SOCIAL WORK IN PAKISTAN

In Pakistan, the First In Service Training Course, sponsored by the Government of Pakistan and
the United Nations Technical Assistance Administration (UNCTAA), trained its first 65
Pakistani social workers in 1953 (Rehmatullah, 2002: 1). During that time, the social work
curriculum ‘tended to follow the traditional pattern of Western social work education’
(Rehmatullah, 2002: 14). To one observer, the originators of social work in Pakistan had always
intended that practices would develop in such a way that they would become ‘appropriate for
training of social workers in the cultural and social environment of Pakistan’ (Rehmatullah,
2002: 176). Likewise, ‘the teaching of Western-based methodologies of social work was to be
discouraged and replaced by indigenous methods evolved from practice in Pakistan’
(Rehmatullah, 2002: 176). To that end, ‘the task of developing Pakistani methods of social work,
and producing Pakistani literature would be undertaken and introduced in universities across
Pakistan’ ( Rehmatullah, 2002: 176). According to Rehmatullah, the objectives of social work’s
founding mothers and fathers ‘has never been done’ (2002: 177). Indeed, ‘very little social work
literature has been produced, and social work methodology of ‘‘group work’’ and ‘‘case work’’
is still being taught in the same manner as in 1954’ ( Rehmatullah, 2002: 177). Late 2005
website research indicated that social work programmes are carried out at three Pakistani
universities: Punjab University (www.pu.edu.pk), Karachi University ( www.ku.edu.pk ) and
Peshawar University (www.upesh.edu.pk). Further research identified that the Pakistan
Association of Social Workers had their membership revoked by the IFSW in 2000 for the
following reason: ‘This decision was based upon available information that the organisation in
provisional membership does not have a membership of professional social workers (as defined
by IFSW), but mainly is an organisation of social welfare volunteers.’ ( IFSW, 2000b)

THEMES OF SOCIAL WORK IN PAKISTAN

First theme: Definition of social work
This insight confirms findings in other Muslim communities that orient social work to Muslim
faith (Al-Krenawi and Graham, 2000a, 2003b). In the words of one respondent:
But I think the main purpose of social welfare is to help others. Our people are used to helping
others in the specific tones of Zakat or Fitrana (religious charity) etc., but social work is to
help the poor and deserving people. The concept of helping others in our society is by charity
or donation. Islam mentions the rights of widows, orphans, and neighbours etc. but
unfortunately, we’ve made this concept a western concept. Scientific social work is actually
the study of people whether they deserve it or not.

As Lyons emphasizes, social work in diverse settings integrates local community culture with its
approach to social welfare ( Lyons, 1999). Respondents consistently referred to a Pakistani
tradition of community helping.
One of the old concepts of social work is to help the poor person or community. But if we
look upon the proper subject, being a social worker must develop a spirit in people to solve
their problems themselves.

The wider Pakistani society is always referenced to social service development. There may be
expatriate economic forces with positive influence:
 The expatriate Pakistanis want to bring about a change. They think that it is their
responsibility and they owe it to their own country. They are very positive about the social
changes and of course they have the money to give us.

But internal structures, anchored to Islamic theology, were consistently viewed as determining.
As one respondent summarized her situation:
The people of these provinces are living under a ‘feudal system’; they want their citizens to be
unaware of their rights. Islam is actually based on Haqooq-ul-ibad (i.e., rights of human
beings). God may forgive us for not fulfilling His rights (Haqooq Allah) but He will not
forgive us for not taking care of human rights (Haqooq-ul-ibad). Our organization is
convincing people on the name of Islam but our Muslim scholars are using it for their own
welfare.

Second theme: family

Our data reveals that successful intervention rested with the situating of practice within a
collectivist Pakistan value system. Distinctions between individual and family intervention are
not nearly as clear as what exists in Northern-based training assumptions:
When a single patient comes to us we study his whole history. He tells and shares each and
every problem (i.e., economic or social problem), and our institution tries to solve not only the
patient’s problem but we also try to make solutions for his family as much as our institution
can solve.

