substantially."[77] Examples include the Russian Federation and Soviet Eastern
Bloc states in the mid-1980s.[77] The post-Mao Zedong People's Republic of China was viewed as post-totalitarian in the 1990s and early 2000s, with
a limited degree of increase in pluralism and civil society.[80][81] however, in the 2010s, particularly after Xi Jinping succeeded as General Secretary of
the Chinese Communist Party and rose to power in 2012, Chinese state repression sharply increased, aided by digital control and mass
surveillance.[82][83][84]

Authoritarian regimes are also sometimes subcategorized by whether they are more personalistic or populist.[77]
[additional citation(s) needed] Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule and authority
exercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules."[77]
Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian
regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which a strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition
involving key lower-class groups."[77] Examples include Argentina under Juan Perón,[77] Egypt under Gamal
Abdel Nasser[77] and Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro.[85][86]

A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes four categories: Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev
machine (oligarchic party dictatorships); and Venezuela's President Nicolas
Maduro on 25 October 2019
bossism (autocratic party dictatorships);
juntas (oligarchic military dictatorships); and
strongman (autocratic military dictatorships).[4]

Lai and Slater argue that single‐party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g. mass mobilization, patronage networks and
coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing the regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater also argue that
military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single‐party
regimes.[4][3]

John Duckitt suggests a link between authoritarianism and collectivism, asserting that both stand in opposition to individualism.[87] Duckitt writes that both
authoritarianism and collectivism submerge individual rights and goals to group goals, expectations and conformities.[88]

According to Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, authoritarian regimes that are created in social revolutions are far more durable than other kinds of
authoritarian regimes.[89]

Authoritarianism and democracy

Authoritarianism and democracy are not necessarily fundamental opposites and may be
thought of as poles at opposite ends of a scale, so that it is possible for some democracies to
possess authoritarian elements, and for an authoritarian system to have democratic
elements.[91][unreliable source?][92][93][verification needed] Authoritarian regimes may also be partly
responsive to citizen grievances, although this is generally only regarding grievances that do
not undermine the stability of the regime.[94][95] An illiberal democracy, or procedural
democracy, is distinguished from liberal democracy, or substantive democracy, in that illiberal
democracies lack features such as the rule of law, protections for minority groups, an
independent judiciary and the real separation of powers.[96][97][98][99] Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit,
2022.[90] Green countries are democratic, yellow are hybrid
A further distinction that liberal democracies have rarely made war with one another; research regimes, and red are authoritarian governments.
has extended the theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have few wars
(sometimes called militarized interstate disputes) causing fewer battle deaths with one another
and that democracies have far fewer civil wars.[100][101]

Research shows that the democratic nations have much less democide or murder by government. Those were also moderately developed nations before
applying liberal democratic policies.[102] Research by the World Bank suggests that political institutions are extremely important in determining the
prevalence of corruption and that parliamentary systems, political stability and freedom of the press are all associated with lower corruption.[103]

A 2006 study by economist Alberto Abadie has concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediate political freedom. The nations with
the least terrorism are the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by
temporary increases in terrorism."[104] Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the
most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies."[105] A 2018 study by Amichai
Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies and polyarchies not only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer
fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their
citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social
resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties.[105] Magen also stated that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in
2013.[105]

Within national democratic governments, there may be subnational authoritarian enclaves. A prominent examples of this includes the Southern United
States after Reconstruction, as well as areas of contemporary Argentina and Mexico.[106]

Competitive authoritarian regimes

Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive
authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but ... incumbents' abuse of the
state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents."[107][108] The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010
book of the same name to discuss a type of hybrid regime that emerged during and after the Cold War.[107][109]

Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without a
high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through
which to contest for power."[107] Competitive authoritarian regimes lack one or more of the three characteristics of democracies such as free elections
(i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e. the freedom of speech, press and association) and an
even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse).[110]

