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Advances in Advertising Research Vol XI Designing and Communicating Experience 1st Edition Martin K J Waiguny Sara Rosengren
Advances in Advertising Research Vol XI Designing and Communicating Experience 1st Edition Martin K J Waiguny Sara Rosengren
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European Advertising Academy
Sara Rosengren
Center for Retailing, Stockholm School of Economics, Stockholm,
Sweden
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively
licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is
concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in
any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the
advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate
at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Tobias Langner
Email: langner@wiwi.uni-wuppertal.de
1 Introduction
Whether advertising research is successful or not as a field depends to
a large extent on the precision of construct measures and whether
results are comparable across studies. Measures should be designed to
measure constructs as precisely as possible and enable comparisons
across studies. This motivates research on advertising research
practice, that is, systematic studies of how advertising researchers go
about their business. To date, there are only few studies of this kind
(e.g., Bergkvist and Langner 2017; Bruner 1998). These studies have
found considerable heterogeneity in the measurement of frequently
used constructs such as attitude toward the ad (AAd), brand attitude
(ABrand), and brand purchase intention (PIBrand). This suggests that
marketing researchers rely on convergent validity. If two measures are
correlated, they are considered to be interchangeable and results are
assumed to be comparable. However, this is not necessarily the case. As
demonstrated by Rossiter (2016), the fact that two measures are
correlated does not automatically mean that they share a similar
correlation with a third construct. Even at commonly accepted levels of
convergent validity (e.g., 0.70 or 0.80) there is a considerable risk that
research results will be significantly different if different measures of
the same construct are used. In practice, this means that research
results will vary depending on what measure is used and studies with
different measures of the same construct will frequently not be
comparable.
The present study investigates the heterogeneity of measurement
operationalizations of the frequently measured construct ad credibility
that has been overlooked by previous research. In addition, the study
aims to identify similar constructs that appear under different names,
and constructs whose measurement overlap with the measurement of
AAd. The study contributes to advertising research by calling for a
consequent execution of valid and comparable construct measurement.
As a result, this will improve measurement practice over time and, thus,
ensure achieving the primary aim of advertising research, the
accumulation of advertising knowledge.
2 Method
The present study is based on searches and analyses of a database
listing the constructs measured in all articles published in the
International Journal of Advertising (IJA), the Journal of Advertising (JA),
and the Journal of Advertising Research (JAR) between 2012 and 2014.
The number of research articles with construct measurement during
this period was 285 and the total number of constructs measured in
these articles was 1086. For each construct, the database listed the
construct name and definition (both as stated in the article), and the
items included in the construct measure (except in 84 cases when no or
only partial item information was provided in the article).
The search focused on the items used in measures of ad credibility
and aimed to identify constructs whose items overlap. Complete or
partial item overlap would identify those cases in which the same
construct appears under different name in different studies.
3 Findings
Diversity in Construct Operationalizations
The operationalizations of ad credibility were analyzed with respect to
the number of items and the diversity of the items. There were seven
studies which operationalized ad credibility (Table A1). These studies
employed between two and nine items to measure the construct,
demonstrating limited agreement on how many items are needed to
measure the construct. Most of the ad credibility measures used a
semantic-differential type of answer format, only two studies relied on
a Likert-type answer format, and all but one study used a seven-point
answer scale. It is of some interest to note that most “semantic-
differential” items were unipolar rather than bipolar (i.e., the two
adjectives that made up an item were not polar opposites but rather
indicated the presence or absence of the attribute). There was
considerable diversity in the items used in the measures. The total
number of items across the seven studies were 19. Out of these, one
item (“believable”) was included in all seven studies and one item
(“convincing”) was included in six studies. Remarkably, the item
“credible,” arguably the most content valid item, was included only in
two out of the seven studies. Of the remaining items, six were included
in one study and five were included in two studies. Thus, the use of
idiosyncratic items to measure ad credibility appears to be common
practice.
The diversity in operationalizations of ad credibility is similar to the
diversity found in previous studies of advertising research practice
(Bergkvist and Langner 2017; Bruner 1998). A consequence of this
diversity is that the comparability between studies is threatened since
it cannot be safely assumed that measures with different items will
yield comparable results.