Patriarchal social structures are a clear theme in all respondents’ answers. Some professionals
locate their practice as in conflict between traditional patriarchy and the culture that Pakistan
could become:
Our main war is between men and women, and we cannot solve our problems without the
participation of men, this is the reason why there is a gender balance on our committees.

A central notion to expanding the role and rights of women in Pakistani society is to increase
their decision-making power, on several different levels. One way to empower women in
Pakistan is to have them actively involved in the issues that directly affect their lives. This is an
incredibly difficult feat given the cultural restrictions placed on women.
We are basically working for women’s rights. This is so that the women come to know about
their rights as well as the limits of their social rights; because the majority of our women
population are completely unaware of their basic rights.

Third theme: social inclusion/exclusion

A third theme relates closely to the notion of social inclusion/exclusion, which is an important
component of international social work (Healy, 2001; Lyons, 1999). Pakistani social
differentiation determines how social service structures are implemented, and what delivery
goals might look like. These are perpetuated in community educational structures and persist
throughout the lives of individuals and families:
The differentiations in our educational system are a killer of our humanity. Different class
systems are developing social and economic differentiations. It will cause an inferiority
complex in lower-class people and our society will be prone to exploitation. It will cause a
great danger for the integrity of our country.

Illiteracy is an issue of social exclusion and seen as a hindrance to social development: it is a

fundamental cause of poverty. Several respondents argued that if the educational system were to
improve to the point where the majority of people could read, it is thought that the percentage of
the population living in poverty would decrease dramatically. As one respondent remarked:
A good job is only possible if one has a good education. Only good education can bring you
out of the circle of poverty.
Yet this remains a serious problem for social workers, as they tend to focus their attention on the
literate because they are able to make the most progress with those who can read and have a
previous basic understanding of their rights. Clearly, this remains a dilemma, as they are unable
to help those who most need it.
We mostly target the sensible people who are literate and have basic knowledge of the
awareness program. We receive a lot of problems in convincing unaware and illiterate people
of the basic knowledge of the awareness program.

Class also determines other service provisions. The upper class receives better health and
medical treatments than the poor, who often live in rural areas a great distance from facilities.
Even those who live in urban centres cannot afford adequate care. This is a vital cause for which
the social workers fight, although it remains impossible without the help of the medical
institutions themselves.
Shifa is a very prestigious institute and it is my opinion that part of Shifa should be utilized for
poor people. It is a right of the poor to get those medical facilities that are being taken by rich
people.

One of the problems at play may be the inadequacies of translating social inclusion into the
country’s social welfare structures. According to Rehmatullah (2002: 33), at the outset of social
work in Pakistan, United Nations advisers who helped form social welfare legislation
‘recognized the Islamic values and injunctions pertaining to social welfare in the lifestyle of the
people, but they did not see any of these concepts translated into a policy document which would
guide the development of the programmes or plans in any scientific manner, nor did they see any
practical implementation machinery for dealing with the pressing problems which the country
was facing then’.

Fourth theme: approaches to practice

The literature emphasizes the social change that social work could bring about, acting as an
instrument of social consciousness-raising and social activism. Some observers see this as a
potential role (Rehmatullah, 2002); our respondents, in contrast, tended to see it as a realized
role. As one pointed out:
I think social work is playing a great role in Pakistan as it is providing awareness and
counselling not only to lower-class families but also the higher-class families. Our institution
is running special schools of social work to educate the citizens on their rights.
Social work’s place as an instrument of citizens’ motivation and participation is particularly
relevant to Pakistani culture:
We concentrate and focus on people who understand us easily and clearly. Their participation
is key to breaking the ice with the community. These people help us to motivate other people.

Rehmatullah (2002: 457) sees social development in Pakistan as a lighthouse that has become
very dim. Our respondents seemed somewhat more optimistic. Several saw social welfare as a
hindrance, contributing to social problems in so far as it creates dependency, and as a short-term
solution to entrenched social problems. Most argued that for lasting solutions to social issues the
focus should be on social development, which would mean seeking preventative measures over
reparative ones, and would result in enduring social changes rendering social welfare largely
unnecessary ( except in cases requiring urgent aid, such as natural disasters and other
emergencies).
Our social welfare is completely floating on emergencies and relief. If we add longterm
perspective in our social welfare sector we can extend it to social development. So we have to
change the approach and we must add some new ideas in social welfare for the country to
progress.

