Across The Danube Southeastern Europeans and Their Travelling Identities 17th 19th C 1st Edition Olga Katsiardi Hering Maria A Stassinopoulou

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Across the Danube
Studies in Global Social History
VOLUME 27
Studies in Global Migration History
Editor
Dirk Hoerder (University of Arizona, Phoenix, ar, usa)
Editorial Board
Bridget Anderson (University of Oxford)

Adam Hanieh (soas, University of London)
Immanuel Ness (City University of New York)
Jose Moya (Barnard College, Columbia University)
Brenda Yeoh (National University of Singapore)
Vazira Fazila-Yacoobaliis Zamindar (Brown University)
Min Zhou (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore)
VOLUME 9
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sgmh

Across the Danube
Southeastern Europeans and Their
Travelling Identities (17th–19th C.)
Edited by
Olga Katsiardi-Hering
Maria A. Stassinopoulou
LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover illustration: A pantoon bridge on the Danube in Novi Sad (Neusatz), near Belgrade.
Source: Ermini, L./Kunike, A., Donau-Ansichten, Vienna 1824, fig. 173
The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov

lc record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016042757
Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.
issn 1874-6705
isbn 978-90-04-33543-1 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-33544-8 (e-book)
Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and
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This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents
List of Illustrations VII
Introduction 1
Olga Katsiardi-Hering and Maria A. Stassinopoulou
Part 1
Routes and Spaces
1 Greek Immigrants in Central Europe: A Concise Study of Migration

Routes from the Balkans to the Territories of the Hungarian Kingdom
(From the Late 17th to the Early 19th Centuries) 25
Ikaros Mantouvalos
2 Migrations and the Creation of Orthodox Cultural and Artistic

Networks between the Balkans and the Habsburg Lands
(17th–19th Centuries) 54
Nenad Makuljević
3 Connecting Migration and Identities: Godparenthood, Surety and

Greeks in the Russian Empire (18th – Early 19th Centuries) 65
Iannis Carras
Part 2
Greeks in Vienna: A Close Reading
4 Greek Migration in Vienna (18th – First Half of the 19th Century):

A Success Story? 113
Vaso Seirinidou
5 Greek Presence in Habsburg Vienna: Heyday and Decline 135

Anna Ransmayr
6 Endowments as Instruments of Integration and Memory in an

Urban Environment: The Panadi Building in Vienna 171
Maria A. Stassinopoulou
vi Contents
Part 3
Old Settlements, Nation States, New Networks
7 In Search of the Promised Land. Bulgarian Settlers in the Banat

(18th–19th Centuries) 193
Lyubomir Klimentov Georgiev
8 ‘Chasing Away the Greeks’: The Prince-State and the Undesired

Foreigners (Wallachia and Moldavia between the 16th and 18th
Centuries) 215
Lidia Cotovanu
9 Foreign Migrant Communities in the Danubian Ports of Brăila and

Galaţi (1829–1914) 253
Constantin Ardeleanu
10 From Tolerance to Exclusion? The Romanian Elites’ Stance towards

Immigration to the Danubian Principalities (1829– 1880s) 275
Dimitrios M. Kontogeorgis
Selected Bibliography 303

Index 315
List of Illustrations
Illustrations
5.1 Original appearance of the church of Holy Trinity on Fleischmarkt 156

6.1 The triptych of the benefactors Magdalena and Constantin Panadi with the
endowment building 183
6.2 The Panadi building around 1942 184
7.1 Diploma of Emperor Joseph ii (1787) 206
7.2 Certificate of the urban magistrates of Vinga 210
Maps
0.1 Danube: a bridge for goods and people 11

0.2 Greek Orthodox diaspora 17th–19th centuries 12
1.1 Greek Orthodox communities in Hungarian lands 16th–19th centuries 31
3.1 Balkan migration streams, 1650s–1820s 67
3.2 Port-city migration streams, 1774–19th century 68
5.1 Addresses of residence of the Greeks that were Ottoman subjects in 1808 150
5.2 Shops and offices of Greek merchants in 1816 151
Figures
1.1 The geographical origins of Greeks in the cities of Zemun (Semlin),

Tokaj and Miskolc 35
1.2 Greeks in Miskolc. Age of arrival in Hungary 38
3.1 ‘Greeks’ in Moscow 1701– 1710 72
3.2 Iuri Ivanov and his mother, 1707– 1719 75
3.3 Founding members of Nezhin Brotherhood, 1696 (15 individuals) 81
3.4 Greeks in Nezhin, 1711 (322 individuals) 82
3.5 Circular migration: non-resident Brotherhood members in Nezhin, 1769 82
3.6 Greeks of Nezhin, official census 1782 84
3.7 Greek Magistracy in its institutional setting, 1791 (amount of correspondence
exchanged) 90
3.8 Deaths in Odessa Holy Trinity Church 96
viii List of Illustrations
3.9 Godparenthood and witnesses at weddings. Per cent difference

from no. of deaths 98
10.1 Ethnic distribution of the population of Braila (1838) 286
10.2 Distribution of merchants of Moldavia according to legal status (1845) 289
Tables
4.1 Wealth distribution among Greeks in Vienna according to probate inventories,

1780–1850 115
10.1 Main market towns (târguri) in Moldavia established or heavily populated by
Jews during the late 18th century 278
10.2 Number of Bulgarian families established in Wallachia (1815) 280
10.3 Number of Greek families established in Wallachia (1844) 287
Introduction
Olga Katsiardi-Hering and Maria A. Stassinopoulou
From its source in the Black Forest, the Danube flows eastwards through
mountain chains, plains, valleys, through numerous port-cities such as Regens-
burg, Vienna, Enns, and Budapest, then to the south, reaching further fluvial
ports in Bulgaria, such as Vidin, which was until the end of the 19th century
an Ottoman city. Embracing a variety of landscapes and peoples, the river has
connected capital cities of empires and kingdoms, and still forms a shared
landmark of nation states which have otherwise followed different trajectories
after 1918. It is the river celebrated by Strauss, and the Viennese and Hungar-
ian music, depicted in works of art by many painters1 and described in novels,
poems, travelogues, and films by various authors and travelers.2 It connects
and divides3 nations, societies, and micro-regions of various economic, politi-
cal, cultural, and religious orientations. At its branched estuary, at the Black
Sea Delta, the river ends after flowing through a series of fluvial ports, which
flourished from the mid-19th century and partly retain their importance.
Since the Roman and Byzantine era, the Danube constituted both a pos-
sibility of entrance and a barrier for people finding their way from Asia to
Central and Southern Europe.4 Across time it often formed the real frontier
between the states and empires around it, but it also contributed to factors
that provoked wars among the Ottoman, Habsburg, and Russian Empires dur-
ing the period under consideration in this volume.5 The immediate aim of
these antagonistic powers was to obtain crucial posts on its banks; their real
goal was to control the regular conduct of the commerce, and also of other
passages of people and articles and, in particular for the Ottomans, to sustain
the status quo, while Habsburg Austria and the other European powers strove,
especially after the end of the 18th and even more energetically in the 19th
century, to force the internationalization of the river.6 It is remarkable that
most of the treaties from the 17th to the middle of the 19th century, not only
1 Ermini and Kunike, Donau-Ansichten.

2 Kanitz, Donau-Bulgarien und der Balkan; Leigh Fermor, Between the Woods and the
W
ater; Strasser, Stromlinien der Geschichte? Die Donau, Michael and Rita Schlamberger,
Donau-Lebensader Europas (aka Danube-Europe’s Amazon), Parts 1 and 2.
3 Roth, “Rivers as Bridges – Rivers as Boundaries”; Rauscher and Serles, “Der Donauhandel”.
4 Urbansky, Byzantium and the Danube Frontier.
5 Pickl, Die wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen der Türkenkriege; Brummett, “Ottoman Expansion
in Europe”; Aksan, “War and Peace”; Aksan, Ottoman Wars 1700–1870.
6 Vodrazka, Aufsätze zur Donau. See also fn. 35.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��7 | doi 10.1163/9789004335448_002

2 Katsiardi-Hering and Stassinopoulou
among the Ottomans and their rivals, but also European treaties which were
the outcome of other conflicts, were signed in cities directly on or near the
Danube. Most of them were signed in the river span from Belgrade to its delta –
Sitva Torok (Zsitvatorok) 1606, Karlowitz 1699, Passarowitz 1718, Belgrade 1739,
Kucuk Kainardza 1774, Svistov 1791, and Vienna 1815 – while two were signed
in the capitals of the Danubian Principalities – Jassy 1792 and Bucharest 1812.7
From the mid-16th century, after the occupation of most of Hungary by
Suleyman the Magnificent8 and until the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699), the mid-
dle part of the Danube eastwards of Budapest belonged to the Ottomans.9
After the Treaty of Karlowitz and definitely after the Treaty of Belgrade the
river became for a long period the closely watched frontier between the
Habsburg and the Ottoman Empire.10 While the Danube from Buda to Zemun
flowed now through Habsburg territories, from Belgrade to its estuaries in the
Black Sea remained an Ottoman river. Due to the diversity of administration in
the former Ottoman Hungarian territory,11 the semi-autonomous status of the
Danubian Principalities of Transylvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia,12 but also
because of the diversity of the productive profiles of the various districts and
of the wide spectrum of merchants’ movements and orientations, it would be
wrong to treat the region around the river as a single geopolitical and social-
economic entity.
The middle Danube and the vast area around it, which belonged after the
Treaty of Karlowitz to the Habsburg Empire, was the fruitful part of the river,
flowing more or less through fertile plains, particularly in the central Hungarian
region around the Tisza tributary of the Danube and its so-called ‘Tisza-knee’.13
The Austrian mercantilist policy in the long 18th century and more actively
after the Treaty of Passarowitz was conducive to the establishment in this last
7 Katsiardi-Hering, “Greek Merchant Colonies”, p. 129.