4 Discussion
The present analysis of the operationalizations of the construct ad
credibility has provided several examples of three problems in
construct measurement in advertising research: Heterogeneity in the
operationalizations of the same construct, lacking consistency in the
naming of constructs, and complete or near-complete overlap in items
between operationalizations of AAd and other constructs. These
problems all contribute to hamper the accumulation of knowledge and
progress in advertising research.
If there are substantial differences in the measures of the same
construct, as was the case for ad credibility in the present analysis, it is
highly likely that the convergent validity of the different measures is, at
best, moderate. And moderate, or low, convergent validity means that
the results from studies with different measures are not comparable as
their correlations with measures of other constructs will be
significantly different (Carlson and Herdman 2012; Rossiter 2016).
Thus, results in one study may not replicate in another because the
measures of key constructs were not the same. In addition, results in
meta-analyses may be diluted because of differences in measurement
that obscure substantial research results.
When the same construct appears under different names there is a
risk that research efforts are duplicated, and that extant research is
overlooked in literature reviews and meta-analyses. For example, the
present study found four names for one construct (ad credibility, claim
believability, message believability, and trustworthiness of the ad), which
suggests a high risk that literature searches overlook relevant search
terms. It follows from this that research resources are wasted, and the
accumulation of knowledge is hampered.
The overlap in items between measures of AAd and other constructs
raises issues of discriminant validity, the stringency of construct
definitions, and the content validity of measure items. It is, of course,
not tenable to argue that two identical (or near-identical) sets of items
preceded by the same question measures two different constructs, so
there is clearly a problem of lacking discriminant validity. There also
appears to be a problem with how AAd is defined, since there are more
than 50 items that have been included in measures of AAd in published
research. This suggests that current definitions are lacking in
stringency permitting a too wide range of items in current
operationalizations, or that the extent to which definitions guide the
research process is limited. Another likely contributing factor is that a
substantial share of AAd studies do not define the construct (Bergkvist
and Langner 2017). In addition, the definitions of the constructs that
have item overlap with AAd could either be too close to AAd or lack in
stringency. There is also a high likelihood that measures of AAd and
similar constructs include items with low content validity.
An interesting observation is that all the reviewed
operationalizations, except for the two measures based on the revised
personal involvement inventory, were either ad hoc measures put
together for the study at hand or measures used in previous research
but that did not come out of a measurement development study. This
suggests a widespread willingness among authors and reviewers to
accept unvalidated measures.
One question that arises from the present study is how to weed out
the reported weaknesses in measurement practice. One way is to move
towards standard measures of frequently measured constructs
(Rossiter 2016). This would require that measure development studies
are carried out and that scholars agree to use what is generally
considered to be the optimal measures. It also requires that reviewers
and editors make sure standard measures are used (or, at a minimum,
make sure that use of non-standard measures is noted in the limitations
section of the paper). Furthermore, construct naming has to be precise
and consistent, and item overlap between different constructs should
be avoided. To solve these issues, editors and reviewers should be more
sensitive to measurement issues in the first place. They should ensure
that authors do their homework. Often, researchers do not define their
constructs properly, do not report measures in their entirety, or are
careless in reporting adaptations they have made in the measures
sourced from literature (Bergkvist and Langner 2017). Furthermore,
reviewers should examine the consistency of construct definitions and
construct operationalizations. In the second place, advertising research
as discipline should head towards the development of standard
measures. Ideally, constructs frequently used in advertising research
should be operationalized with the same measure across all studies.
An expedient way of ensuring greater transparency and reducing
the problems highlighted in the present study would be to require
advertising researchers to report definitions and measures of all
constructs in one table when empirical work is submitted to a journal.
This table should also include sources for the measures and
information about any adaptations of the measures. Not only would a
table make relevant information easily accessible to reviewers and
editors but it would also bring definitions and measurement to the
attention of the researchers reporting the study.