To these ends, and with a view also to culturally grounded service delivery, several concluding
sub-principles were identified, including evaluation, computer literacy, and staff monitoring and
motivation. Some spoke of the ability to create and sustain a helping alliance in terms of
personality. An affable personality is seen as central to success as a social worker because it will
increase the likelihood that a community will listen and respond to suggestions.
This leads to the notion of trust-building and reciprocal respect between the community and the
social worker. As all respondents pointed out, the social worker must respect the culture and
traditions of the community that is served. In turn, by showing such consideration, the
community will respect the provider, a vital factor in providing social services. The people must
not suspect an agenda on the part of the social worker, or no progress will result. The trust builds
on this foundation and eventually allows for the community to be motivated for change.
Yes, we should not do anything against the community’s will, against their cultural setup or
their values. We must learn their language to let them know about our aims and objectives.
Through the process of trust building we must motivate them.

The art and skill of community liaison go hand in glove with these attributes. As one respondent
put it:
the skills we definitely require are, liaison with community, community involvement with
social organizations and social mobilization – all these things require that I meet with all kinds
of people with flexibility and in an open way.

Linguistic ability is of no small importance in a country as diverse as Pakistan. One worker

described her situation in these terms:
But we have to learn international languages more than our national and local languages. I am
using my mother tongue outside the area but three languages can cause problems for us at the
national level. And the language problem will remain with us for ever as our four provinces
have four entirely different languages.

Fifth theme: instruments of practice

Broader social structures are key to the delivery of social services. Instrumental needs such as
safety from family violence or crime, access to affordable and accessible housing and health
care, to jobs that could enhance household capital, and other instrumental concerns came to the
fore. These bear emphasis, and ought to be the subject of future, fuller research. Such a basic
necessity as safe drinking water underscores the instrumental nature of much community need:
These days we are basically focusing on safe drinking water, which is the main issue in
Pakistan, and especially in rural areas. Availability of water is not a great issue because people
can get dirty water easily but the need is to provide them with good-quality water.

Many professionals spoke of the need for a National Council of Professional Social Workers. An
ability to remain accountable is important in a society that many respondents described as having
limited trust in leaders and limited public accountability. A formal organization was also seen as
holding social workers responsible for the actions they take and serving to increase the trust the
average citizen can place in the social services.
In our society social work has no organization. It is necessary to establish an organization like
national council of professional social workers. That will be the council to fight for the cause of
professionals.

Role of NGOs in the Social Development of Pakistan

The idea of "non-governmental organization" or NGO is any non-profit body, emphasis on