8 Kunt and Woodhead, Süleyman the Magnificent and His Age, particularly pp. 71–90.
9 Moačanin, Town and Country on the Middle Danube; Gradeva, “Between Hinterland and
Frontier”; Kostić and Todorović (eds.), Dunavom od Bezdana do Beograda.
10 Mitev et al., Empires and Peninsulas; Pedani, “The Border from the Ottoman Point of
View”.
11 Koller, Eine Gesellschaft im Wandel.
12 Heppner, Österreich und die Donaufürstentümer; Köpeczi, Kurze Geschichte Siebenbür-
gens; Pop et al., The History of Transylvania; Abrate et al. (eds.), Handbuch der europäischen
Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, in particular the chapters by Knittler, “Die Donaumo
narchie, 1648–1848” and Schaser, “Die Fürstentümer Moldau und Walachei, 1650–1850”,
and Schaser, “Das Fürstentum Siebenbürgen 1650–1850”.
13 Füves, “Görög kereskedők a Dunántúlon”, particularly the map at p. 109.
Introduction 3
area of many Greek, as well as Serbian Orthodox, confraternities, ‘compagnie’,14

as discussed in several chapters in this volume. It is also this widespread area
(but more precisely the southern part of the historical Hungarian territories,
the Banat of Temesvar (modern Timişoara), and the eastern part of Croatia
and the Voivodina)15 which, during the long 18th century, experienced the
repopulation policy of the Habsburgs in the so-called ‘Military confine border’,
with the movement and settlement there of Serbs, Wallachians (Aromanians),
and Danube Swabians (Donauschwaben).16
During the long 18th century and until the early 19th century, and even more
after the treaties of Adrianople17 (1829) and Paris (which ended the Crimean
War in 1856),18 not only did the Austrians continue their repopulation policy,
but they also made a concentrated effort, through a series of costly technical
works, to transform the Danube into a ‘modern’ navigable river;19 efforts, which
on the one hand led to undermining the traditional role of the Ottomans in the
transport activities in the Lower Danube and on the other hand boosted the
development of its fluvial city ports and the internationalization of the river,
with major consequences for commercial transport and migration.
The state confines between the Ottoman and the Habsburg Empires20
remained fluid for a long period. The emergence of the Russian Empire from
the major European rivals of the Ottoman Empire, in the 18th century, led to
border changes in the northern part of the Black Sea and the northeastern part
of the Danube estuaries.21 Radical economic changes followed. The changes
in the maritime commercial ways, particularly after the Treaty of Kucuk Kain-
ardzha, and the special role of the Greek merchant marine are well researched,
while the strengthening of the role played by the Ionian islands (under British
rule) after the 1830s in the Black Sea forms the focus of an ongoing research
14 On these various forms of communal organization in the Central European Greek

rthodox Diaspora see Katsiardi-Hering, “Αδελφότητα, Κομπανία, Κοινότητα”; on admin-
O
istrative policies in the Habsburg Empire and their shaping of communal identities see
Katsiardi-Hering, “Grenz-, Staats- und Gemeindekonskriptionen”.
15 Portmann, “Vojvodina”.
16 Eberl et al., Die Donauschwaben; Katsiardi-Hering and Madouvalos, “The Tolerant Policy
of the Habsburg Authorities”, pp. 16–17, referencing more literature on the subject.
17 Adrianople is named after the Roman Emperor Hadrian.
18 Ardeleanu, International Trade and Diplomacy in the Lower Danube.
19 Katsiardi-Hering, “Δούναβις”; Livieratos et al., “On the Digital Revival of Historic Cartogra-
phy”. For a printed atlas of the region, Breu (ed.), Atlas der Donauländer.
20 Dávid and Fodor, Ottomans, Hungarians, and the Habsburgs; Ágoston, “The Ottoman
Wars”; Marin, Contested Frontiers in the Balkans.
21 Tuğluca, “The Budjak Region”.
consortium.22 These changes forced the Ottoman Empire to readjust its Black
Sea commercial policy23 and particularly the commercial routes around the
Danube estuaries, and heavily influenced the migration flows and economic
orientations of the states and merchants, resulting in the reorientation of the
most well-known and most often used commercial routes.24
The traditional commercial roads, which since the 14th century merchants
from Southeastern Europe had followed towards Central Europe,25 the Danu-
bian Principalities, and onwards to the Ukraine and Russia, were rearranged
after the Treaty of Passarowitz26 which through its privileged tariff framework
benefited particularly the Greek Orthodox merchants of the Ottoman Empire.
Their formative presence led Traian Stoianovich in 1960 to use the emphatic
title ‘The Conquering Orthodox Balkan Merchant’ for his article on the sub-
ject.27 The next radical reorientation of the commercial routes across the
Danube took place after the Treaty of Adrianople. The informal and formal
realignment of the borders that occurred after the Greek and Serbian revolu-
tions should also be taken into consideration. During the second half of the
19th century the Danube flowed not only through or between empires but also
through nation states, newly formed or just emerging, all of which were regu-
lated by newly formulated and applied commercial and population policies.
Southeastern Europe, particularly its northern part, was during the late
medieval time and until the mid-16th century at the center of interest of Ragu-
san, Venetian, Florentine, Viennese, Augsburg, and other European m erchant
22 Kremmydas, Ελληνική Ναυτιλία; Harlaftis and Papakonstantinou, Η ναυτιλία των Ελλήνων;

see also the interdisciplinary and inter-university project “The Black Sea and its port-
cities, 1774–1914. Development, convergence and linkages with the global economy”. The
project is led by the Department of History of the Ionian University in Corfu, Greece (Prof.
Gelina Harlaftis) in collaboration with the University of Crete, the Hellenic Research
Foundation, the University of Thessaly, the University of the Aegean, and other collabo-
rators from Russia, the Ukraine and other countries. See http://blacksea.gr/en/ (accessed
20 November 2015).
23 Cernovodeanu, “British Economic Interests”. The traditional Ottoman policy in the region
is analyzed by Inalcik, “The Question of the Closing of the Black Sea”; see also Bilici et al.,
Enjeux politiques.
24 Papakonstantinou, “Trading by Land and Sea”.
25 Kellenbenz, “Fluss- und Seeschifffahrt”.
26 Ingrao, Samardžić, and Pešalj, The Peace of Passarowitz, especially the articles of M. Peters
and J. Pešalj, pp. 39–51 and 141–58 respectively.
27 Stoianovich, “The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant”; see also the chapters of
T. Stoianovich and O. Katsiardi-Hering, in Asdrachas et al., Greek Economic History,
pp. 404–83.
Introduction 5
families and networks.28 Some of them, such as the Ragusan, reached even to
the Lower Danube. After Buda was captured by the Ottomans and the great-
est part of the Hungarian lands became an Ottoman province (pashalik),
Transylvania recognized the suzerainty of the Porte and became a self-ruling
principality (1541). Therefore, Suleyman the Magnificent was the first sultan
who firmly stated landlord right over Wallachia, Moldavia, and Transylva-
nia, considering the tributary principalities as parts of the “Well-protected
Dominions and their inhabitants as sultan’s subjects (re’aiya)”.29 Thus from an
administrative and commercial point of view, Ottoman Southeastern E urope
was formed, with a majority of its inhabitants being Christian Orthodox. Suc-
cessive movements of people intensified, particularly from the Epirus region,
from Western Macedonia, and from Serbia towards the Danubian principali-
ties. Their settlement in the principalities as peasants, merchants, and arti-
sans is well researched.30 These migrants formed family, commercial, and
social networks whose structures lasted for centuries. An intensifying as well
as a diversification of these migratory networks took place in the long 18th
century, due to the changes brought about by the Karlowitz and Passarowitz
treaties and the new e conomic conditions of the 19th century. These migratory
movements could be analyzed within the framework of the Ottoman Empire’s
economic crisis and the following shift from the timariot to the çiftlik sys-
tem, the steadily increasing fiscal obligations of the population – particularly
in the 18th century – and the commercialization of the peasant production
on the one hand and the way to industrialization of the Central European
area on the other.31 This latter parameter caused an increase in the export
of raw materials (such as wool, cotton, cotton yarn, etc.), so much needed in
the newly established textile industries in Austria, Bohemia, Saxony, etc. His-
torical a nthropological aspects of family formation, kinship relations, and
inheritance practices in Southeastern Europe in the longue durée under their
economic and geographical environment should also be taken into consider-
ation.32 Leslie Page Moch’s view on a non-sedentary Europe (especially in the
18th century) could be totally applicable to our Southeastern Europe as well.33
People moved for their seasonal a gricultural and livestock activities, or they
28 Krekić, Dubrovnik; Spisarevska, “De l’activité des associations commerciales de Raguse”.