Tables
Table A1 Operationalizations of ad credibility
Notes
S-D – Semantic differential type of answer scale
L–T – Likert type of answer scale
Study Items
Claim Believability
Choi et al. (2012) 1. Believable
2. Credible
3. Trustworthy
Study Items
Message Believability
Wang and Muehling (2012) 1. Believable
2. Convincing
3. Informative
Trustworthiness of the Ad
Lawrence et al. (2013) 1. “I trust what the ad has to say”
2. “The ad is trustworthy”
3. “The claims made in this ad are credible”
4. “The ad felt authentic”
Study Items
Involvement in the Ad
Banks and De Pelsmacker (2014) 1. Appealing
2. Exciting
3. Fascinating
4. Important
5. Interesting
6. Involving
7. Means a lot to me
8. Needed
9. Relevant
10. Valuable
Puzakova et al. (2013) 1. Concentrated very hard
2. Paid a lot of attention
3. To what extent the ad is unusual
4. Very involved
Message involvement
Maslowska et al. (2013) 1. Appealing
2. Exciting
Study Items
3. Fascinating
4. Important
5. Interesting
6. Involving
7. Means a lot to me
8. Needed
9. Relevant
10. Valuable
Wang and Muehling (2012) 1. Overall attention paid to the messages
2. Perceived engagement with the messages
3. Perceived relevance of the messages
4. Self-reported attention to the message claims
Cognitive engagement
Lawrence et al. (2013) 1. “The ad kept my attention”
2. “The ad was informative”
3. “The ad was interesting”
References
Aguirre-Rodriguez, A. (2013). The effect of consumer persuation knowledge on
scarcity appeal persuasiveness. Journal of Advertising, 42(October), 371–379.
[Crossref]
Banks, I. B., & De Pelsmacker, P. (2014). Involvement, tolerance for ambiguity, and
type of service moderate the effectiveness of probability marker usage in service
advertising. Journal of Advertising, 43(June), 196–209.
[Crossref]
Bruner, G. C., II. (1998). Standardization & justification: Do A ad scales measure up?
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Bui, My., Krishen, A. S., & LaTour, M. S. (2012). When Kiosk retailing intimidates
shoppers: How gender-focused advertising can mitigate the perceived risks of the
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Choi, H., Paek, H.-J., & King, K. W. (2012). Are nutrient-content claims always
effective? Match-up effects between product type and claim type in food advertising.
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Magdalena Gąsiorowska
Email: mgasiorowska@swps.edu.pl
Piotr Hajda
Email: phajda@st.swps.edu.pl
1 Introduction
A brand’s position in the market reflects its position in the minds of
consumers (Kotler and Keller 2012; Keller 2013). In marketing
communication marketers strive to build such a network of
associations in consumers’ minds that will differentiate their brand
from the competition. As marketers are outdoing themselves in
presenting various strategies, the market is overflowing with offers.
The abundance of brands and products on the market and their
accompanying marketing communication quite often result in
consumers experiencing a state of mind defined as a lack of control
(Whitson and Galinsky 2008; Cutright et al. 2013) or consumer
confusion (Wang and Shukla 2013; Landau et al. 2015). Edward and
Sahadev (2012) define consumer confusion as ‘an uncomfortable
psychological state consumers experience when exposed to an overload
of marketing information which are often very similar, misleading,
ambiguous and inadequate in nature’. The authors point to such
psychological consequences of this state as a negative affect, decision
postponement, evaluation costs. Similarly, other authors argue that the
multiplicity, contradiction and similarity of stimuli may lead to the state
of the lack of control over the situation. This state manifests itself in
decline in motivation to solve a problem (motivational deficit),
depressed mood, negative emotions (emotional deficit), and finally,
difficulties in learning effective reactions (cognitive deficits) (e.g.,
Whitson and Galinsky 2008; Cutright et al. 2013; Maier and Seligman
2016).
Thus, concepts of a lack of control and consumer confusion refer to
similar psychological mechanisms in terms of cognitive, emotional and
motivational outcomes for individuals. In the current paper we refer to
both concepts and, for clarity, we decided to use one term: ‘lack of
control’ (over the situation).
The purpose of the current study is to show that lack of control
alters associative structure of the positioned brands in consumers’
minds. We show that these changes relate to different levels of product
and brand, and we indicate possible practical implications. We expect
that the effects of changes in associative structures of brands will differ
between familiar and unfamiliar brands.