Authoritarianism and fascism

Authoritarianism is considered a core concept of fascism[111][112][113][114] and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of
government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more
distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist.[115][116][117][118][119][120][121][122][123]

Authoritarianism and totalitarianism

Totalitarianism is a label used by various political scientists to characterize the most tyrannical strain of
authoritarian systems; in which the ruling elite, often subservient to a dictator, exert near-total control of the
social, political, economic, cultural and religious aspects of society in the territories under its governance.[125]

Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, taking
Francoist Spain as an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have
institutionalized representation of a variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, the Catholic Church,
Falange, monarchists, technocrats and others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass
acceptance rather than popular support.[72] According to Juan Linz the distinction between an authoritarian
regime and a totalitarian one is that an authoritarian regime seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization
while totalitarianism seeks to control and utilize them.[68] Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in
that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on the work of Yale
political scientist Juan Linz, Paul C. Sondrol of the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs has examined the
characteristics of authoritarian and totalitarian dictators and organized them in a chart:[71]

Benito Mussolini, the founder of

Totalitarianism Authoritarianism Italian Fascism, called his regime the
"Totalitarian State": "Everything in the
Charisma High Low State, nothing outside the State,
Role conception Leader as function Leader as individual nothing against the State."[124]

Ends of power Public Private

Corruption Low High

Official ideology Yes No

Limited pluralism No Yes

Legitimacy Yes No

Sondrol argues that while both authoritarianism and totalitarianism are forms of autocracy, they differ in three key dichotomies:

(1) Unlike their bland and generally unpopular authoritarian brethren, totalitarian dictators develop a charismatic "mystique" and a mass-based,
pseudo-democratic interdependence with their followers via the conscious manipulation of a prophetic image.

(2) Concomitant role conceptions differentiate totalitarians from authoritarians. Authoritarians view themselves as individual beings largely
content to control and often maintain the status quo. Totalitarian self-conceptions are largely teleological. The tyrant is less a person than an
indispensable function to guide and reshape the universe.

(3) Consequently, the utilisation of power for personal aggrandizement is more evident among authoritarians than totalitarians. Lacking the
binding appeal of ideology, authoritarians support their rule by a mixture of instilling fear and granting rewards to loyal collaborators,
engendering a kleptocracy.[71]

Compared to totalitarianism, "the authoritarian state still maintains a certain distinction between state and
society. It is only concerned with political power and as long as that is not contested it gives society a certain
degree of liberty. Totalitarianism, on the other hand, invades private life and asphyxiates it."[127] Another
distinction is that "authoritarianism is not animated by utopian ideals in the way totalitarianism is. It does not
attempt to change the world and human nature."[127] Carl Joachim Friedrich writes that "a totalist ideology, a
party reinforced by a secret police, and monopoly control of ... industrial mass society" are the three features of
totalitarian regimes that distinguish them from other autocracies.[127]

Greg Yudin, a professor of political philosophy at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences, argues
"political passivity and civic disengagement" are "key features" of authoritarianism, while totalitarianism relies on
"mass mobilization, terror and homogeneity of beliefs".[128]

Economic effects
In 2010, Dani Rodrik wrote that democracies outperform autocracies in terms of long-term economic growth,
Kim Il-Sung, founder of North
economic stability, adjustments to external economic shocks, human capital investment, and economic
Korea, established an authoritarian
equality.[129] A 2019 study by Daron Acemoglu, Suresh Naidu, Pascual Restrepo, and James A. Robinson found regime which was modeled after other
that democracy increases GDP per capita by about 20 percent over the long-term.[130] According to Amartya totalitarian countries.[126]
Sen, no functioning liberal democracy has ever suffered a large-scale famine.[131] Studies suggest that several
health indicators (life expectancy and infant and maternal mortality) have a stronger and more significant
association with democracy than they have with GDP per capita, size of the public sector or income inequality.[132]