29 Panaite, “Power Relationships in the Ottoman Empire”.
30 Cotovanu, “Migrations et mutations identitaires”, pp. 235–348, with rich bibliography.
31 Faroqhi, The Late Ottoman Empire.
32 Kaser et al., Historische Anthropologie.
33 Page Moch, Moving Europeans, p. 1.
ended up becoming bandits.34 They also moved from the mountain or peasant
areas to the towns and cities, in particular those in crucial commercial cross-
roads or near the mercantile fairs. Distance and duration of the movements
could vary considerably.
In our book the Danube is the ‘bridge transporting souls and products’, the
‘border’, and the ‘space’ as perceived and settled by migrants from Southeast-
ern Europe. The Danube, regarded for centuries as the fluvial end of Europe,
served as a ‘geographical’ point of reference for the demarcation of territorial
and ‘symbolic’ borders. In the 19th century Balkans, the Danube became in
both a local and a national sense a basic component of evolving identities. It
was then that it emerged as the ‘Dunarea noastră’ of the Romanians, or the
‘Hellenic Istros’ of the Greeks. The Danube was also a ‘bridge’. Its history is
intricately connected with the complex mobility of peoples, goods, and ideas.
Because of its economic potential and despite the commanding presence
of nation states, Danube became one of the first representative examples of
international cooperation, through the Commission Européenne du Danube
whose functioning highlights the persistence of transparent borders even in
the nation-state dominated 19th century.
The European Danube Commission (Commission Européenne du Danube),
established by the 1856 Treaty of Paris, was undoubtedly one of the most
dynamic and successful European and international organizations until its
dissolution in the early post World War ii era. Its aim was to maintain the
international status of the river and promote free commercial transactions
and riverine communication. Initially it counted among its members only
the signatories of the Treaty (Habsburg Empire, Prussia, France, Great Britain,
Kingdom of Sardinia, Russian Empire, Ottoman Empire), but since the 1880s
it also included the main riparian states (Bulgaria and Romania). Its founding
was the result of nearly 80 years of systematic efforts by the major European
powers to “open” the river to navigation and commerce. While the late 18th
century endeavors of the Austrian authorities ended in failure, the 1815 Treaty
of Vienna promulgated, in theory, the international status of the Danube and
the 1829 Treaty of Adrianople stipulated the liberalization of trade and navi-
gation in the river. It allowed therefore the infiltration into the region of not
only Greek but also Italian (mainly Genovese), British, and Ionian merchants
and seafarers. These merchants succeeded in integrating the Lower Danube
into the world economy, making manifest its even greater potential for the
Western European markets. The jurisdiction and range of operations of the
European Danube Commission grew to include policing of the river, m ajor
34 Kaser, Hirten, Kämpfer, Stammeshelden.

Introduction 7
ydrographic and engineering works, administrating sanitary institutions,

h
repairing of vessels, etc. The European Danube Commission also developed as a
focal point of contention between small and newly established Balkan nation
states (Serbia, Bulgaria, and Romania) and the powerful central and Western
European states. The analysis of its aims and functioning may help us explain,
to a degree, the ambivalence shown, at times, by modern states and their elites
to the diminution of their sovereignty, due to the emergence of ‘European’
institutions.35
This collective volume aims to present a comparative discussion on the his-
tory of migration movements,36 which took place from the long 17th to the
19th century from Southeastern Europe towards Eastern-Central Europe, in
particular the Habsburg lands, the Danubian Principalities, and further to
Ukraine and Russia. On the one hand we focus on groups and communities
of immigrants, on their commercial and social networks, the maintenance of
the links with their places of origin, whereas on the other hand we address
the subject of their integration as a result both of the migrants’ readiness for
integration as well as of the policy of the host countries and of the attitude of
local societies. Most of the chapters address the formation of new discourses
on social and national identities. In the case study of the Danubian Principali-
ties (Cotovanu) another example is analyzed, that of the strife among the local
elites, a consequence of complex relations and conflicts that arose due to the
various waves of the migrating groups and their contradictory interests and
orientations. According to Dirk Hoerder,
“interdisciplinary transcultural societal studies permit comprehensive

analyses of the structures, institutions, and discursive frames of both the
societies of origin and of arrival in particular local or regional variants –
including industrialization, urbanization, social stratification, gender
roles and family economies, demographic characteristics, political situa-
tion and developments, educational institutions, religious or other belief
35 For older bibliography on the international Danube agreements and the commission
see Siotto-Pintor, “Le régime international”; Krause, “Die europäische Donaukommis-
sion”; a wider perspective is in Qian, Die Donau; on recent publications see only indica
tively, Commission Européenne du Danube, La Commission Européenne du Danube;
Focas, The Lower Danube River, pp. 253–422; Ardeleanu, “The European Commission of
the Danube” The legal aspects are analyzed extensively by Stanciu, România şi Comisia
Europeană a Dunării.
36 From the rich literature on the extensive discussion about migration see Cohen, The
Cambridge Survey of World Migration; Hoerder and Page Moch, European Migrants;
Lucassen, J. and Lucassen, L., Migration, Migration History; Bade, Europa in Bewegung.
systems, ethno-cultural composition, and traditions of short- and long-

distance migrations”.37
We see the texts in this volume as being embedded in this framework and
offering both an empirical backbone and perspectives towards a further re-
finement of models of migration and of social interaction created through
migratory movements.
Southeastern Europe offers a paradigmatic case study for larger questions
debated in global migration history. Located between Ottoman, Habsburg,
and Russian empires the region constitutes historically a borderland per se.38
In Ottoman Southeastern Europe trade led to the mobilization of human
resources, as well as to the configuration of a unified zone of transactions.
From the 17th to the 19th century Greeks, Serbs, Albanians, Vlachs (Aroma-
nians), Romanians and Bulgarians, mostly Christians and Jews, participated in
commercial and intellectual networks and played a leading role in the percep-
tion of trans-imperial and later the formation of nation-state borders. Borders
constitute ongoing complex processes, not to be defined as mere demarca-
tion lines in space, but rather as socially dynamic spaces.39 The interaction of
people outside the institutional and official channels of life works against the
notion of the border as a boundary of demarcation.
Our interest focuses on the fields of migration, population movement, and
formation of networks in the context of the ‘Danubian’ border, a ‘fluid’ border
that contributed to the formation of complex identities40 and conceptions,
in particular among the immigrants. It also aims to study the ways in which
migration affects the social relationships of the migrants and through them the
socio-cultural systems in the areas of origin and destination. The cross-cultural
migration movements with which we are dealing in this volume can prove the
suggestion of J. Lucassen and L. Lucassen that “small groups of merchants,
scholars, or technicians may have had a large and lasting influence on receiv-
ing societies”,41 rather than migration movements due to colonization policy.
In our case we are in front of “migrations that cross cultural space” and of
“‚cross-community migrations‛, which have different and more far-

reaching transformative effects, for better or worse. The peaceful or
37 Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, p. 269.

38 Schmitt and Metzeltin, Das Südosteuropa der Regionen.
39 Paasi, “The Changing Discourses”.
40 For a historical and contemporary approach see Wagstaff (ed.), Border Crossings; Löwis
(ed.), Phantom Borders.
41 Lucassen, J. and Lucassen, L., “The Mobility Transition”, p. 352.
Introduction 9
v iolent confrontation of people with different cultural baggage has the

potential for cultural and social change, at the personal, organizational,
and societal level.”42
The discussion regarding the role played by geographical factors in the for-
mation of state entities in Southeastern Europe has been largely transformed
since the mid-1970s.43 It was also significantly enriched by the modern and
post-modern discourse on the interplay of the notions of identity and borders,
be that political, natural (rivers, mountains, seas, etc.), or symbolic. In this
context mobility is seen as contributing to the formation of a differentiated,
flexible, but also complex, plural identity. In the host countries, this identity
was strengthened and also simultaneously diversified by the official censuses44
and the bestowing of commercial and settlement privileges by the authorities
to the newcomers. It is important to mention that tolerance45 from the part of
the Habsburg authorities gave the immigrants from the South the chance to
establish communities and organize their educational and cultural-religious
life, aiding the creation both of networks of intellectuals and scholars and
also helping the creation of a proto-public sphere for the emerging/changing
Balkan nations.46
Finally, it is necessary to add that the phenomena of migration, settlement,
and formation of communities, especially those by the Greek Orthodox immi-
grants in the Habsburg Monarchy, have been extensively studied, mostly in
Central European and Greek historiography. In the majority of the cases the
approach is in one direction, namely on the ways in which the immigrants
constituted communal institutions and commercial networks, and how they
interacted with the imperial authorities in order to obtain privileges. What is
still lacking is the exploration of the mental/psychological dimension of this
‘travel’, of this passage from one Empire, the Ottoman one, from its institu-
tions, legal system, and cultural values, to another, the Habsburg, to a sig-
nificantly different set of rules, laws, and concepts. This ‘passage’ entailed a
complex process for the immigrants and demanded the articulation of old-
established cultural practices and to a certain degree the formation of a new
42 Lucassen, L. and Lucassen, J., “Quantifying and Qualifying Cross-Cultural Migrations”,