It is worth noting that the essence and the very beginning of the
position of a brand on the market and brand equity is built in
consumers’ minds, in their memory, particularly in a network of
associations to the brand which are favorable, strong and unique
(Keller 1993). Thus, in our study we explore structures of associations
which reflect the position of a number of brands in consumer’s
memory.
Nowadays the methods of demographic as well as psychographic
segmentation of the market become more and more sophisticated. The
use of big data sets and algorithms provides information on various
consumer characteristics and makes it possible to segment them along
selected features, and then to create brand communication targeted at
specific consumer segments. In our study, we focused on the state of
lack of control because it may influence consumers’ behavior in today's
market.
2 METHOD
2.1 Participants and Design
Eighty four undergraduates, volunteers (47 women, 37 men; Mage =
21.75; SD = 2.13) participated in the study. The basic material of the
analyses were associations. The total number of associations produced
by the participants was N = 2596. The experiment was designed in 2 × 2
between-subject conditions: in control vs. lack of control x familiar vs.
unfamiliar brand.
3 Results
3.1 Similarity Derived from Associations
Based on the associations generated for each brand, affinity indices
were calculated for each experimental condition (Fig. 1).
Fig. 3 Mental representations for beer brands, similarity derived from associations
Then, the PINDIS procedure (Lingoes and Borg 1978) was carried
out. Using the method of centroid configuration, we compared the
extent to which the structures are similar to each other in the situation
of in control and the lack of control, for familiar and unfamiliar brands
respectively. For familiar brands the structures of mental
representations of individuals in conditions of a lack of control and in
the situation of control are similar in 71% [r2 (Z, Xi) = 0.71]. For
unfamiliar brands this similarity is much lower and is equal to 23% [r2
(Z, Xi) = 0.23]. These results are consistent with the Kruskal–Wallis tests
for similarity derived from associations. In the case of familiar brands,
consumers perceive the similarity between brands as high, regardless
of the state of control. When brands are unfamiliar, vigilance and
attention increase, particularly in the state of the lack of control. Thus,
the mental maps of positioned brands are different for those in the
situation of control and those with loss of control. This means that
various marketing messages should be directed at these two groups of
consumers.
4 Conclusions
The aim of the study was to explore the role of (a lack of) control in an
associative structure of the positioned brands, considering brand
familiarity.
Referring our study to the theoretical concepts of lack of control in
relations to the perception of similarity, it can be noted that previous
studies have shown how perceived similarity affects the loss of control
(e.g., Schwarz 2004; Wang and Shukla 2013). In our research we went a
step further and showed how lack of control affects the perception of
similarity.
Our study showed that the state of a lack of control, compared to the
control, facilitated the perception of greater differences between the
positioned brands at the level of associations, i.e. at the deeper level of
information processing. The opposite effects were obtained when
similarity was measured on scales – that is, at a shallower level of
information processing. Moreover, there were more similar
associations between familiar rather than unfamiliar brands of beer.
Thus, when encountering unfamiliar brands, consumers are more
vigilant, and they perceive more differences between products’
properties. Paradoxically, this may lead consumers to confuse well-
known products more often than the unknown ones. Our results
indicate which marketing strategies should be adopted: for unfamiliar
brands customers should be provided with good quality and positive
presentation of product attributes; while in communication about
familiar brands messages should focus on differentiation, because less
vigilant consumers poorly differentiate between products of a given
category. A qualitative analysis showed that in the situation of lack of
control, compared to in control, there is a greater activation of generic
properties and a lower activation of personal associations. By carefully
analyzing consumers’ associations with their brands, marketers can
focus on strengthening selected features of their product and thus
facilitate consumer decisions.
Some limitations of our study and implications to further research
should be noted here.
In our study, we analyzed the perception of similarity between low-
involvement products (beer), in the conditions of control vs. lack of
control. The conclusions of our research are applicable to low-
involvement products because the information about highly involving
products is processed differently. Purchase of highly involving products,
compared to low involving ones, engages a greater financial, social and
psychological risk. Data concerning high-involvement products is
usually actively searched and critically evaluated and processed more
carefully, with greater vigilance (Boriboon et al. 2010; Chen and Wang
2010). Furthermore, people in a state of loss of control may face greater
difficulties in processing information about high-involvement products
(greater cognitive load) compared to low-involvement ones. That is
why research on the perception of similarities between high-
involvement products may offer some valuable insights.