One of the few areas that some scholars have theorized that autocracies may have an advantage, is in industrialization.[133] In the 20th century, Seymour
Martin Lipset argued that low-income authoritarian regimes have certain technocratic "efficiency-enhancing advantages" over low-income democracies
that gives authoritarian regimes an advantage in economic development.[134] By contrast, Morton H. Halperin, Joseph T. Siegle and Michael M.
Weinstein (2005) argue that democracies "realize superior development performance" over authoritarianism, pointing out that poor democracies are
more likely to have steadier economic growth and less likely to experience economic and humanitarian catastrophes (such as refugee crises) than
authoritarian regimes; that civil liberties in democracies act as a curb on corruption and misuse of resources; and that democracies are more adaptable
than authoritarian regimes.[134]

Historical trends

Post-World War II anti-authoritarianism

Main article: Anti-authoritarianism

Both World War II (ending in 1945) and the Cold War (ending in 1991) resulted in the replacement of authoritarian regimes by either democratic regimes
or regimes that were less authoritarian.

World War II saw the defeat of the Axis powers by the Allied powers. All the Axis powers (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Imperial Japan) had totalitarian
or authoritarian governments, and two of the three were replaced by governments based on democratic constitutions. The Allied powers were an alliance
of Democratic states and (later) the Communist Soviet Union. At least in Western Europe the initial post-war era embraced pluralism and freedom of
expression in areas that had been under control of authoritarian regimes. The memory of fascism and Nazism was denigrated. The new Federal
Republic of Germany banned its expression. In reaction to the centralism of the Nazi state, the new constitution of West Germany (Federal Republic of
Germany) exercised "separation of powers" and placed "law enforcement firmly in the hands" of the sixteen Länder or states of the republic, not with the
federal German government, at least not at first.[135]

Culturally there was also a strong sense of anti-authoritarianism based on anti-fascism in Western Europe. This was attributed to the active resistance
from occupation and to fears arising from the development of superpowers.[136] Anti-authoritarianism also became associated with countercultural and
bohemian movements such as the Beat Generation in the 1950s,[137] the hippies in the 1960s[138] and punks in the 1970s.[139]

In South America, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Chile and Uruguay moved away from dictatorships to democracy between 1982 and 1990.[140]

With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the Soviet Union in 1991, the other authoritarian/totalitarian "half" of the Allied Powers of World War II
collapsed. This led not so much to revolt against authority in general, but to the belief that authoritarian states (and state control of economies) were
outdated.[141] The idea that "liberal democracy was the final form toward which all political striving was directed"[142] became very popular in Western
countries and was celebrated in Francis Fukuyama's book The End of History and the Last Man.[142] According to Charles H. Fairbanks Jr., "all the new
states that stumbled out of the ruins of the Soviet bloc, except Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, seemed indeed to be moving towards democracy in the
early 1990s" as were the countries of East Central Europe and the Balkans.[143]

In December 2010, the Arab Spring arose in response to unrest over economic stagnation but also in opposition to oppressive authoritarian regimes, first
in Tunisia, and spreading to Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain and elsewhere. Regimes were toppled in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and partially in Yemen
while other countries saw riots, civil wars or insurgencies. Most Arab Spring revolutions failed to lead to enduring democratization. In the decade
following the Arab Spring, of the countries in which an autocracy was toppled in the Arab spring, only Tunisia had become a genuine democracy; Egypt
backslid to return to a military-run authoritarian state, while Libya, Syria and Yemen experienced devastating civil wars.[144][145]

2000s authoritarian revival

Main article: Democratic backsliding

Since 2005, observers noted what some have called a "democratic recession",[142][146] although some such as Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way have
disputed that there was a significant democratic decline before 2013.[146] In 2018, the Freedom House declared that from 2006 to 2018 "113 countries"
around the world showed "a net decline" in "political rights and civil liberties" while "only 62" experienced "a net improvement."[147] Its 2020 report marked
the fourteenth consecutive year of declining scores.[148] By 2020, all countries marked as "not free" by Freedom House had also developed practices of
transnational repression, aiming to police and control dissent beyond state borders.[149]

