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Domenica Essay ATS1247
Domenica Essay ATS1247
archives from Pylos), and your own knowledge of other sources, identify and investigate key
features of Mycenaean palace economy and its roles in society.
The palace economy of Mycenaean Greece was a sophisticated and methodical system that
was based on the control of land and resources by the palaces at various sites such as
Mycenae, Pylos and Knossos; which this essay will draw evidence from. The industrial
production and trade that occurred from the palaces, the documentation about these
processes and the actual palace buildings themselves are sources of evidence from which key
features of the Mycenaean palace economy such as centralisation, specialisation and
redistribution can be identified; along with the social, cultural and political roles that these
features had.
Centralisation of power within Mycenaean palace centres was not only conducive to
administrative control but also paved the way for economic specialisation, allowing for the
efficient allocation of resources and the emergence of specialised craftsmen, traders, and
industries. Some crafts and industries of significance were those involving textile and ceramic
production; with the latter especially being an important form of evidence for foreign
exchange that took place between with other Mediterranean regions such as Italy, Cyprus and
the Levant. Ceramic and textile production are also significant for the reason that, the
majority of, if not all of the processes involved in the respective productions took place within
the palace and were thoroughly recorded by palace scribes (in contrast to some of agricultural
production previously discussed). Evidence for this in the case for textile production is present
in the Lc(1) series tablets from Knossos, for example, which records the textile production
targets for te-pa, pa-we-a and tu-na-no textile variants for central and western Crete. Marie-
Louise Nosch (2011, 495) suggests, from her analysis of these tablets, that the “the production
targets for wool textiles differed according to the groups assigned to fulfill the targets” and
that “these groups were designated according to ethnicity and occupation.” From the tablet
KN Le 641 for example, she (2011, 497) suggests that Te-pa/TELA+TE were “produced
primarily by the occupational group te-pe-ja and also by groups of women with an ethnic
designation.” Additionally, she (2011, 498-499) suggests that “ja on KN Lc(1) 7376 can…
plausibly be interpreted as the last syllable of an occupational designation because the target
is set for producing pa-we-a *161.”
Julie Hruby (2013, 424) also explores Linear B tablet evidence for potters, suggesting “the
palace hired one potter directly and may have obtained products from others on an ad hoc
basis, perhaps bartering, perhaps offering privileges or receiving “gifts”(however voluntary).”
Some of these potters recorded have been named; two examples being “pi-ri-ta-wo” who is
categorised as being of royal (“wa-na-la-te-ro”), land-owning (“ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-na”) status
and “qe-ta-ko” was involved in other “activities beyond ceramics including smithing and
holding land, sheep and pigs…” Additionally, Palaima (1997, 412) contends, echoing Hruby's
observations (2013, 424), that craftsmen were meticulously documented in the Linear B
archives because they crafted goods for not only the king but also played a role in delineating
the king's rank and status within society. This was achieved through various functions, such as
organizing and contributing to feasts. The designation "wa-na-ka-te-ro" for a potter in palace
records, for example, likely signified their responsibility for creating pottery specifically for
royal feasts, with these vessels symbolizing the grandeur of the palace's banquet gatherings
(Hruby 2013, 424). These palatial vessels have been found in large quantities in other
Mediterranean regions such as Anatolia, Cyprus and the Levant. The participation of these
other regions in trading networks with the Mycenaeans to acquire these craft goods allowed
for Mycenaean cultural practices such as drink and feasting, to be shared and associated with
these goods. Gert Jan van Wijngaarden (2002, 276) suggests that Mycenaean pottery in
Cyprus, for example, enabled lifestyles relating to “…specific cultural practices, such as
ceremonial dining and activities to do with unguents and oils.” The fact that “…a fair
proportion of Mycenaean ceramic vessels in all areas [of the central Mediterranean] are
dinner vessels” and that “storage vessels are…as numerous” and significant in “exchange
processes…related to wine, oils and unguents” also seems to supports this (Van Wijngaarden
2002, 278). The ceramic goods that have also been found at the Mycenaean palaces are also
make the significant suggestion craft goods that were traded to palaces were used by the
palaces alongside self-produced goods. Deanna Wesolowski (2006, 118) notes that “up to
6,000 pieces of pottery, ranging from stemmed kylikes, bowls, and large pots to small
diminutive votive vessels” were found in Rooms 17-22 of the main building at Pylos, which
were “storage pantries for the pottery of the palace.” Pithoi of varying sizes, a stirrup jar,
storage jars, an amphora, dippers, and other pottery are also found across Rooms 1 and 4 at
the House of the Oil Merchant at Mycenae (Haskell 1981, 230). Hence, the centralisation of
economic activities within Mycenaean palace complexes not only facilitated specialised
production of goods such as textiles and ceramics but also necessitated systems of
redistribution to manage and allocate these products within the palace economy.
Figure 1. “Reconstruction of the Processional Fresco from the Western Wall of Room 5 (based on Lang 1969”
(Wesolowski 2006,
Figure 2. “Reconstruction of the Northeast Wall of Room 6 (based on Lang 1969)” (Wesolowski 2006,
Alongside the sanctuaries, Lupack (2011, 207) also contends that with the exception of few
less affluent towns, many individual communities within palatial territories maintained a
similarly significant degree of independence from palace control; particularly due to the
economic influence of the damos. Pylos tablet Jn 829, for example, reveals that every damos
was overseen by a mayor, ko-re-te, and an assistant vice-mayor, po-ro-ko-re-te. Additionally,
the governance of distinct regions was overseen by a provincial leader, da-mo-ko-ro, who is
listed at the forefront of the damoi of the Further province on PY On 300 (Lupack 2011, 212).
Also revealed in these Pylos tablets such as PY Ep 301.2a, 8–14 were “…a set of people, called
the ko-to-no-o-ko, who seem to have been in charge of the management of the land that
belonged to the damos” particularly “(e-ke-qe) ke-ke-me-na land in the district/damos of pa-
ki-ja-ne.” This is land ownership is would’ve been significant in bringing about economic life –
supporting the production agricultural and industrial goods (Lupack 2011, 213). Lupack's
analysis along with the Linear B tablets and frescoes from Pylos reveal that while palaces may
have played a central role in organising communal activities and rituals, individual
communities within palatial territories maintained a significant degree of economic
independence. This nuanced understanding challenges traditional views of palace authority
and underscores the importance of communal institutions and local governance structures
within Mycenaean society.
The Mycenaean palace economy emerged as a multifaceted and dynamic system that played
a central role in shaping the economic, social, and cultural landscape of the Late Bronze Age
Aegean. Through the centralization of power, economic specialization, and organized systems
of redistribution, the palaces exerted considerable influence over production, trade, and
communal activities within their regions.
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