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Ebook Adobe Premiere Pro Classroom in A Book 2020 Release 1St Edition Maxim Jago Online PDF All Chapter
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Contents
1. Cover Page
2. Title Page
3. Copyright Page
4. Where are the Lesson Files?
5. What’s on the Disc
1. Important!
6. Acknowledgments
7. Contents
8. Getting Started
1. About Classroom in a Book
2. Prerequisites
3. Installing Premiere Pro
4. Optimizing performance
5. Using the lesson files
6. Relinking the lesson files
7. How to use these lessons
8. Online content
9. Additional resources
10. Adobe Authorized Training Centers
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2. ii
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Adobe Premiere Pro
Classroom in a Book® 2020
release
The official training workbook from
Adobe
Maxim Jago
Adobe Premiere Pro Classroom in a Book®
(2020 release)
ISBN-13: 978-0-13-660220-0
ISBN-10: 0-13-660220-7
ScoutAutomatedPrintCode
Where are the Lesson Files?
Purchase of this Classroom in a Book in any
format gives you access to the lesson files you’ll
need to complete the exercises in the book.
1. Go to www.adobepress.com/9780136602200.
3. Click Submit.
Note
Note
If you have purchased an ebook edition of this book, you’ll need to download the lesson
files from peachpit.com. You’ll find instructions for doing so on the first page of the ebook,
in the section “Where are the lesson files?” and in “Online content” in Getting Started.
IMPORTANT!
The video clips and other media files provided
with this book are practice files, provided for
your personal, educational use in these lessons
only. You are not authorized to use these files
commercially or to publish, share, or distribute
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from Adobe Systems, Inc., and the individual
copyright holders of the various items. Do not
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publicly. This includes, but is not limited to,
distribution via social media or online video
services including YouTube and Vimeo. You will
find a complete copyright statement on the
copyright page at the beginning of this book.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Ten years
after
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and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
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Language: English
FOREWORD v
I.— THE WORLD WAR 7
II.— THE UNCERTAIN PEACE 61
III.— THE PRESENT PERILS 140
IV.— THE HOPE AHEAD 167
FOREWORD
Since the last words of this book were written the political temper
of the nation has been tested by the General Election and has been
revealed by the mighty majority of the Conservatives, the dismissal
of the first Labour Government, and the all but mortal blow to the
Liberal Party.
It would be a bad thing for the British people if that sweeping
change were the sign of reaction to wooden-headed principles of
autocratic rule and class legislation. It would be a worse thing for the
world. But the new Conservative Government will have no support
from the majority of those who voted for it if it interprets its power as
a mandate for militarism, jingoism, or anti-democratic acts. The
verdict of the ballot box was, certainly, not in favour of any black
reaction, but in condemnation of certain foreign, revolutionary, and
subversive influences with which the Labour Party were believed,
fairly or unfairly, to be associated.
It is true that the Labour Ministers had denounced Communism,
and during their tenure of office had revealed in many ways a high
quality of statesmanship and patriotism. But all this good work was
spoilt in the minds of many people of liberal thought, anxious to be
fair to Labour, by the uneasy suspicion that behind the Labour Party,
and in it, there were sinister influences foreign in origin, anti-British in
character, revolutionary in purpose. Up and down the country some
of its supporters indulged in loose-lipped talk about Social revolution,
preached a class war, paraded under the Red Flag. Political
incidents not quite clear in their origin, not fully explained, intensified
this national uneasiness, developed into something like a scare, in
minds not naturally hostile to Labour ideas. They made allowance for
exaggeration, political lies and slanders, but when all allowance had
been made suspicion remained that if “Labour” were given a new
lease of power it might play into the hands of a crowd fooling with the
idea of revolution, not as honest as some of the Labour Ministers,
not as moderate as the first Labour Government. It was a risk which
the people of Great Britain refused to take. Mr. Ramsay MacDonald
and his colleagues failed to prove their independence from their own
extremists, and Liberal opinion entered into temporary alliance with
Conservative thought to turn them out.
To men like myself, standing politically in “The Middle of the Road”
between the extremists, the downfall of the historic Liberal Party is a
tragedy and a menace. It brings the possibility of class conflict
nearer by the elimination of a central balancing party of moderate
opinion. That possibility will become a certainty if Mr. Baldwin’s big
majority drifts into reaction, or into lazy disregard of urgent national
distress. But I am inclined to believe that the new Government will be
more Liberal than is pleasing to some of its reactionary supporters
as Mr. MacDonald’s Government was more moderate than the wild
crowd who tried to force the pace. The nation as a whole will not
tolerate black reaction any more than red revolution, and England
stands steady to its old traditions of caution and commonsense.
Those qualities will be needed in times of trouble not far ahead.
Philip Gibbs.