p. 21.
43 See e.g. Schmitt and Metzeltin (eds.), Das Südosteuropa der Regionen.
44 Katsiardi-Hering, “Grenz-, Staats-, Gemeinde-Konskriptionen”; Mantouvalos, “Conscrip-
tiones Graecorum”.
45 Katsiardi-Hering and Madouvalos, “The Tolerant Policy”.
46 Katsiardi-Hering and Stassinopoulou, “The Long 18th Century of Greek Commerce in the
Habsburg Empire”, pp. 191–96.
identity. Recent and current research focuses for example on donations and
endowments as an instrument both of remaining connected with the home-
lands and integrating in the host societies.47 It also changed the host societies,
in particular in the territories, which were colonized after peace treaties. The
integration of this Ottoman and multi-confessional dimension into the study
of the migrants’ new homelands can contribute to a wider perspective and
more nuanced framework for the history of Central and Eastern Europe; for
example, the meeting of Orthodox Christians with Catholics and Protestants,
or of Sephardic Jews migrating to the Northeast via the Balkan routes.
For the purposes of this volume we divide the Danube,48 in its flow east of
Vienna, into three sections in relation to the transporting routes and the estab-
lishment of several colonies (communities) of immigrants in the lands in its
northern area (Map 0.1).
The first section includes the area between Vienna and Zemun (Semlin),
both on the Danube, and the complex and dispersed Orthodox diasporas in
Hungarian lands, especially in the so-called ‘Danube knee’. The second, the
‘middle’ Danube of our book, follows the river from Semlin to the Iron Gates,
a borderline between two empires (Habsburg and Ottoman) that until the
mid-19th century constituted the most vital part of the economy and the tran-
sit of people and articles. In the Hungarian plains, a great number of Orthodox
companies and merchant communities were established (Kécskemet, Pest,
Miskolc, Szentendre, Gyöngyös, etc. Map 0.2). It is in this vast area that a great
part of the Austrian Military Borders Region (Militärgrenzgebiet) was devel-
oped, receiving numerous Serbian families according to Habsburg coloniza-
tion policy. From the frontier island of Orsova, products were transported to
Transylvania, and through it, to Ukraine and Russia. Thus the third part of our
Danubian travel consists of the so-called Lower or Maritime Danube, most of
it flowing through the Danubian Principalities. It is here that port cities on the
banks of the river, such as Braila/Galatz, Giurgiu, and Constanza in the Black
Sea, with a host of others flourished especially after the 1829 Treaty of Adriano-
ple, when old commercial and migration traditions and routes merged with
the acceleration of new products and movement in the 19th century, while at
the same time the emergence of new borders created the necessity of new
communication and network systems. (Maps 0.2, 1.1)
The products which had moved through the Danube river ended in Leipzig,
Frankfurt, Ukraine, and Russia. Leipzig, with its international market f unction,
as a terminus and meeting point for merchants from the north and the south
47 Mantouvalos, “Έλληνες διαθέτες”; Karadima, “Διαφυλάσσοντας την περιουσία”; Seirinidou,

Έλληνες στη Βιέννη.
48 Katsiardi-Hering, “Greek Merchant Colonies”, pp. 129–31.
Introduction
11
Map 0.1 Danube: a bridge for goods and people

Greek Orthodox diaspora 17th–19th centuries

Map 0.2
of Europe was also the urban space of business competition and even rivalry.
The character of an annual market presence was predominant, while a more
permanent establishment of merchant communities from Southeastern
Europe in Saxony took place only in Leipzig.49 But even there, the presence
49 Suppé, “In Sachsen auf Heimatboden. Zur Geschichte der griechischen Gemeinde in
Leipzig”.
Introduction 13
of orthodox merchants from the European South did not achieve the continu-
ity of the communities of Central Europe, discussed in this volume. One of
the main reasons for this was the strong competition by merchants importing
colonial products, such as cotton and raw materials for textile coloring, via the
port of Hamburg and delivering them from there to the Leipzig fare.
The migrant settlements in both emerging modern and old medieval cit-
ies contributed to the joint molding of new urban spaces and new forms of
investment and profit. Changes in the cities were co-determined by the vibrant
migrant merchant minorities. Vienna is discussed here as a case study. As the
imperial capital which had functioned as the stockyard and pivotal emporium
between Central and Southeastern Europe, Vienna was the center of attrac-
tion for numerous migrant, often non-Catholic, populations. The protagonists
in commerce were mostly migrants, often Protestants from several countries
and Orthodox from the Ottoman Empire, while the 19th century saw the rise
of Jewish commerce in Vienna. Here we focus on the rise, integration and/or
fall of companies of Greek Orthodox and Ottoman merchant origin and the
corresponding community structures, as they struggled to survive through the
19th century. While Ransmayr addresses the communal structures developed
by the migrants from the early 18th to the early 20th century and the traces
left through investment in buildings during the heyday of Greek presence,
Seirinidou shows that commerce included risks and downfalls. We also follow
the memorial practices as they are reflected in urban space through endow-
ments and donations until the end of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 through a
case study, the Panadi building.
Previously, in earlier research, we defined the desideratum of joint per-
spectives on the commercial activities and migrant settlements of Ottoman
Sephardic Jewry and Greek Orthodox settlers in the Habsburg Empire.50
Despite different timelines, competitive roles, and divergent economic tradi-
tions, there seem to be parallels and connecting points in the development
of family/enterprise networks on the way from the Ottoman to the Habsburg
Empire and moments of connectivity among the diaspora communities.51
50 On trans-confessional transactions in the Early Modern Mediterranean see Trivellato, The

Familiarity of Strangers; Katsiardi-Hering, “Christian and Jewish Ottoman Subjects”. On
the Sephardi presence in Vienna see the catalog of the exhibition, Die Türken in Wien.
Geschichte einer jüdischen Gemeinde. On the need for transcultural and transconfes-
sional research on the migrant merchants from the Ottoman Empire see S tassinopoulou,
“Trading Places” pp. 170–73. On the elite representatives of Jewish migrants from the
Balkans, e.g. the Todescos, see now the catalog, Ringstrasse. Ein jüdischer Boulevard.
51 On divergence and parallels of endowment cultures from the 18th to the 20th century see
now the proceedings of the workshop “Imperial Subjects and Social Commitment. An
ecause of the Habsburg constraints until the late 18th century on the arrival
B
of Jewish families to the imperial territories, and also due to the divergent
orientation of the Jewish mercantile diaspora in the continental trade in South-
eastern Europe, the Sephardic migration from the Ottoman to the Habsburg
Empire remained fairly limited until the early 19th century.52
Extending our perspective to include the emergence of nation states we
enter the complex nexus of tactics of feudal rule in the Danubian Principali-
ties of Moldavia and Wallachia, vassal to the Ottoman Empire and the semi-
autonomous crossroads of Transylvania. The dynamics of local politics are
also reflected in the changes in the migration paths (by land and water), in the
inconsistency of attitudes towards immigrants during the centuries discussed,
and in the formation of the nation state. This process leading from territories
in the divided and shared space between two empires to the Romanian nation
state is analyzed in the context of migration, which formed a central element
of social construction.
As will hopefully have become clear, this book addresses the Danube in its
function of creating through the movement of migrants, goods, and ideas, an
interconnected larger region, encompassing territories in two empires from
the late seventeenth to the nineteenth century. It connects this region with
a larger region surrounding it, reaching to the Mediterranean and the Black
Sea and to the Russian Empire. The orientation of Southeastern Europe
towards the West is inconceivable without the constant dialog throughout the
centuries b etween the areas shaped by the Danube and the Mediterranean.53
Furthermore, the economic fate of migrants discussed in this book intercon-
nects them with global spaces such as the ‘Empire of Cotton’,54 as many of them
are involved in the production, commerce, and finance of textiles. Finally, their
orthodox confession sets them, in an era of secularization and tolerance poli-
cies, in an exposed position in the large context of the re-arrangement of the
co-existence of confessions.
The book includes an introduction and ten chapters divided into three parts.
The first part, “Routes and Spaces”, offers a general perspective on the routes
and spaces of migrations and focuses on the role of the host authorities and
Endowment History from 1750 to 1918” (Vienna 16–18 November 2016) (to be published);
https://wienergriechen.univie.ac.at/workshop-2016/ (accessed 1 June 2016).
52 Katsiardi-Hering, “Christian and Jewish Ottoman Subjects”, pp. 424–25; Panova, Die Juden
zwischen Toleranz und Völkerrecht im Osmanischen Reich.
53 Katsiardi-Hering, “L’area balcanica”, p. 615.
54 Beckert, Empire of Cotton.
Introduction 15
local populations as regards the success of the newcomers’ integration. The

second, “Greeks in Vienna: a close reading”, offers a multifaceted discussion
of the Greek presence in Vienna, a subject which has suffered considerably
under national historiographical traditions wishing to integrate the capital of
the Habsburg Empire into their national mythology. Compared to our detailed
knowledge on other cities of great importance for the Southeast European
migrations, like Trieste, Vienna has only recently entered the terrain of modern
historiographical approaches.55 The third part, “Old settlements, nation states,
new networks”, includes articles dealing with the creation of nation states, the
emergence of new forms of communication, for example the intensifying of
grain transfer on the Danube, and the influence of industrialization on the
Danube commerce and the relation of a new diaspora to older migrant settle-
ments and new port-cities.
The ten main chapters are made up as follows. Six papers (Ardeleanu, Car-
ras, Kontogeorgis, Mantouvalos, Ransmayr, Stassinopoulou) were presented at
the European Social Science History Conference, 22–26 April 2014, in Vienna,
under the network “Ethnicity and Migration”.56 Four authors were invited to
contribute after the conference in order to add a focused discussion on phe-
nomena of belonging and identity among migrants (Cotovanu on early mod-
ern Greek migrants in the Danube principalities), cultural transfer (Makuljević
on the example of specific Habsburg Serbian Orthodox art and architecture
forms), microsettlements with a distinct identity (Georgiev on the Bulgarians
of the Banat) and finally an historiographic aperçu questioning the narratives
of success of the Vienna Greeks (Seirinidou).
We would like to thank our colleague Dirk Hoerder, a co-organizer of
the esshc 2014 Conference in Vienna, who proposed that we include a vol-
ume with papers from our sessions in his series “Studies on Global Migra-
tion History”, published by Brill. Our thanks also go to Ms. Jennifer Obdam
for her constant and friendly support on administrative and editorial mat-
ters. This volume could not have been envisioned and completed without the
55 Katsiardi-Hering, Η ελληνική παροικία της Τεργέστης; Seirinidou, Έλληνες στη Βιέννη; Pešalj,
“The Mobility Control of the Ottoman Migrants”; Pešalj, “Habsburg Policy towards
Ottoman Foreigners”.
56 Sessions “The Danube as ‘Bridge’ and migration frontier” (Katsiardi-Hering organizer)
and “Confession, Ethnicity, and Integration in a Local Economy” (Stassinopoulou orga-
nizer), https://esshc.socialhistory.org/esshc-user/programme/2014 (accessed 8 November
2015). Olga Katsiardi-Hering would like to thank the Special Account for Research Grants
of the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens for supporting this research.
collaboration of our colleagues, who responded to our invitation to participate

in a volume bringing together recent research on Southeast European migra-
tion in the areas shaped by the Danube river. Finally, we owe special thanks
for the conscientious support in the layout and bibliography to Dimitris M.
Kontogeorgis and Ikaros Mantouvalos.
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Part 1
Routes and Spaces
⸪
chapter 1
Greek Immigrants in Central Europe: A Concise