voluntarism, self-governing and pursuing a mandate of providing development services,
undertaking communal development work or advocating development issues. One detrimental
effect of erosion of traditional state-centered borders lead by globalization is the focus it has
brought on inequality between the developed and developing world. This increased connectivity
has provided a physical foundation to the ever-present pathos of the civil society in
underprivileged regions. With globalization has come the rise of non-state actors, mostly
disguised as champions of the unprivileged classes, to overcome the failures on part of state
administration and governmental bodies.
The most prominent outcome of the debate surrounding the shortcomings of state is the rise of
non-governmental organization –or NGOs – as the alternative to governmental approaches
towards the social development of citizens. These NGOs are claimed to be non-profit
organizations intended to fill gaps on state policies by channeling international or local –
depending on the type of NGO—funds towards the excluded sections of the society. With
support by the West especially United States, these NGOs have risen exponentially all over the
world in number and scope. This paper intends to evaluate the societal impact of these non-
profit, nongovernmental bodies in Pakistan, a developing country, where the majority of
population still lives under the minimum wage and where the social problems have proved to be
a huge impediment in the political and economic progress of the country.
The literature surrounding NGOs suffer from a definitional and taxonomical dilemma where
some classifying and defining them on the basis of their functional and organizational features
(Vakil, 1997), with others emphasizing their nature as the ultimate answer to developmental
shortcomings of the state (Lewis & Kanji, 2009). The expansion of these NGOs has been
appropriated to their ability to address issue at grass-root level, their welfare-oriented nature and
the distrust for public initiatives (Gill, 1997; Murray & Overton, 2011; Kamat, 2004). While
many scholars accept the links between NGOs, empowerment and promotion of democratic
ideals (Edwards & Hulme, 1999; Clark, 1998), many disregards the notion by concluding that
even NGOs are self-serving in nature and their promotion of democratic ideals depend on their
own agendas (Hudock, 1999; Ghosh, 2009).
Evolution and Expansion of NGOs
Evolution of NGOs has been largely claimed to be the direct cause of scarce resources and their
mismanagement by the hands of states. Since the 1970s and 1980s the emphasis on these non-
governmental bodies as the means to social development of communities has become more
pronounced across the world. The civil awareness and activism has led to the creation of
thousands of developmentoriented NGOs with diverse agendas, scope, range and objectives
(Banks & Hulme, 2012). Although tracing their roots in relief and charity organizations of the
past and creation of UN specialized agencies in the 1940s, these bodies have reorganized
themselves with a ‘development drive’ of 1980s led by US political thinkers of the times (Ronald
Reagan, Margret Thatcher etc.). This reshaping of development NGOs owe their creation to the
international political scenario of the time.
According to Deborah Eade (2006) three prominent factors can be outlined for this
reorganization:
1. Firstly, the emergence of neo-liberalism and its focus on privatization of economy
created a need for such bodies who would work to lessen the impact of these structural changes.
Working for social welfare and reduction of inequalities among various sections of society
became a major focus of NGOs of the era.
2. Working along with this economic liberalization, political liberalization also became a
cause for the growth of NGOs leading to their increased representation of politically suppressed
civil society. With the visible outcome of disintegration of USSR, these economic and
developmentoriented autonomous bodies were hailed as kind of ‘saviors’ in the societies of
Eastern Europe and the South.
3. Third, during Reagan’s era much of the Latin America was embroiled in civil war against
military dictatorship with US administration visibly backing the governments. However, with
integration of USSR the focus of US attention shifted from this region. As a result, in the
absence of external funding, and the collapse of socialism, the governments sought the peaceful
mediation of NGOs to provide assistance and solution for building a new kind of state keeping in
mind the political demands of their civil societies (Eade, 2006).
Further, these factors established the recent thinking among societies about the status of NGOs
as drivers of development and growth of the underprivileged classes, reduction of poverty and
champion of social issues otherwise neglected by the states. This explains the prominence of
NGOs in contemporary times as a policy tool of influential external and internal actors.Due to
their exponential growth in the current times, the classification of these NGOs has become an
impossible task. For the purpose of clarification, the NGOs are usually defined by the attributes
they do not possess (such as being non-profit and non-governmental) instead of the features they
have. These NGOs vary vastly in their size ranging from small-scale community based units to
high-profile big corporations with their scope leading up to international off-shore branches in
developing countries. These bodies working on the grass-root levels provide innovative solutions
for uplifting the society. Their civic engagement and development agenda is mainly
implemented through two approaches:
 As service providers
 Through advocacy and empowerment
While their service provider function is mainly concentrated on the gap-filling ability of NGOs
to enhance the participation of those excluded poverty or disasterstricken segments of the society
for which states cannot devote sufficient time and resources. Their latter function developing
recently is the more controversial one, where it works for those social issues that usually invite
broad-level structural changes such as promotion of democracy and gender equality etc. With
their selfgoverning autonomous nature these NGOs do not come under any coordinating body
and do not have to provide accountability to anyone. The growth rate of NGOs, according to an
estimate, rose up to 19.3% from 1990-2000 with their funding reaching up to US$1246 million
by the end of 2000 (Eade, 2006).
NGOs in Pakistan and their Impact on Society
In Pakistan, the growth of NGOs coincides with the creation of Pakistan as a separate political
community for Muslims. The post-partition problems of this newly-created state caused the
mushroom growth of various NGOs with humanitarian functions helping the government in the
relief and rehabilitation of refugees and victims of communal clashes. With their initial focus on
basic service providence in health, poverty reduction and education sector, the NGOs in Pakistan
has gone through two reformations according to the external scenario, one in 1970s with focus
on welfare of society and women empowerment and the second in 1990s in the rural areas of
Sindh and Baluchistan. Being led by the wives of influential internal actors from bureaucrats,
politicians and military personnel in most cases these NGOs are mainly perceived to be
politicized bodies serving the agendas of these actors. The Pakistani government has over the
years implemented five legislative bills for the registration and administration of NGOs which
make it difficult to account for the actual number of bodies working here. These laws have their
separate registry administration, provincial offices and outdated systematic collaborated data but
according to a recent estimate of United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the registered
NGOs in the country could be from 8,000 to 16,000 leading up to 25,000 to 35,000 with the
inclusion of all the unregistered welfare bodies in the country (ADB, 1999).