Writing in 2018, American political journalist David Frum stated: "The hopeful world of the
International trends in
very late 20th century – the world of NAFTA and an expanding NATO; of the World Wide Web
democracy/authoritarianism
1.0 and liberal interventionism; of the global spread of democracy under leaders such as
countries becoming countries becoming
Václav Havel and Nelson Mandela – now looks battered and delusive."[152]
more democratic more authoritarian
Michael Ignatieff wrote that Fukuyama's idea of liberalism vanquishing authoritarianism "now late 1990s 72 3
looks like a quaint artifact of a vanished unipolar moment"[142] and Fukuyama himself
2021 15 33
expressed concern. [141] By 2018, only one Arab Spring uprising (that in Tunisia) resulted in a
transition to constitutional democratic governance[153] and a "resurgence of authoritarianism source: V-Dem[150][151]

and Islamic extremism" in the region[154] was dubbed the Arab Winter.[155][156][157][158][159]

Various explanations have been offered for the new spread of authoritarianism. They include the downside of globalization, and the subsequent rise of
populism and neo-nationalism,[160] and the success of the Beijing Consensus, i.e. the authoritarian model of the People's Republic of China.[161] In
countries such as the United States, factors blamed for the growth of authoritarianism include the financial crisis of 2007–2008 and slower real wage
growth[162][unreliable source?] as well as social media's elimination of so-called "gatekeepers" of knowledge – the equivalent of disintermediation in
economics – so that a large fraction of the population considers to be opinion what were once "viewed as verifiable facts" – including everything from the
danger of global warming to the preventing the spread of disease through vaccination – and considers to be fact what are actually only unproven fringe
opinions.[163]

In United States politics, the terms "extreme right", "far-right", and "ultra-right" are labels used to describe "militant forms of insurgent revolutionary right
ideology and separatist ethnocentric nationalism",[164] such as Christian Identity,[164] the Creativity Movement,[164] the Ku Klux Klan,[164] the National
Socialist Movement,[164][165][166] the National Alliance,[164] the Joy of Satan Ministries,[165][166] and the Order of Nine Angles.[167] These far-right groups
share conspiracist views of power which are overwhelmingly anti-Semitic and reject pluralist democracy in favor of an organic oligarchy that would unite
the perceived homogeneously racial Völkish nation.[164][167] The far-right in the United States is composed of various Neo-fascist, Neo-Nazi, White
nationalist, and White supremacist organizations and networks who have been known to refer to an "acceleration" of racial conflict through violent means
such as assassinations, murders, terrorist attacks, and societal collapse, in order to achieve the building of a White ethnostate.[167]

Examples
There is no one consensus definition of authoritarianism, but several annual measurements are attempted, including Freedom House's annual Freedom
in the World report. Some countries such as Venezuela, among others, that are currently or historically recognized as authoritarian did not become
authoritarian upon taking power or fluctuated between an authoritarian, flawed, and Hybrid regime due to periods of democratic backsliding and/or
democratization. The time period reflects their time in power rather than the years they were authoritarian regimes. Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia
are often regarded as the most infamous examples of totalitarian systems. Some countries such as China and various fascist regimes have also been
characterized as totalitarian, with some periods being depicted as more authoritarian, or totalitarian, than others. Contemporary examples of totalitarian
states include the Syrian Arab Republic and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.[168]

Current
The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states characterized as authoritarian, as seen in the sources in the Notes and references column.
Countries listed also are not rated as democracies by The Economist Democracy Index, as 'free' by Freedom House's Freedom in the World index or
reach a high score at V-Dem Democracy Indices.