Study of Migration Routes from the Balkans to the
Territories of the Hungarian Kingdom (From the
Late 17th to the Early 19th Centuries)
Ikaros Mantouvalos
“Go, my dear child, with God’s blessing. I embrace you one last time as your
mother, because I have a feeling I’ll never see you again”. These were the last
words that twelve-year-old Panagiotis Naoum remembered his mother utter-
ing in 1822 when he left his homeland Kastoria behind to follow the road to
Central Europe.1 The sentence is taken from the autobiography of this Kasto-
rian émigré. It was written around 1871 and reflects one aspect of migration
from the Ottoman-ruled Balkans to Central Europe.
Owing to their rarity, autobiographical texts such as this one are normally
used on the periphery of empirical research to examine various aspects of
the migratory phenomenon, since their protagonists were the social subjects
themselves, the migrants. The shift in viewpoint from social structures to the
strategies of groups and individuals – from a simple explanatory approach
in accordance with the model of push-pull factors, to concepts such as chain
migration, relying on relatives, friends and social networks, information and
solidarity links, i.e. non-financial factors – reveals aspects of geographical
mobility and especially the daily experience of migration. For the peoples of
Southeastern Europe, the experience of migration from the 15th to the early
19th century was part of their daily lives,2 a fact generally applicable to Euro-
pean societies of the early modern period, which were much less static than
some people have imagined them. It is worth noting that according to Charles
Tilly, as a result of a process of proletarianization in North Western Europe, cap-
italist societies emerged with a free labor market and geographical mobility.3
1 The difficulties and adventures faced by a Macedonian migrant to Central Europe

are vividly described in the autobiography (in Greek) of Panagiotis Naoum. Moullas,
“Ενας Μακεδόνας απόδημος”.
2 Regarding the migration of population groups from Southeastern Europe from the 15th to the
early 19th century, see Katsiardi-Hering, “Migration von Bevölkerungsgruppen”, pp. 125–48.
3 Tilly, “Migration in Modern European History”.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��7 | doi 10.1163/9789004335448_003

26 Mantouvalos
The intense population movements that took place within the Ottoman
Empire4 during the early centuries of Ottoman rule were supplemented by
migratory outflows, initially westward and then, a little later, toward Central
Europe.5 The lack of security and stability created by the expansion of the
Ottomans into the Balkans in the 16th century, in addition to specific migra-
tions (e.g. the exodus of Greek scholars and artists heading for the intellectual
centers of the Western world), also caused the major migratory wave of the
Serbs (1537) toward the territories of Croatia; their permanent settlement there
was associated with the defense policy of Vienna.6 At the same time, the grad-
ual incorporation of the Ottoman market into the world’s capitalist economy,
through the penetration of European capital into the Eastern Mediterranean
and the stable orientation of Ottoman trade in the direction of European
demand, created new financial conditions and opportunities for Ottoman
subjects, especially Orthodox merchants, and contributed decisively to

expanding their trade networks. This period of economic acceleration was
decisive in their decision to move out of the Ottoman Empire.
Regarding the historiography of the Greek Diaspora, it is well known that
the geographical mobility of Orthodox Christians and of Jews and Armenians
from Southeastern to Central Europe (16th–17th century), with a view to orga-
nizing and extending their mercantile activities northward – initially (16th cen-
tury) toward the territories of Transylvania and later (17th century) toward the
Hungarian Kingdom – was associated with the incorporation of these Central
European regions into the Ottoman state between 1526 and 1699. After the bat-
tle of Mohács (1526) and especially after 1541 when Hungary was split into three
political units,7 the economy of Transylvania – until its incorporation into the
Habsburg Monarchy (1699) – became interwoven with the economic relations
and commercial transactions of the Ottoman Empire with Central, Northern,
and Western Europe. Even though commercial relations between Hungary and
the Sublime Porte already existed before the political change in the Hungarian
Kingdom, the expansion of the Ottomans into Central and Eastern Europe and
4 Vakalopoulos, Ιστορία της Μακεδονίας 1354–1833, pp. 139–43 and Mintsis, Εθνολογική σύνθεση,
pp. 189–202.
5 Vakalopoulos, Οι Δυτικομακεδόνες απόδημοι, p. 7.
6 Kaser, Freier Bauer und Soldat.
7 Its central section was annexed to the Ottoman Empire, the northern and western scet-
ions constituted the main body of the Hungarian Kingdom, under the Habsburgs, and
Transylvania functioned as a semi-autonomous principality, tributary to the Sultan. See
Sugar “The Principality of Transylvania”. About the history of Transylvania, see also Barta,
et al., Kurze Geschichte Siebenbürgens.
Greek Immigrants in Central Europe 27
the placement of Transylvania under the economic domination of the Sultan,8

the movement of processed products (e.g. cottons and silks), luxury goods, and
spices from the Balkans and the Levant into the markets of Europe became
more regular and frequent after the mid-16th century.
In the financial competition between the merchants of Moldavia and
Wallachia with the Saxons of Transylvania,9 Greeks and Armenians endeav-
ored to take an active part in the transit trade of products from the Levant
to Transylvania,10 from which they were then dispatched to Hungary, Poland,
Vienna, and the region we know today as Slovakia. At the same time, these
merchants undertook to supply Ottoman markets with Western processed
goods, thus controlling a significant part of its import and export trade.
The gradual increase in the number of Greek Orthodox merchants in the
local markets of Transylvania obviously helped to strengthen their role in the
financial life of the region. Despite this, the Saxon element does not appear
to have been weakened, as it maintained its leadership of the country’s inter-
nal market.11 The desire of the political authorities to monitor the activities
of ‘foreign’ salesmen, thus protecting the interests of the country’s local mer-
cantile elite, was initially mirrored in legislative interventions by the Sublime
Porte. This desire was likewise registered in the issuing of decrees by local
administrative authorities to regulate the legal framework governing Greek
business activity in the cities of Braşov (Kronstadt) and Sibiu (Hermannstadt),
its most important trade centers, with the medieval financial organization of
an autonomous principality.12
To safeguard the rights of cities and the privileged position of Saxon mer-
chants, the Diet had to take protective measures to limit free trading by
Ottoman merchants in Transylvania, to oppose their conduct of retail trade in
8 Levantine fabrics, wood, and silk were already being imported to the Kingdom of Hungary
even before the battle of Mohács, through the customs stations of Transylvanian Braşov
(Brassó and Kronstadt) and Sibiu (Nagyszeben and Hermannstadt) as well as through the
customs services of the cities of Nádorfehervár (Beograd) and Temesvár (Timișoara). See
Pach, Hungary and the European Economy, p. 241.
9 About the Saxons in Transylvania, see Makkai, “Herausbildung der städtischen Gesell-
schaft (1172–1526)”, Barta, “Die Anfänge des Fürstentums und erste Krisen (1526–1606)”,
and Péter, “Die Blütezeit des Fürstentums (1606–1660)”.
10 Regarding the role of Transylvanian cities in the long-distance trade between Western
Europe and the Levant in the 16th century, see Pakucs-Willcocks, Sibiu – Hermannstadt,
pp. 59–139.
11 Bur, “Das Raumergreifen balkanischer Kaufleute”, p. 25.
12 Ibid.
28 Mantouvalos
its interior, to impose price controls and to prevent the export of gold coins.13
However, in the first third of the 17th century, the need to secure additional
resources for the principality’s treasury helped change the stance of the central
authority, which until the early decades of the 17th century was hostile to the
conduct by ‘foreigners’ of commercial activity and to their settlement there. By
means of a privilege issued in 1636, the prince of Transylvania, György Rákóczi i,
permitted Greek tradesmen to become incorporated as the ‘Greek Company’.14
Based on this decision, merchant companies were established in Sibiu and
Braşov in 1636 and 1678, respectively. Their members originated mainly from
the region of Macedonia.15 In his study “Pages from the History of the Macedo-
nian Greeks in Hungary and Austria” in the journal Neos Ellinomnemon, Spyri-
don Lampros stressed, among other things, a significant aspect of the reasons
why Balkan Orthodox subjects settled on the soil of Transylvania: the shortage
of agricultural workers for the prince’s farms, which resulted in the resettle-
ment of peasants from the broader Macedonian region.16
Also of exceptional interest is the fact that with Rákóczi’s privilege of 1636
“the general concept of the Greek merchant and the uncertain status of travel-
ling Greek salesmen became crystallized in the concept of a community (com
munitas) with a financial character, i.e. the incorporation of those engaged in
commerce”.17 The limitation of their financial obligations to the payment of
an annual amount and of customs duties at the points of entrance to and exit
from the country, as well as the right to self-administration and to the exer-
cise of religious duties, were derived from this privileged status and special
legal framework regarding the prerequisites for engaging in commerce and the
administrative and judicial independence of company members.18
The formation of a collective financial organization (company/compagnia),
which functioned as a kind of merchant guild, with binding administrative,
judicial, and auditing provisions, regulated the business organization of its
13 Tsourka-Papastathi, Η ελληνική εμπορική κομπανία, p. 29.