Classification of Pakistani NGOs

There are four main types of NGOs working in Pakistan which differ in their functional approach
to development of the society:
1. Advocacy and Empowerment: these NGOs are involved in social issues and have a high-
profile agenda on education, human rights, gender issues,

health and poverty. These organizations form the major part of Pakistani NGO count and get the
most media attention. Headed by influential local actors, these agencies are usually focused on
one social issue rather than advocating larger transformations. For Example, All-Pakistan
Women Association (APWA), Family Planning Association of Pakistan etc.
2. Policy Engagement: these NGOs are usually backed by international funding and
advocate for broader structural changes by engaging governments in debates about alternative
and better policy options. These bodies promote problem-based extensive research and might
work in collaboration with other non-profit bodies. For example, UNESCO, USAID, although
these have overlapping function of all three types of NGOs.
3. Disaster, Relief and Emergency based NGOs: the most reputable organizations in
Pakistan are based on providing disaster relief, emergency and rehabilitation to the benefit of
society. These include Edhi Foundation, Benazir Income Support Program, the Fatimid
Foundation and Red Crescent etc.
Impact of NGOs on the Development of Pakistani Society
The outreach and capacity of Pakistani NGOs seriously lacks in the development and policy
implementation sector. Out of thousands NGOs only a handful can be termed as success stories.
The difficulties faced by these NGOs at grass root levels create inefficient policy implementation
and shorter life spans. Only a few has been around for more than a decade with credible
administration and infrastructure. According to a report by Canadian International Development
Agency (CIDA), the number of well-organized NGOs in Pakistan is only about 100 with
thousands of them classified as weak or small-scale bodies (ADB, 1999). Despite their
shortcomings, the impact of these NGOs albeit small cannot be denied on the regions they work
at. Some NGOs with focus only on one region with only one agenda have usually been effective
in targeting those problem areas with positive outcomes. Some of the areas these NGOs target
for the social development of Pakistani society are briefed below:
 Rural Development
The development of rural areas has been a major driving force in Pakistani NGOs.
Under the rubric of the Rural Support Program (RSPs) almost one-third of total NGOs are
working for the development of rural areas today. The forerunner of this initiative is Agha Khan
Rural Support Program (AKRSP) whose effective role in the development of northern villages
and successful collaborative projects for participatory communities led to the growth of
numerous more rural development programs on the model of AKRSP. These include Sindh Rural
Support Program (SRSP), Baluchistan Rural Support Program (BRSP), Sarhad Rural Support
cooperation in KPK (SRSC) and a National Rural Support Program (NRSP) which have
undertaken many successful rural projects in their respective provinces (Bennett, 1998).