Time Ruling group or

State Notes and references
period person

1996–2001;
Afghanistan Taliban Totalitarian theocratic state.[169]
2021–

Angola 1975– MPLA [170]

Azerbaijan 1993– New Azerbaijan Party [171][172][173][174][175][176]

Bahrain 1783– House of Khalifa [177]

Awami League under [178]

Bangladesh 2009-
Sheikh Hasina
Alexander [179][180][181][182][183]
Belarus 1994–
Lukashenko

Burundi 2005– CNDD–FDD [184]

Cambodian People's [185][186]

Cambodia 1979–
Party

Cameroon 1982– Paul Biya [187][188]

China got 9 out of 100 points in Freedom House's 2024 Global Freedom
Score.[189] The party promotes itself as 'consultative' on local issues and
Chinese Communist
People's Republic of China 1949– some scholars describe the Chinese system as "a fragmented
Party
authoritarianism" (Lieberthal), "a negotiated state", or "a consultative
authoritarian regime."[190]

1969–1992; Congolese Party of [191]

Republic of the Congo
1997– Labour

Communist Party of [192]

Cuba 1959–
Cuba

People's Rally for [193][194]

Djibouti 1977–
Progress

Egypt 2014– Abdel Fattah el-Sisi [195]

El Salvador 2019– Nayib Bukele [196][197]

Teodoro Obiang [198]

Equatorial Guinea 1979–
Nguema Mbasogo

Eritrea 1993–[a] Isaias Afwerki Eritrea is considered a totalitarian dictatorship.[199]

Eswatini 1968– House of Dlamini [200]

Abiy Ahmed and his party considered "authoritarian" by some activists

Ethiopia 2018– Abiy Ahmed and dissents.[201] He is considered by some a "charming
dictator".[202][203]

Since the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law, the Hong
Hong Kong (Special
Pro-Beijing camp Kong government began cracking down on pro-democracy activists,
administrative region of People's 2020–
(Hong Kong) politicians, and news outlets. Which is considered by many to be a sign of
Republic of China)
rising authoritarianism in Hong Kong.[204][205][206]
Hungary 2010– Fidesz [207][208]

India 2014– Narenda Modi

After the Iranian Revolution, Iran became a totalitarian clerical state

(nominally an "Islamic republic") based on the absolute authority of the
unelected Supreme Leader of Iran, based on the strict Shia concept of
Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist.If it has the opportunity, this legal body
Iran 1979– Assembly of Experts will remove reformist politicians.[209][210] In 2000, Juan José Linz wrote
that "it is difficult to fit the Iranian regime into the existing typology, as it
combines the ideological bent of totalitarianism with the limited pluralism
of authoritarianism and holds regular elections in which candidates
advocating differing policies and incumbents are often defeated."[211]

Although it has boasted of being the "only democracy in the Middle East"
1996–1999; the treatment in reference to Palestine is strictly authoritarian, such as the
Benjamin Netanyahu
Israel 2009–2021; prohibition of commemorating the Nakba to members of the Knesset, the
and Likud
2022– prohibition of blocking a state sovereign Palestinian or even not abiding
by UN resolutions.[212][213][214][215]

Jordan 1946– Hashemites [216]

Lao People's [217]

Laos 1975–
Revolutionary Party

Morocco 1957– Alaouite dynasty [216][218][219]

Mozambique 1975– FRELIMO [220]

The Tatmadaw allowed a democratically elected administration to

Myanmar 1962– Tatmadaw exercise some power from 2016 to 2021, without allowing civilian control
of the military.[221]
1979–1990; [222][223]
Nicaragua Daniel Ortega
2007–

Workers' Party of
Some scholars consider North Korea to be the most totalitarian
North Korea 1949– Korea under Kim
country.[224][225]
Dynasty

Oman 1970– House of Al Said [226]

Palestine Liberation [227]

Palestine 1964–
Organization

Qatar 1971– House of Thani [228]

Russia 2000– Vladimir Putin [229][230][231][232][233][234]

Rwanda 2000– Paul Kagame [235]

Saudi Arabia 1934– House of Saud [236]