15 Papacostea-Danielopolu, “L’organisation de la compagnie ‘grecque’ de Braşov (1777–
1850)”, and Karathanassis, L’hellénisme en Transylvanie. See also Tsourka-Papastathi,
Η ελληνική εμπορική κομπανία, and Cicanci, “Το στάδιο της έρευνας σχετικά με την ελληνική
εμπορική διασπορά”, pp. 409–10, 417–20, with indicative bibliography on the Greek pres-
ence in Braşov and Sibiu.
16 Lampros, “Σελίδες εκ της ιστορίας”, p. 265.
17 Tsourka-Papastathi, Η ελληνική εμπορική κομπανία, p. 41.
18 Documentation on the formation and function of the legal institutions in a Greek com
munitas in Transylvania, as well as on the manner of dispensing justice, can be found in
Tsourka-Papastathi, Η νομολογία του Κριτηρίου.
members and their personal ethical behavior. These preferential policies

were not independent of the socio-economic and political structures of the
region, that is, the powerful local feudal system that favored such forms of
incorporation.19
The change of rule in 1699 (Treaty of Karlowitz) created a new economic
reality, as the annexation of Transylvania by the Habsburg Empire brought
the former radically into the commercial and state economic structures of
the latter in a center/periphery relationship. This change did not entail aboli-
tion of the preferential status of the Greek companies, but on the contrary,
renewed and expanded their privileges. In the early 18th century, the Habsburg
emperor Leopold i (1658–1705), through the charter that he issued, protected
all the graecae Nationis quaestores who resided in Transylvania, or were even
just passing through it, and at the same time accorded special privileges to the
members of the Greek companies in the region – broader than those granted
to the Greek companies in Hungary20 – permitting them to settle in Transyl-
vania, to conduct wholesale and retail trade in merchandise of all types, to
operate stores and to acquire ownership of urban real estate.
It should be noted that the goal of Habsburg mercantile policy was to
make Transylvania a new market for Austrian products and to expand the
monarchy’s financial interventions in the Ottoman Empire and the Levant
through the close relations of the Transylvanian economy with the Danubian
Principalities and the Sublime Porte.21 Consequently, the Greek companies in
Transylvania were of greater importance to Austria’s eastern economic policy
than were the corresponding groups in Hungary, as we shall see below. But,
by the end of the 18th century, the upgraded importance of the Black Sea and
the Mediterranean to Habsburg commercial interests had a negative effect on
the Greek companies in Transylvania. On 24 February 1784 – still during the
war and before the final peace treaty – the Sublime Porte issued a decree (the
so-called Sened Act) which, among other things, permitted Austrian subjects
and vessels to ship their merchandise freely to and from Ottoman provinces by
sea and river routes. Such a development paved the way for the decline of the
overland trade between the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires and undermined
the role of the privileged merchant companies in Transylvania.22
The Greek merchant companies that were established initially in Transyl-
vania and expanded in the late 17th century into the royal territory of H
ungary
19 Katsiardi-Hering, “Αδελφότητα, Κομπανία, Κοινότητα”, p. 267.

20 Tsourka-Papastathi, Η ελληνική εμπορική κομπανία, pp. 54–55.
21 Ibid., p. 46.
22 Tsourka-Papastathis, “The Decline of the Greek ‘Companies’ in Transylvania”.
30 Mantouvalos
continued throughout the 18th century to be a strong network offering legal

protection and security to their members. The new political conditions cre-
ated in Central Europe after the treaties of Passarowitz (1718) and Belgrade
(1739) favored the numerical increase of the mercantile settlements of Görögök
(Greeks in Hungarian)23 in Hungary.24 In the 18th century, the intensification
of movements, especially by Greeks and Aromanians (Vlachs)25 from Macedo-
nia to Hungary, contributed to increasing the number of Greek merchant com-
panies26 in the cities and towns of the Hungarian Kingdom (mainly Zemun/
Semlin, Neusatz/Újvidék/Novi Sad, Temesvár/Timişoara, Gyöngyös, Tokaj,
Szegedin, Szentes, Kecskemét, Debrecen, Várad/Oradea, Vác, Gyarmat, Karcag,
Kecskit, Leva, Békés, Seben, and Sopron), which were the predominant form of
collectivity of Orthodox Balkan merchants in the Hungarian hinterlands (see
Map 1.1).27 We should keep in mind that in Central Europe, in addition to the
company, there was also another form of collective organization, the commu-
nity (such as in, for example, Pest, Miskolc, and others),28 with basic adminis-
trative competencies but without the right to intervene in matters relating to
its members’ financial interests. The community administration represented
them before the local authorities, while at the same time managing com-
munity finances. In addition, it was responsible for maintaining the church
and appointing its priests, as well as exercising welfare policy, by establishing
a community school and philanthropic institutions (hospitals, poor houses,
orphanages).
Securing their institutional independence and taking advantage of the
opportunities and new prospects opening out before them, this group of
23 The word Görögök did not refer solely to those who belonged to the group of ethnic
Greeks, but also described all Balkan peoples who were members of the Eastern Ortho-
dox Church and used Greek as their main language of communication. It also designated
the merchant. Füves, Οι Έλληνες της Ουγγαρίας, pp. 7–8.
24 Regarding Greek commercial establishments in Hungary, see indicatively Füves,
Οι Έλληνες της Ουγγαρίας; Bur, “Handelsgesellschaften – Organisationen der Kaufleute”;
Bácskai, “Gesellschaftliche Veränderungen in den Städten Mittel-und Osteuropas”; Bur,
“The Greek Company in Hungary”.
25 The Aromanians (Vlachs) are a Latin-speaking ethnic group native to the southern
Balkans. Regarding the Vlachs of Macedonia and Epirus, see indicatively Koukoudis, Οι Μη
τροπόλεις και η Διασπορά των Βλάχων, as well as Weigand, Die Aromunen.
26 Füves, Οι Έλληνες της Ουγγαρίας, pp. 22–25.
27 Bácskai, “Gesellschaftliche Veränderungen in den Städten Mittel-und Osteuropas”; Bur
“The Greek Company in Hungary”.
28 Füves, “Görögök Pesten”; Katsiardi-Hering, “Aδελφότητα, Koμπανία, Koινότητα”; Mantou-
valos, “Mεταναστευτικές διαδρoμές”.
Church Brassó, Kronstadt (Brașov)
Eger, Erlau
Chapel Gyulafehérvár, Karlsburg (Alba Iulia)
Company Nagyszeben, Hermannstadt (Sibiu)
Bártfa Nagyvárad, Großwardein (Oradea)
School Orsova, Orschowa (Orșova)
Kisszeben
Greek Orthodox Community Pozsony, Preßburg (Bratislava)
Eperjes Sopron, Ödenburg
Temesvár, Temeswar (Timișoara)
Kassa Ungvár
Besztercebánya Ujvidék, Neusatz (Novi Sad)
Jászó
Radvány Ungvár, Ungwar (Uzhhorod)
Rozsnyó Sátoraljaujhely Munkács
Vajdahunyad, Eisenmarkt (Hunedoara)
Rimaszombat Tállya
Losonc Zimoni, Semlin (Zemun)
Sajó
Sárospatak
Nagyszombat
ly
Fülek Tarcal
Ipo
Léva Szikszó Tokaj
Pozsony Balassagyarmat Miskolc Nagykálló
Fehértó Sz. Németi
Vác Dásztó Eger
Du H.Hadház
Moson Szentendre
na Komárom Esztergom Gyöngyös H.Böszörmény
Acs a
Pomaz Hatvan sz Debrecen
Sopron Ti
Szamos
Győr Tata Nagykáta H. Szoboszló Székelyhid
Pest Dés
Buda Kaba Diószeg Bészterce
Irsa Szolnok
ba Tétény Soroksár Karcag Nagyvárad Szamosujvár
Rá Cegléd
Sári
Székesfehérvár Antonyráckeve Szászrégen
Tass Nagykőrös Kolozsvár Kolozs
Szarvas Nagyszalonta
Dömsód Kecskemét Békés
Csongrad Torda Marosvásárhely
t on Dunaföldvár Solt Kunszentmárton Belényes
l a Szentes Gyula
Ba Dunapataj Erzsébetváros
Olt
Borosjenő Nagyenyed Segesvár

Greek Immigrants in Central Europe
Kalocsa Hodmezővásárhely Ternova

Battonya
Nagykanizsa Világosvár Gyulafehérvár
Szeged Makó Pécska Arad Nagysínk
Czászsebes
Baja Lippa Maros Nagyszeben Fogaras
Szabadka Nagyszentmiklós Brassó
Dr Szászváros
áv Vajdahunyad
a
Topolya Lugos
Temesvár
Sz
áv Nagybecskerek
a Szenttamás
Eszék
Fiume
Gradiska Ujvidék Versec Oravica
Bród Pétervárad Karlóca Mehadia
Pancsova Fehértemplom
Zimony Orsova
Karlopago
31
Map 1.1 Greek Orthodox communities in Hungarian lands 16th–19th centuries