 Domestic and Family Issues

The Family Planning Association of Pakistan is one of the few successful NGOs dealing with
domestic issues and population growth. Established four decades ago, this NGO has proved to be
a successful strategy with collaboration with government and various national and international
projects. Its outreach encompasses around 4,000 villages with professional staff of around 1500
and volunteers leading up to 70,000 engaged in 23 projects among different aspects of
population dilemma faced by the rural communities (ADB, 1999).
 Education
Many NGOs have also initiated projects in the enhancement of civil societies through
accessibility of education to everyone belonging to any segment of the society. A prominent
name in this field in the Citizens Foundation (TCF) enterprise which has established around a
thousand schools across Pakistan enrolling 126,000 students and employing 6,300 female staff
for the teaching purposes. This creation of educational avenues has also contributed in creating
9500 jobs for engaging human capital of the communities these schools are based in (SEED
Report).
 Philanthropic and Humanitarian Enterprises
Although numerically the most diverse NGOs are philanthropic in nature, many of these have a
small and insignificant impact on the social development of their communities. Only few NGOs
are reputable and professional enough to generate sufficient funds for any real contribution on
the helping the genuine needs of the poor. While many hospitals have been supported by these
NGOs, another NGO to deal with the domestic and financial needs of rural class is the Akhuwat
Foundation, which has an exemplary micro-finance organization for the underprivileged classes.
Its four core principles namely: interest-free money lending, use of religious places for its
distribution, volunteering efforts and transforming borrowers in to donors has an innovative
purpose of creating a sense of obligation in borrowers. This NGO has also gained the attention of
international donor like World Bank and has been successful in its projects so far (SEED
Report).
Apart from these obvious contributions, many NGOs have played prominent roles in other fields
of social empowerment as well, for example in gender issues, honor killing, higher education,
research and development projects, food and security, vocational training etc. these NGOs have
are small-scale voluntary projects but they are contributing to our society nonetheless.
United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Pakistan
Pakistan has been an aid dependent country since its inception. One of the most important
reasons for the alignment with West during the Cold War was an effort to receive aid to
overcome its scarcity of resources and funds after the partition. Its geo-strategic significance has
also captured the attention of major powers, for better or for worse, time and again. This aid
however has not come without its own strings attached. Being the major donor of military and
civilian assistance to Pakistan, US has in turn increasingly intervened in the political process of
Pakistan and imposed sanctions according to its own demands.
With the upsurge in terrorism and deterioration of internal security, policy thinkers in the US
have accepted the failure of military-based assistance. The renewed focus is on civilian
assistance and collaborative projects to create a softer image of US in Pakistani community and
to promote democratic stability. This transition in US stance was brought about by the Obama
Administration in 2009 with the passage of Kerry-Lugar-Berman (KLB) bill approving a
dramatic increase in economic assistance to 7.5 billion dollars in five years. The fluctuating
relationship between the two countries has marred the significance of civilian engagement
projects. The USAID offices which were closed down in 1994 under Pressler Amendment,
increased their reach for the implementation of KLB, but increased interventionist policies of US
for counterterrorism purposes has negatively impacted on this project (CRISIS Report, 2012).
There has been a need of greater engagement of local policymakers and stakeholder for the
successful culmination of USAID projects for the benefit of both sides. With a view to win
hearts and minds of Pakistani people, USAID has concerned itself with many social projects
targeting the major problem areas such as energy, agriculture, civic participation, education with
a focus on women empowerment and humanitarian crises (of FATA and Baluchistan). Although
in 2011 USAID downsized its projects and funding, it still has undertaken many projects in the
five areas mentioned above.