Qualitative data obtained in this study (in the form of associations)
offer many interpretative possibilities. From the point of view of
building marketing strategies, one of the interesting interpretations of
multidimensional scaling results is to take into account perceived
similarities and differences between brands. Strengthening brand-
specific associations, and neutralizing associations similar to other
brands, is one of the most effective strategies of strengthening the
brand's position in the competitive market.
Finally, our study has shown that individual differences—a state of
lack of control vs. in control—modify the perception of similarity. On
the one hand, it is worth developing research on the effects of
individual differences in perception of similarity. In the classical
theories of similarity this aspect has not been taken into account (see:
Tversky 1977), however, there is a stream of current research
indicating that such studies are justified (Carroll and Chang 1970;
Simmons and Estes 2008; Day et al. 2010). On the other hand, our data
suggest that it may be well worth to consider individual differences in
perceived similarities between brands (i.e. brand positioning) in micro-
targeting processes using big data sets and algorithms.
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© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH,
part of Springer Nature 2021
M. K. Waiguny, S. Rosengren (eds.), Advances in Advertising Research (Vol. XI),
European Advertising Academy
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-32201-4_3
Wai Han Lo
Email: janetlo@hkbu.edu.hk
1 Introduction
With the increasing popularity and convenience of social media
platforms, increasing numbers of politicians are bypassing traditional
news gatekeepers and interacting directly with the public through
social media posts, with the flexibility to select and package their
messages via a strategy frame or an policy frame [Consider defining
these terms on their first usage.]. Previous studies examining how
differences between social media posts affect users’ responses have
focused on either the content (e.g., Brewer et al. 2016; Fernandes et al
2010; Lee and Shin 2012) or the form (Ksiazek et al. 2016; Ross et al.
2015) of such posts. Few have simultaneously examined the effects of
the content and form of posts on the responses of social media users. To
fill this research gap and contribute to the literature on social media
and political communication, this study explored the differences in
online responses to social media posts with various message frames
and forms. The specific objectives were as follows.
1. To expand the scope of frame study, which has focused mainly on
traditional media, to social media platforms. This study focused on
election candidate posts on social media.
2 Literature Review
During election campaigns, many politicians have started to take
advantage of social media platforms to deliver their messages to the
public instead of relying on traditional media (Enli 2017; Kalsnes 2016;
Strandberg 2013). For election candidates, social media offer a
foundational means of framing and underscoring campaign-based
content, but the potential of policy frames as a tool to advocate relevant
policies via social media has yet to be fully exploited. Empirical studies
have shown that candidates prefer to post personal stories and details
of campaign events than to explicate social issues or their proposed
policies on social media (McGregor et al. 2017; Ross and Comrie 2015).
This may be because audiences are more receptive to strategy-framed
and personal-framed content (Iyengar et al. 2004; McGregor et al.
2015). The body of literature on framing is enormous and covers
multiple disciplines (Entman 1993), such as business (e.g., Le Ber and
Branzei 2010; Roy and Sharma 2015), health communication
(e.g. Donovan and Jalleh 2000; Underhill et al. 2016), information
technology (e.g. Seo and Park 2019) and environmental studies (e.g.
Ekayani et al. 2016; Hoffman 2011).
Frames can be defined as the schemas used by viewers to identify,
understand, and perceive information (Goffman 1974). “Framing”
refers to the presentation of information in such a way as to resonate
with these schemas underlying public perception (Scheufele and
Tewksbury 2007). When frames are deployed in messages, they
highlight certain aspects of the information conveyed, telling the
audience what is important and people’s perceptions of or beliefs about
this information (Ferree et al. 2002; Nisbet and Huge 2006) and thus
changing people’s perceptions of or beliefs about reality (Entman
1993).
Frames with different discourse properties may elicit different
interpretation strategies (Rhee 1997). Two types of message frames are
commonly used in political campaigns. The first, strategy frames, are
primarily related to campaign strategies and candidate performance,
and focus on the results of elections (Iyengar 1991; Bennett 1988; Rhee
1997). The second, policy frames, are more concerned with the policies
proposed by election candidates to solve existing societal problems
(Graber 1993; Jamieson 1992; Patterson 1993; D’Angelo et al. 2005).