Singapore 1965– People's Action Party Dominant-party system[237][238]

Sudan People's
Liberation Movement [239]
South Sudan 2011–
under Salva Kiir
Mayardit

Republika Srpska [240][241][242]

2006– Milorad Dodik
(part of Bosnia and Herzegovina)

Arab Socialist Ba'ath

Syria 1963– Party – Syria Region Totalitarian police state[243][244][245] under a hereditary dictatorship
under al-Assad family

Abdel Fattah al-

Sudan 2021– Failed state in a power vacuum[246]
Burhan
Tajikistan 1994– Emomali Rahmon [247]

Togo 1967– Eyadema Family [248]

Justice and
Development Party It has been described by observers as a "competitive authoritarian
Turkey 2003–
under Recep Tayyip regime."[249]
Erdoğan

Berdimuhamedow
Turkmenistan 2006– Effectively a totalitarian hereditary dictatorship.[250][251]
Family

Royal families of the [252][253]

United Arab Emirates 1971–
United Arab Emirates
Uganda 1986– Yoweri Museveni [254]

Uzbekistan Liberal [255][256][257]

Uzbekistan 1989–
Democratic Party

United Socialist Party [258]

Venezuela 1999–
of Venezuela

Vietnamese [259]
Vietnam 1976–
Communist Party

Zimbabwe 1980– ZANU-PF [260][261]

Historical
The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states which were historically authoritarian.

Time Ruling group or

State Notes and references
period person

Algeria 1999–2019 Abdelaziz Bouteflika [262]

Justicialist Party under

1946–1955 See also Peronism.[263][264]
Juan Perón

1966–1973 Military government See also the Argentine Revolution.[263][264]

Argentina
Justicialist Party under [263][264]
1973–1976
Juan and Isabel Perón

1976–1983 Jorge Rafael Videla See also the National Reorganization Process.[263][264]

Christian Social Party

under Engelbert Dollfuß
Austria 1933–1938 See also the Federal State of Austria and Ständestaat.
and Fatherland Front
under Kurt Schuschnigg

1937–1945 Getúlio Vargas See also the Vargas Era.[265]

Brazil Military dictatorship in
1964–1985 Started with the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état.[265]
Brazil

Military government and

Started with the 1962 Burmese coup d'état and ended with the
Burma 1962–2011 the Burma Socialist
2011–2012 Burmese political reforms.[266]
Programme Party

Burundi 1961–1993 UPRONA

Confederate States of
1861–1865 Jefferson Davis Herrenvolk republic with a "democracy of the white race".[267][268]
America
Habré was deposed by Idriss Déby, he was tried in Senegal for
Chad 1982–1990 Hissène Habré crimes against his country and died in prison months after the man
who removed him from power died in combat.

Government Junta under

Chile 1973–1990 Started with the 1973 Chilean coup d'état.[269]
Augusto Pinochet

Kuomintang and
Republic of China 1927–1949 Nationalist government The Republic of China on Taiwan is listed further below.
under Chiang Kai-shek
Democratic Republic of the Laurent-Désiré Kabila and
1997–2019 Zaire is listed further below.[270]
Congo Joseph Kabila
1941–1945 Ustaše under Ante Pavelić See also Independent State of Croatia
Croatia Croatian Democratic Union
1990–1999 [271][272]
under Franjo Tuđman

Czechoslovakia 1938–1939 Party of National Unity

Gamal Abdel Nasser,

Egypt 1952–2011 Anwar Sadat, and Hosni [273]

Mubarak

Equatorial Guinea 1968–1979 Francisco Macias Nguema

Mengistu Haile Mariam
Ethiopia 1974–1991 and the Workers' Party of [274]

Ethiopia

Ethiopian People's
Ethiopia 1991–2019 Revolutionary Democratic [275]

Front
Fiji 2006–2022 FijiFirst[b] [276][277][278][279]