Analytical Assessment of the Shortcomings of USAID Pakistan

The level of USAID engagement and its extensive projects has been the subject of much debate
in Pakistani and US policy thinkers. Negative perceptions of US among Pakistani society has
produced skepticism of USAID efforts while US policy makers are disheartened by rising
internal turmoil in the security situation of Pakistan. Many scholars have pointed out the failures
on part of US political thinkers for the insufficient input of USAID in the social development of
Pakistan. Some of the shortcomings of these projects are:
 Failure to depoliticize the aid generated by USAID which is easily influenced by political
events on both home and host country. The politicians having the say in the implementation of
USAID projects in Pakistan suffer from lack of indigenous knowledge.
 The reliance of USAID projects on US employees and policy thinker instead of local
stake-holders invite criticism from host country and contributes in the trust gap between the two
countries. Local NGOs having grass-root knowledge can provide better and cost-effective
solution to the challenges these projects maybe facing
 There is no any real reduction of militancy and terrorism in the areas affected by War on
Terror. USAID personnel have limited advantage over those communities and very few projects
are completed in those areas. An example of it is the Guddu thermal Project, where it was unable
to produce effective capacity building
 The funding of project has been slow, causing the completion of projects beyond
deadlines. The actual disbursement of 1.5 million US dollar aid was only $179.5 million in 2010.
Another visible complaint of Pakistani government during the construction of Gomal Zam Dam
caused the US government to increase funding to expedite the construction process (Haq, 2011).
 There is a lack of knowledge and research based approach in USAID projects for
domestic and women empowerment programs. These projects have limited success due to
various cultural and religious constraints.
 There is a need for increased collaboration between local NGOs and other public and
private sector bodies for successful implementation of projects in the areas of FATA and KPK.
 USAID projects lack transparency and accountability for disbursement of funds elevating
the skepticism in donors and lack of transparency in mission and project agendas causing trust
deficit in host country.
 The initial integrated Af-Pak approach caused the muddling of USAID agendas and
objective in Pakistan from the start (Birdsall, 2011).
 The staffing and authority of USAID with a focus on US employees are given tenures for
a very short-term which breaks the consistency and smooth implementation of USAID projects
 The contribution of financial aid through USAID has been very insignificant amounting
to only 0.28% of Pakistan’s per capita income (Haq, 2011).
These shortcomings have been emphasized by various factors which challenge the effective
implementation of these projects. These factors have been outlined below:
Factors Causing Failures
1. Political instability and the disruption of democratic process time and again has proved
challenging for the effective utilization of US financial assistance and completion of USAID
project with political interference.
2. The rules and regulation created by Pakistani government for normal functioning of
NGOs are strict and calls for a relaxation. The bureaucratic
class has also caused many challenges especially during the power devolution project undertaken
by Musharraf Administration.
3. Corruption and self-serving agendas of major internal actors resist the change in status
quo, therefore providing hurdles for tranformatory USAID projects.
4. Being a disaster prone area without any effective strategy to minimize the risk of natural
disasters, the success of USAID projects has also been hampered by this factor. Especially
projects in northern areas of are affected by frequent earthquakes, land sliding, road blocking,
flooding etc.
5. Frequent rotation of leadership on part of USAID also affects the consistency of the
project progress.
6. Some of the USAID projects have environmental costs which were not calculated during
the structuring of the project. These projects had to shut down because of their detrimental
impact on the environment.
7. The institutional capacity of Pakistani state machinery has limited reach and means to
fully implement ambitious USAID projects
8. The upsurge in terrorism and vulnerability of some areas has refrained USAID personnel
to undertake projects which hamper their own personal security. Frequent kidnappings of US
staff and a general trust deficit for American people has resulted in abandonment of controversial
projects.
9. Downsizing of financial capability if USAID Pakistan has also resulted in transparency
and accountability in its projects
These factors can be assumed to play role in the success and failure of many social development
projects undertaken by development NGOs like USAID.
PROGRAMS OF SOCIAL WELFARE AND ORGANIZATION IN PAKISTAN

On the policy front, as noted earlier, the UN advisers recommended that the Islamic values of
welfare such as providing assistance to the poor, care of the indigent, the orphan, and the
realization of zakat, which were engrained in the daily lives of the Pakistani people, be translated
into the social welfare policy of the country. The main elements of Pakistan’s first social policy
included; 1) a community development program, 2) a programme to stimulate the development
of private welfare agencies, 3) a programme to stimulate the development of social welfare
programmes in the provinces and local authorities, 4) a new housing policy, and 5) an expanded
programme of labour protection. It is not difficult to note that these elements were based more on
the prevailing situation rather than the religious and cultural values of the people or the
ideological foundations of the country (Rehmatullah, 2002). The irony of this situation was not
lost to this UN Adviser for Social Welfare to the Planning Board, whose Note for Record read
as, ‘it is one of the ironies of life that though for most people, most of the time, spiritual values
are more important than material possessions, yet it is much easier to plan, calculate, assess in
the material world than in the spiritual. When we think about the future, either personally or
corporately, it is always in physical terms that we do our planning.’ (Wilson cited in
Rehmatullah, 2002 , p. 34). This was not a good beginning for social welfare policy in Pakistan.