Note: The Red Lines indicate the Communication Roads.
Source: Based on: Ö. Füves, Έλληνες ςτην Oυγγαρία, Thessaloniki 1965, revised by O. Katsiardi-
Hering, I. Mantouvalos, M. Nikolakainas.
32 Mantouvalos
alkan merchants endeavored to fill the gap created by the lack of a dynamic
B
Hungarian business class. As middlemen in the commercial transactions
between the hereditary lands of the Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire, the
Görögök became significant factors in the Hungarian economy, regulators of
the transit trade, and protagonists in the wholesale and retail commerce. It is,
nevertheless, worth noting that the most common type of Greek merchant in
the Hungarian hinterlands in the first half of the 18th century was a retailer.29
The forms of commerce they selected were mainly dependent on the spe-
cific conditions prevailing in the sectors of trade and commercial milieux.
According to Füves, in the Hungarian Kingdom three basic types of Greek
merchants were active: peddlers or itinerant salesmen who covered the con-
sumer and productive needs of the agrarian population, those established in
the country who opened shops to sell their merchandise, and those who trans-
ported goods.30
People active in long-distance trade were frequently organized into mer-
chant companies, a fact that allowed them to increase the amount of capi-
tal available to them and to limit market hazards. Usually two to four people
comprised the corporate core of the enterprise, by laying down capital in the
form of merchandise, credit, real estate (shops, vineyards), and cash. Within
the extensive commercial and financial network that extended from South-
eastern Europe to the markets of the Kingdom of Hungary, family members
were active either as partners and commercial agents or as middlemen in dif-
ferent regions, depending on the goods they were selling each time. The com-
mercial enterprises of Pondikas,31 Sideris, Kyranis, and Tournas are just some
of the Greek companies based in Pest that were organized around a family
nucleus in the second half of the 18th century.32 The family structure of the
corporate organization, which had been the predominant model of corporate
activity in Western Europe since the early stages of its industrialization, pro-
vided stable and secure conditions for planning and conducting mercantile
businesses. The relations of trust among the partners were frequently built
on marital or other relations, for instance. god-parenthood, between power-
ful merchant families. They allowed commercial practice and information to
retain bonds with local or foreign markets. There is no doubt that formaliza-
tion, ritualization, and publicity of ties were used by entrepreneurs in Early
29 Füves, Οι Έλληνες της Ουγγαρίας, p. 18.

30 Ibid., pp. 14–19.
31 Regarding the Pondikas family, see Papakonstantinou, “Ελληνικές επιχειρήσεις στην Κεντρικ
ή Ευρώπη”.
32 Füves, “Görögök Pesten”, p. 428.
Modern Europe to establish trust with their business associates, for example
when information was asymmetric or when institutions were perceived as
inefficient in guaranteeing mutual good behavior.33 The logic of financial alli-
ances included the marriage of Konstantinos Pop, member of the Sibiu com-
pany, to the daughter of Haji Petros Loukas, which contributed to expanding
the horizons of his father-in-law’s business (whose main field was the cattle
trade) in the direction of general long-distance trade, and a little later, toward
a type of banking activity.34 The same motives can be discerned in the mar-
riages of Zoe Dimtsa from Miskolc to Ioannis Haji Spyros from Vienna, that of
Maria Haji Georgiou from Pest to Georgios Leporas from Bratislava (Preßburg/
Pozsony), of Anastasios Pamperis from Warsaw to the daughter of Georgios
Gergas from Miskolc and that of Katerina Kousorintsa from Eger to Georgios
Lazarou from Miskolc. Their commercial interests were basically determined
by the geographical breadth of their marriage strategy, which expanded into
significant key points of the transit trade in central and northern Europe, such
as Pest, Vienna, Miskolc, Tokaj, Eger, Bratislava, Warsaw, etc.35
Common origin in terms of place and culture ensured the same advantages
as family bonds. Rallying together members of an ethnic group can be found
in the merchant activity of the Macedonian Vlachs in the urban centers of the
Habsburg Empire (Budapest, Vienna).36 Their marked numerical and finan-
cial presence, as well as their linguistic and progressively ethnic differentiation
from the Greeks, may have contributed to the organization of the land trade
on ethnic criteria, such as we see in the case of the merchant house of Manos
in Pest,37 or in corporate collaborations in Miskolc (the brothers Antonios and
Naum Bougias with Ladislao Demtsos, and of Konstantinos Semsis and the
latter with the brothers Georgios and Naum Rozas in the merchant company
Rozas and Co).38
The majority of the Greek and Macedonian Vlach merchants in Hungary
could be found in provinces east and northeast of the Danube, between it
and the river Tisza (Theiß) where they settled in communities with elemen-
tary market structures and local products suitable for commercial trade. Olga
33 Alfani and Gourdon, “Entrepreneurs, Formalization of Social Ties, and Trustbuilding in

Europe”.
34 Diamantis, Τύποι εμπόρων και μορφές συνείδησης, pp. 73–74.
35 Dobrossy, “Family and Economic Relations”, pp. 207–11.
36 Chatziioannou, “Νέες προσεγγίσεις στη μελέτη των εμπορικών δικτύων της διασποράς”,
pp. 153–56.
37 Mantouvalos, “Όψεις του παροικιακού ελληνισμού”, pp. 107–19, 201.
38 Mantouvalos, “Μεταναστευτικές διαδρομές”, p. 196.
34 Mantouvalos
Katsiardi-Hering has explored and highlighted the relationship between the

socio-economic movement of Balkan Orthodox people and smaller or larger
commercial regions.39 Companies that were oriented mainly toward buy-
ing and selling wine flourished in cities such as Miskolc40 and Tokaj,41 which
belonged to regions with significant viticulture and wine production. In the
mid-18th century, the total number of their members42 operating in the towns
of Tokaj, Miskolc, Gyöngyös, Eger, Diószeg, Kecskemét, and Novi Sad was 627
merchants, 163 (26 percent) of whom belonged to the company of Kecskemét,
a region with a large stockbreeding output located at the crossroads of vital
significance to the sale of livestock in Hungary.43 It should be noted, however,
that a significant percentage of commercial activities were outside the con-
text of united professional groups in the counties of Pest, Heves, Borsod, Bihar,
Csanád, Ung, Abauj, Baranya, Bars, Vas, Komárom, Gömör, Győr, Moson, and
Nitra.44
With the eventual goal of exploiting Hungary’s agricultural and stockbreed-
ing output and supplying the Kingdom of Hungary with merchandise, Greeks
and Vlachs (Aromanians) from the broader region of Macedonia, such as
Moschopolis (Voskopolje), Kozani, Siatista, Servia, Doirani, Meleniko (Melnik),
Monastiri/Bitola/Vitolia, Selitsa, Grabova, Velesa/Veles, Kleisoura, Korsovo, and
Naousa, chose various urban or semi-urban towns in the Hungarian Kingdom
as their place of residence. The economic function of the migrants’45 place of
origin and the geographical proximity of mountainous or semi-mountainous
cities in the northern Balkans to territories of the Habsburg Empire were
important in determining their geographical orientations and final destina-
tions. From the 18th-century censuses, it can be concluded that economic
39 Katsiardi-Hering, “Commerce and Merchants in Southeastern Europe, 17th–18th

Centuries”.
40 Katsiardi-Hering, “Αδελφότητα, Κομπανία, Κοινότητα”; Mantouvalos, “Miskolc – Sátoral-
jaújhely – Βουδαπέστη”; Mantouvalos, “Μεταναστευτικές διαδρομές”, in which there is a
bibliography of the Greek presence and activity in Miskolc and also in the broader region
of Hungary (17th–early 19th century).
41 Bur, “Handelsgesellschaften – Organisationen der Kaufleute”, pp. 273–75; Hering, “Die
griechische Handelsgesellschaft in Tokaj”.
42 It should be stressed that many company members frequently worked long distances
from their home: see Füves, Οι Έλληνες της Ουγγαρίας, p. 21.
43 Bur, “Handelsgesellschaften – Organisationen der Kaufleute”, pp. 271, 282–86; Bur, “The
Greek Company in Hungary”, pp. 154–56. See also Hajnóczy, A kecskeméti görögség
története.
45 Gounaris and Koukoudis, “Από την Πίνδο ως τη Ροδόπη”; Panagiotopoulos, “Οικονομικός
χώρος των Ελλήνων”.
migrants moved and settled in a city based on the criterion of local production
and functioned as attraction for further migrants from their place of origin.
In 1762 the merchant companies in Tokaj had 598 members, the majority of
whom originated from Kozani.46 The increased presence of salesmen from
Kozani and Ioannina in the merchant companies of Sibiu and Braşov, the large
number of people from Kozani in Hódmezővásárhely and Szentes, cities near
Kecskemét and Pest,47 and the origin of the majority of Greeks in Kecskemét48
and in the region of Jászkunsag (Central Hungary) who were from Siatista and
Kozani49 reflected both the mechanisms by which the family functioned as
well as the role of the geographical factor, ethnic and cultural origin, and social
networks in the subjects’ movements. This becomes even more visible after
the two sackings of Moschopolis (1769, 1788),50 which reinforced numerically
the numbers of Aromanians already settled in Greek companies in Hungary,
such as the company of Miskolc, lending it a strong local ethnic and cultural
character. Similar changes took place in the composition of the population of
Zemun,51 as shown in Figure 1.1.
45 Kosani
40
Kastoria
35
30 Melenico
25 Veroia
20 Servia
15
Moschopolis
10
5 Katranitsa
0 Blatsi
Tokaj (1762) Zemun (1770) Miskolc (1770)
Siatista
Kleisoura
Figure 1.1 The geographical origins of Greeks in the cities of Zemun (Semlin),
Tokaj and Miskolc
Source: Papadrianos, Οι Έλληνες πάροικοι του Σεμλίνου, p. 53;
H ering, “Die griechische Handelsgesellschaft in Tokaj”, p. 271;
Mantouvalos, “Μεταναστευτικές διαδρομές”, pp. 228–30.
46 Hering, “Die griechische Handelsgesellschaft in Tokaj”, p. 271.