Committee of Public
Safety, a provisional
France 1793–1794 government during the See also the French Revolution.
Reign of Terror under
Maximilien Robespierre.
Gabonese Democratic
Gabon 1961–2023 Ali Bongo is overthrown in a military coup.
Party
Jammeh is overthrown by democratic elections and is forced to
Gambia 1994–2017 Yahya Jammeh
resign.
National Socialist German
Nazi Germany 1933–1945 See also Nazism.
Workers' Party

Ahmed Sekou Touré,

Lansana Conté, Moussa
Guinea 1958–2021 Guinea was marked by a series of authoritarian generations.
Dadis Camara and Alpha
Condé
Nino Vieira would govern in an authoritarian manner in the 80s and
Guinea-Bissau 1980–1999 João Bernardo Vieira 90s until his overthrow, in 2005 he returned to the presidency until
his assassination in 2009.

Miklós Horthy and the [280]

Hungary 1920–1944
Unity Party

Indonesia 1959–1998 Sukarno and Suharto See also the Guided Democracy era and the New Order.
Iran 1925–1979 Pahlavi dynasty [281]

Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party

– Iraq Region under
Iraq 1968–2003
Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
and Saddam Hussein

Hirohito and the Imperial

Empire of Japan 1931-1945 Rule Assistance
Association
Party that ruled Liberia for more than 100 years and the monopoly
1886–1980 True Whig Party
was overthrown by the 1980 Liberian coup.
Liberia
The Liberian president ends up captured and executed for a long
1980–1990 Samuel Doe
time in the middle of a Civil war.

Fascist Italy 1922–1943 National Fascist Party [282]

Formelly named Nur Otan. The incumbent president Kassym-

Jomart Tokayev renounced his party membership, establishing in
Kazakhstan 1990–2022 Amanat
the amendments of the second republic that no president should
have affiliation with any party.[187]

Started with the 1969 Libyan coup d'état and ended with the 2011
Libya 1969–2011 Muammar Gaddafi
Libyan Civil War.[283]

Lithuania 1926–1940 Antanas Smetona Ended in the Soviet occupation.[284]

Macedonia 2006–2016 Nikola Gruevski [285][286]

Moussa is deposed in the 1991 Malian coup d'état and sentenced to

Mali 1968–1991 Moussa Traoré
death twice, exonerated in May 2002.

Massachusetts Bay Colony 1630–1691 John Winthrop [287][288]

17 May–4
June 1833
18 June–5
July 1833
27 October–
December
1833

1834–1835

20 March–10
July 1839
1841–1842

14 May–6 Santa Anna

September
1843
4 June–12
September
Mexico 1844

21 March–2
April 1847

20 May–15
September
1847
1853–1855

Porfirio Díaz, Juan

1876–1911 Méndez, and Manuel See also Porfiriato.
Flores.
Mexico was very authoritarian when PRI was the ruling party in
Mexico but in 2000 after about 70 years of ruling they lost the 2000
Mexican presidential election. They eventually came back to power
1929–2000 PRI in 2012 by winning the Mexican presidential election but eventually
lost power in the 2018 Mexican presidential election as their
candidate finished 3rd. See also Tlatelolco massacre and the rigged
1988 Mexican presidential election.

1878–1908 Abdul Hamid II

Ottoman Empire
1913–1918 The Three Pashas

Democratic Party of
Montenegro 1990–2023 Socialists of Montenegro, [289][290][291][292][293]

under Milo Đukanović

Nicaragua 1936–1979 Somoza Family The Somoza clan loses power in the Sandinista revolution.

1965–1986 Ferdinand Marcos Ended with the People Power Revolution.

Philippines
2016–2022 Rodrigo Duterte [294][295]

Poland 1926–1939 Sanation See also the May Coup.

1926–1933 Military government See also the National Dictatorship.