Ten Years After:
A REMINDER
The peoples of Europe knew nothing of the forces which had led
up to the conflict. They had never been told about the secret treaties
—made by statesmen of the old school without their consent, though
their lives were pledged in them—by which the Foreign Offices of
Europe had played against each other for high stakes in a
dangerous game called the Balance of Power. They were ignorant of
the rivalries and greeds which had been inflamed for half a century
by the rush for Africa, where France, Germany, Italy, Spain and
Great Britain had bargained and intrigued and quarrelled with each
other for slices of the Dark Continent which had put a black spell
upon the imagination of Imperialists in all these countries. They did
not know that German Imperialists believed, not without reason, that
England and France had squared each other in order to prevent
German influence in Morocco, and that she felt herself thwarted by
the two powers in all her ambitions for “a place in the sun,” for the
sources of raw material, and for the expansion of her trade. They
were ignorant of Pan-German dreams of dominant power in Middle
Europe, and of an Asiatic Empire following the line of Berlin to
Bagdad. They were not aware of Pan-Slav ambitions cutting clean
across Pan-German ambitions and looking forward to a future when
the Russian Tsardom would have its second capital in
Constantinople, and when the Russian race would stretch through
Serbia to the Adriatic Sea. They had never realised the meaning of
the Balkan Wars of 1912, when Russia was behind Serbia and
Germany behind Turkey, in the first skirmish for these rival schemes.
They were never told by their leaders that explosive forces were
being stored up in Europe because of the rival Imperialisms which
sooner or later were bound to result in infernal fire shattering the
whole structure of European life.
All these things had been kept secret in the minds of kings and
emperors, statesmen and diplomats, and the peoples in the mass
went about their work without a thought of the dark destiny that was
being woven for them in the looms of Fate. In Germany, it is true, the
military caste, the Civil Service, and the Universities had been
steeped in the poison of an Imperial philosophy based upon Brute
Force and the right of the strong to seize the power and places of the
weak. The Kaiser, picturing himself in “shining armour,” with God as
his ally, had made himself the figurehead of this school of thought.
From time to time he uttered portentous words. He threatened with
“a mailed fist” all who dared to cross the path of German aspirations.
He vowed that he would “dash to pieces” all those who opposed his
will. Even in Germany before the War these words were ridiculed by
peace-loving citizens, scorned by millions of theoretical Socialists,
and ignored by the peasants who were busy with their sowing and
reaping in quiet fields. In England they seemed but the bombast of a
theatrical man born too late in the world’s history for such mediæval
clap-trap. Outside small circles, in touch with the undercurrents of
international policy and afraid of unspeakable things, or ready to risk
them, the common folk knew nothing of their peril, and were not
allowed to know.
From all parts of the Empire the old Mother Country saw her
homing birds. From Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa
came bronzed and hardy men who were the uncles or the cousins or
the brothers of the boys who were still storming the recruiting
stations at home. After them came wave after wave of young
manhood from the far Dominions, and for the first time in history the
British Empire, so loosely linked, so scattered, so jealous of restraint
or control from the British Government, was seen to be a federation
of English-speaking peoples more strongly bound by links of
sentiment and kinship in time of peril than any Imperialist of the old
school could have forged by autocratic power. They were free
peoples enlisting for service, as they believed also, in the cause of
civilisation and in the chivalrous defence of peace-loving peoples
wantonly attacked by a brutal enemy.
Looking back now with disgust of war and all its filthiness and
death in our inmost souls, after years of disillusion with the results of
that war, with a more complicated knowledge of its causes back in
history; with a legacy of debt; unsettled problems; with new causes
of hate, revenge, conflict; with justice no longer all on one side, nor
injustice, one must still acknowledge the splendour of that spiritual
comradeship which made all classes offer themselves for service
and sacrifice to the uttermost, which was death. Not in England, nor
in France, nor later in the United States, was there any love of this
war for war’s sake. It did not appeal to the imagination of youth as a
great adventure. Here and there its call might have come as a
liberation from dull existence, or as an escape from private tragedy,
or as a primitive blood lust. In very rare cases it appealed to old
fighting instincts as a better thing than peace. To most it was hateful.
Our young men loved life and loathed the thought of death. They did
not want to kill or be killed. They disliked military discipline, dirt, lice,
the thought of shell-fire, the foreboding of wounds, blindness,
mutilation, and horror. They were the heirs of a civilisation in which
there had been a high standard of decency, refinement, comfort, and
individual liberty. Each young man when he went to the recruiting
office knew in his heart that he was saying good-bye, perhaps for
ever, to the things and folk he loved, to all familiar decent things, to
the joy of life itself. Yet in millions they went, tide after tide ... and the
women hid their tears and their agony as best they could, and found
out work to do. In great houses and little homes there was the same
spirit. Out of the foulest slums as well as out of fine houses came the
heroic soul of a people proud of its history, impelled unconsciously
by old loyalties which had been stunted but never killed by social
injustice.
That was the passion of England and her sister peoples when war
began. Difficult to imagine, impossible to feel again—now!... So
much has happened since.