However, the worst was yet to come. The first social welfare policy, however poorly founded it
was, remained a document buried in official files as, for almost next twenty years, there was no
clear social welfare policy. During the course of four Five Year Plans (1955-77) and the two
Annual Plans (1975-77), a variety of social services was established under various public and
private agencies (National Council of Social Welfare, 1976). This arrangement did not go
without criticism. For example, one critic observed, ‘if we do not want frustration to perpetuate
we must fix the focus of orientation of social policy…instead of making efforts through so many
agencies, will it not be better if these are coordinated and pushed through a new sector…it will
avoid unnecessary waste of overhead and administrative expenditure and duplication of effort’
(Hak, 1971, pp.20-23). Such criticism was not to be taken into account any soon.
Instead, the national Constitution, adopted in 1973, placed social welfare on the ‘Concurrent
Legislative List’ meaning both the federal and the provincial governments could legislate in this
field. This resulted in further lack of focus of a national social welfare policy and poor
coordination between the centre and the provinces as each was looking to the other to take
initiative (Jillani & Jillani, 2000). It was not until 1988, that a full fledged Ministry of Social
Welfare produced a comprehensive policy document, that is, the second social welfare policy
1988, which guided the social welfare programmes in coming years. This policy had a mixed
approach to social welfare as it was based on the concept of an Islamic welfare state and the
contemporary concept of social development (Rehmatullah, 2002). The third (1992) and fourth
(1994) social welfare policies were not much different from the second as the purpose and focus
of these policies was not clear, but, rather reflected a struggle between traditional remedial
services and the contemporary concept of social development with a rhetoric of Pakistan being
an Islamic state having a given set of welfare-related values and practices. With the passage of
18th constitutional amendment in 2010-11, which devolved considerable power to the provinces,
social welfare became a provincial subject. Thus, the era of national social welfare policy ended.
Four out of five provinces inherited a Directorate of Social Welfare, which, traditionally, have
been responsible for the administration of social welfare services in the provinces, but, having no
experience or expertise in policy formulation. Therefore, it is to be seen that given the great
socioeconomic and cultural diversity, what direction each province take in terms of its social
welfare policy.

Social welfare administration

In terms of social welfare administration, experimental urban community development and

medical social services projects started in Karachi (1953) and the Village-Aid programme (1953)
, started in cooperation between the International Cooperation Administration of the Untied
States and the Government of Pakistan, are considered the first social welfare services in
Pakistan (Ghafur & Mollah, 1968). In January 1955 , the first UN Adviser on social policy and
administration, after an extensive consultation with the government officials and prominent
social workers, recommended the creation of an independent Ministry of Social Affairs.
Similarly, a national conference on social welfare held in Karachi in November 1955 demanded
the same (Rehmatullah, 2002). However, these demands could not materialize.

Instead, a department of social welfare was created in the Ministry of Works. The administrative
structure of this department was in line with the existing bureaucratic system rather than the
unique social work and social welfare needs. In 1956, a National Council of Social Welfare was
established, followed by provincial councils the next year. Initially, the Council was assigned
some policy making and surveillance functions, but, eventually, it became a grant giving agency
(Rehmatullah, 2002). As late as in 1958, a separate Ministry of Health and Social Welfare was
created at the national level. However, soon after, with the promulgation of 1962 Constitution,
the country was divided into two units and social welfare became a provincial subject to be
administered through two Directorates of Social Welfare (Ghafur & Mollah, 1968). This
bureaucratic social administration was almost unreachable, especially to voluntary social welfare
agencies working in remote rural areas (Rehmatullah, 2002).

In 1970, the One Unit was disbanded, and as a result, separate directorates of social welfare were
created in all five provinces. A full fledged Ministry of Social Welfare is only a recent
development, established in 1980s. In terms of financial allocation in the national budget, by the
end of the Third Five Year Plan, it was already being criticized that government was providing
not even 1 % of the total cost of various welfare programmes (Hak, 1971). In the Eighth Five
Year Plan (1994-9), an allocation of Rupees 1.460 billion is considered the highest ever,
provided (under the umbrella of Social Action Programme – SAP) for social welfare
programmes in Pakistan (Rehmatullah, 2002). In the 2010-11 national budget, out of 55 Public
Sector Development

Program allocations, Social Welfare received the sixth lowest allocation - Rupees 107 million,
which reflects the low priority that government attaches to social welfare (Jabeen, 2013). In
short, from the very beginning, social welfare in Pakistan has been a neglected area, both in
terms of financial provisions and proper administrative structures.