47 Füves, “Görögök Pesten”; Chatziioannou, “Η Κοζάνη και η περιοχή της”, pp. 164–71.
48 Laios, Η Σιάτιστα και οι εμπορικοί οίκοι, p. 63.
49 Papp, “Greek Merchants in the Eighteenth-Century Jászkunsag”, p. 269.
50 Regarding the destruction of Moschopolis, see Martinianos, Μοσχόπολις, pp. 163–98;
Peyfuss, Die Druckerei von Moschopolis, pp. 41–46.
51 Papadrianos, Οι Έλληνες πάροικοι του Σεμλίνου, p. 53.
36 Mantouvalos
For the inhabitants of Western Macedonia, the course of the Aliakmon R iver
created a long narrow basin that became the natural path of their communica-
tion with the Balkan countries to the North and Central Europe.52 Also, three
land arteries started out from Thessaloniki: the first through Sofia and Nissa
(Niš), reached Zemun through Belgrade,53 the former being the southernmost
frontier post on Habsburg territory, then entered its Hungarian section. The
second passed through Serres, Meleniko, Sofia, and Vidin and ended in Orsova,
another important post on the Habsburg border. And finally the third road,
through Sarajevo, led to the territories of the Kingdom of Hungary.54
Securing the necessary documents – travel permit, passport, certificate
of health – allowed the migrants to move legally among these territories. In
a number of treaties and trade agreements (e.g. the previously mentioned
Sened of 1784) between the Court in Vienna and the Sublime Porte, the frame-
work was created for the free movement of Habsburg and Ottoman subjects
between the two neighboring states. The increasing control applied by the
Habsburgs in the last quarter of the 18th century, both for movements within
their territory and at the frontiers of the Kingdom of Hungary with the Otto-
man Empire, was associated on the one hand with state security and public
health, and on the other with the country’s economic interests and balance of
trade. Information about the effective surveillance of Orthodox Balkan mer-
chants of Ottoman origin and the legality of their residence in the Hungarian
hinterlands is provided by the census data compiled by the authorities for the
purpose of political and health inspection.55
Crossing borders was decisive on the material and symbolic level alike. Very
early in their journeys, migrants began to experience the consequences of dis-
crimination, discovering what it meant to be a ‘foreigner’56 in a country with
a different religious environment (Catholic and Protestant), submitting them-
selves to the social and cultural codes of the ‘Other’. Nevertheless, by trans-
forming the temporary into the permanent, the subjects created a new basis
52 Vakalopoulos, Ιστορία της Μακεδονίας, p. 349; Chatziioannou, Η ιστορική εξέλιξη των οικισμών
στην περιοχή του Αλιάκμονα, pp. 13–46.
53 Regarding the significance of Zemun as an intermediary station of Greek migrants, see
Papadrianos, Οι Έλληνες πάροικοι του Σεμλίνου, p. 52.
54 Mehlan, Οι εμπορικοί δρόμοι στα Βαλκάνια, p. 376.
55 See Katsiardi-Hering, “Grenz-, Staats-und Gemeindekonskriptionen in der Habsburger-
monarchie”, p, 237; Mantouvalos, “Conscriptiones Graecorum in Eighteenth-Century
Central Europe”.
56 Regarding the term “foreigner”, interwoven with the Orthodox Balkan migrants in
Habsburg territories, see Katsiardi-Hering, “Migration von Bevölkerungsgruppen”,
pp. 132–33.
for their gradual incorporation into the host society and their financial stabi-
lization there. The differentiation based on the subjects’ transience or perma-
nency of residence depended on a set of parameters, such as family status, age
and stage in the family life cycle at the moment of migration.
By the end of the 1760s, the majority of those who had left their towns
in Macedonia with Hungary as their destination, whether permanently or
temporarily, were men of whom most were unmarried.57 Some left their wives
and children behind in Ottoman-held homelands, while not a few remarried
where they had settled.58 After 1769 and especially after 1774, this picture grad-
ually began to change. On the basis of the decree by Maria Theresa (5 April
1769), full freedom of trade for Ottoman subjects was directly linked to their
permanent settlement, moving their families to Hungary and swearing the
oath of allegiance, which meant that they also became subject to the Hungar-
ian Crown.59 At the same time, they lost the privilege of exemption from cus-
toms duties enjoyed by Ottoman subjects that had been secured for them by
the Treaty of Passarowitz. Only under the conditions described above would
they be granted the right to pursue commercial activity and to look for a per-
manent residence.60 Ten years later, in 1784, a decree was issued on the basis
of which every ‘foreigner’ could be regarded as a semi-local, on condition that
they had lived in the Kingdom for at least ten consecutive years.61 The process
of their civic incorporation undoubtedly reflected the Viennese government’s
deeper intention and priority, which was none other than redrawing the lines
between integration and exclusion of the ‘Other’.
Among migrants to the Habsburg Empire there were also adolescents and
children. For example, more than half the ‘Greeks’ living in Vienna in 1766 had
migrated there as youths or children for occupational reasons.62 These move-
ments were associated with trade and the opportunities it generated. It is also
known that, throughout modern times in Europe, child labor has been directly
related to structural mobility and migration. Children of the lower urban
and agrarian social strata, from families of merchants and artisans, moved
through the real labor market, either to learn a trade, or to join the workforce
57 Füves, “Απογραφέςτων Ελλήνων παροίκων”, p. 195.

58 Papadrianos, Οι Έλληνες πάροικοι του Σεμλίνου, p. 31.
59 Füves, Οι Έλληνες της Ουγγαρίας, p. 28.
60 Ibid., p. 17.
61 Burger, “Die Staatsbürgerschaft”, p. 98.
62 Seirinidou, Έλληνες στη Βιέννη, pp. 55–61.
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Across The Danube Southeastern Europeans and Their Travelling Identities 17th 19th C 1st Edition Olga Katsiardi Hering Maria A Stassinopoulou

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Across the Danube Southeastern

Europeans and Their Travelling

Fashion Marketing and Communication: Theory and

Larvae of the Southeastern USA Mayfly Stonefly and

Race and Blood in the Iberian World Max S Hering Torres

Let Us C 17th Ed 17th Edition Yashavant Kanetkar

Languaging Diversity Identities Genres Discourses 1st

Polish Patriotism after 1989 Concepts Debates

Let Us C (17th Ed.) SOLUTIONS: Authentic Solutions To

The Europeans Three Lives and the Making of a

Studies in Global Migration History

Dirk Hoerder (University of Arizona, Phoenix, ar, usa)

Bridget Anderson (University of Oxford)

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sgmh

The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov

Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

List of Illustrations VII

1 Greek Immigrants in Central Europe: A Concise Study of Migration

2 Migrations and the Creation of Orthodox Cultural and Artistic

3 Connecting Migration and Identities: Godparenthood, Surety and

4 Greek Migration in Vienna (18th – First Half of the 19th Century):

5 Greek Presence in Habsburg Vienna: Heyday and Decline 135

6 Endowments as Instruments of Integration and Memory in an

7 In Search of the Promised Land. Bulgarian Settlers in the Banat

8 ‘Chasing Away the Greeks’: The Prince-State and the Undesired

9 Foreign Migrant Communities in the Danubian Ports of Brăila and

10 From Tolerance to Exclusion? The Romanian Elites’ Stance towards

Selected Bibliography 303

5.1 Original appearance of the church of Holy Trinity on Fleischmarkt 156

0.1 Danube: a bridge for goods and people 11

1.1 The geographical origins of Greeks in the cities of Zemun (Semlin),

3.9 Godparenthood and witnesses at weddings. Per cent difference

4.1 Wealth distribution among Greeks in Vienna according to probate inventories,

1 Ermini and Kunike, Donau-Ansichten.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi 10.1163/9789004335448_002

7 Katsiardi-Hering, “Greek Merchant Colonies”, p. 129.

area of many Greek, as well as Serbian Orthodox, confraternities, ‘compagnie’,14

14 On these various forms of communal organization in the Central European Greek

22 Kremmydas, Ελληνική Ναυτιλία; Harlaftis and Papakonstantinou, Η ναυτιλία των Ελλήνων;

28 Krekić, Dubrovnik; Spisarevska, “De l’activité des associations commerciales de Raguse”.

34 Kaser, Hirten, Kämpfer, Stammeshelden.

­ ydrographic and engineering works, administrating sanitary institutions,

“interdisciplinary transcultural societal studies permit comprehensive

systems, ethno-cultural composition, and traditions of short- and long-

“‚cross-community migrations‛, which have different and more far-­

37 Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, p. 269.

v­ iolent confrontation of people with different cultural baggage has the

42 Lucassen, L. and Lucassen, J., “Quantifying and Qualifying Cross-Cultural Migrations”,

47 Mantouvalos, “Έλληνες διαθέτες”; Karadima, “Διαφυλάσσοντας την περιουσία”; Seirinidou,

Map 0.1 Danube: a bridge for goods and people

Greek Orthodox diaspora 17th–19th centuries

50 On trans-confessional transactions in the Early Modern Mediterranean see Trivellato, The

local populations as regards the success of the newcomers’ integration. The

collaboration of our colleagues, who responded to our invitation to participate

Katsiardi-Hering, O., “Grenz-, Staats-, Gemeinde-Konskriptionen in der Habsburger-

Greek Immigrants in Central Europe: A Concise

1 The difficulties and adventures faced by a Macedonian migrant to Central Europe

1.1 The geographical origins of Greeks in the cities of Zemun (Semlin),

3.9 Godparenthood and witnesses at weddings. Per cent difference

4.1 Wealth distribution among Greeks in Vienna according to probate inventories,

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��7 | doi 10.1163/9789004335448_002

ydrographic and engineering works, administrating sanitary institutions,

“‚cross-community migrations‛, which have different and more far-

v iolent confrontation of people with different cultural baggage has the

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ��7 | doi 10.1163/9789004335448_003

the placement of Transylvania under the economic domination of the Sultan,8