Estado Novo regime under

Portugal
1933–1974 António de Oliveira Salazar Ended with the Carnation Revolution.[296]
and Marcelo Caetano
White movement under
Russian State 1918–1920
Alexander Kolchak

Gregoire Kayibanda and

Rwanda 1961–1994
Juvenal Habyarimana

Somalia 1969–1991 Siad Barre

South Africa 1948–1994 National Party Ended with the end of apartheid.[297][298]
1948–1960 Syngman Rhee
South Korea [299][300]
Park Chung-hee and Chun
1961–1987
Doo-hwan

Francisco Franco under

Francoist Spain 1936–1977 Until the Spanish transition to democracy.[301]
FET y de las JONS

Jaafar Nimeiry and Omar

Sudan 1969–2019 Ousted in 2019 Sudanese coup d'état.[187]
al-Bashir

Kuomintang under Chiang

Taiwan 1945–1987 Kai-shek and Chiang The Republic of China (1927–1949) is listed further above.[302]
Ching-kuo
On 1 April 1933 Prime Minister Phraya Manopakorn Nitithada
staged a coup d'état, parliament suspended, abstaining from using
Phraya Manopakorn
certain sections of the Constitution, and expatriate Pridi Banomyong
Nitithada, People's Party
1932–1944 temporarily left the country which left the People's Party powerless
under Phraya Phahon and
for a period. Until 20 June 1933 there was a coup d'état by the
Plaek Phibunsongkhram
People's Party. Thus causing the People's Party to return to power
Thailand
once again.

1948–1957 Plaek Phibunsongkhram Ended with the 1957 Thai coup d'état.

Sarit Thanarat and

1958–1973 Ended with the 1973 Thai popular uprising.
Thanom Kittikachorn

2014–2023 Prayut Chan-o-cha [303]

Tunisia 1987–2011 Zine El Abidine Ben Ali See also Tunisian Revolution.
Turkey 1923–1950 Republican People's Party [304][305]

Democratic Party of
Turkmenistan 1991–2006 Turkmenistan under Effectively a totalitarian dictatorship.[250][251]
Saparmurat Niyazov

Communist Party of the

Soviet Union 1922–1991 See also authoritarian socialism.
Soviet Union

1992–2005 Leonid Kuchma Ended in the Orange Revolution [according to whom?].

Ukraine Party of Regions under
2010–2014 Ended in the Revolution of Dignity [according to whom?].
Viktor Yanukovych

Started with the 1918 Ukrainian coup d'état and ended with the Anti-
Ukrainian State 1918 Pavlo Skoropadskyi
Hetman Uprising.

Uganda 1971-1979 Idi Amin Dada

1929–1934 Alexander I and the JRSD See also the 6 January Dictatorship.

Milan Stojadinović and the

1934–1941
JRZ
Yugoslavia
League of Communists of
1944–1990 Yugoslavia under Josip See also the death and state funeral of Josip Broz Tito.[306][307]
Broz Tito (–1980)
Federal Republic of Socialist Party of Serbia
1992–2000 See also the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević.[308][309]
Yugoslavia under Slobodan Milošević
The Democratic Republic of the Congo after 1997 is listed
Zaire 1965–1997 Mobutu Sese Seko
above.[270]

See also
Absolute monarchy Criticism of democracy
Authoritarian capitalism Left-wing dictatorship
Authoritarian socialism Managed democracy
Autocracy Right-wing dictatorship

Notes
a. ^ Eritrea gained de facto independence in 1991; de jure independence was achieved in 1993.
b. ^ While FijiFirst's leader, Frank Bainimarama, still forms government in Fiji, democratic elections were held again in 2014 after eight years without elections
following the 2006 Fijian coup d'état.

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Bibliography

Linz, Juan J. (1964). "An Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Spain". In Allard, Eric; Littunen, Yrjo. Cleavages, Ideologies and Party Systems. Helsinki:
Academic Bookstore.

Further reading

Frantz; Erica; Geddes, Barbara; Wrights, Joseph (2018). How Dictatorships Work. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
doi:10.1017/9781316336182 .

External links
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