Compared with policy frames, strategy frames are more event-oriented
and person-centered (Iyengar 1991; Bennett 1988; Rhee 1997).
Different writers deliver their messages differently. A strategy-
framed news story on an election written by a reporter is not expected
to be identical to a strategy-framed social media post written by an
election candidate. The difference between a news story and a social
media post is determined by many factors. One of the difference is a
reporter writing election-related news stories in the grammatical third
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Alden the Pony
Express rider
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
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you are located before using this eBook.
Language: English
ALDEN
——THE——
——BY——
EDWARD S. ELLIS
Author of the Deerfoot Books,
The Arizona Series, etc.
ILLUSTRATED BY
EDWIN J. PRITTIE
PRINTED IN U. S. A.
CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. Introductory 9
II. A Quarrel 24
III. Westward Bound 39
IV. The Danger Cloud 54
V. On Guard 69
VI. Aboriginal Cunning 84
VII. Just in Time 99
VIII. The Attack 114
IX. Old Acquaintances 129
X. A Hunt 145
XI. A Disappointment 159
XII. A Not Uncommon Incident 176
XIII. “That’s Just Like Him” 191
XIV. An Alarming Situation 204
XV. Now for the Mail Station 219
XVI. Cause and Effect 234
XVII. At the Station 249
XVIII. Outwitted 264
XIX. A Blessing in Disguise 279
XX. A Strange Proceeding 293
XXI. A Setback 307
XXII. Jethro’s Secret and What Followed 320
RACING FOR LIFE
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
N ever did the town of St. Joseph, in the State of Missouri, pass
through more stirring excitement than on the afternoon of April
16, 1860.
Every man, woman and child seemed to feel the pulsing in the air.
Most of the people were on the street, though hundreds of mothers
and daughters were at the upper windows, on the alert that
something which was expected should not elude them. The men
talked together in earnest voices, sometimes moving restlessly over
the pavements, glancing at their watches and saying, in those
hushed, eager tones which often accompany tense emotion:
“It’s pretty near time! I hope he won’t be late.”
“No fear for Alec; he’s always on time.”
“Poor fellow! he doesn’t look strong,” remarked a sympathizer.
“Alec Carlyle is one of those chaps that you can’t judge by looks;
there isn’t a better horseman west of the Alleghanies.”
St. Joseph in those days was not a large town. There was room to
hold in comfort most of the population on Third Street, and it was
there that nearly all of them had gathered on this soft spring
afternoon. Had you been a member of the crowd you would have
noticed that the eyes of nearly every one were turned expectantly
toward the one-story, brick express office on the east side of the
street, between Felix and Edmond Streets. Something was going on
inside of that modest structure, but as yet it was veiled from the
public. Several men and boys who stood nearest the building tried to
peep through the windows, but, unable to do so, intently listened. All
that they heard was the occasional stamp of a horse’s feet, and the
confused murmur of voices. But it was not hard for them to imagine
the scene within.
It was about four o’clock, when a small cannon boomed from the
side of the street, two or three doors distant. The report was a signal
to the ferry boat to come across from the Ellwood side of the river
and await a certain horseman who would soon arrive at the bank.
Only a few minutes had passed, when from within the stables near
the express office, some one vigorously shoved open the doors. At
the same instant, a wiry pony, with flashing eyes and dilated nostrils
and fine muscles aquiver, made a tremendous leap which carried
him almost to the middle of the street, and heading toward the river,
plunged away under the prick of the spur, on a dead run.
Horse and rider made a fine picture. Silver mounted trappings
decorated both. The man might have been mistaken for a circus
performer, in his brilliant uniform, with plated horn, pistol, scabbard
and belt, gay, flower-worked leggings, jingling spurs and fine boots
with high heels, such as cowmen and rustlers affect. He was of slight
figure, dark mustache, flashing hazel eyes, flowing hair and closely
compressed lips, and he sat his steed with perfect grace. He wore
the broad-brimmed sombrero that seemed scarcely affected by the
gale which his animal created. He did not look to the right or left, nor
notice the cheers, shouts and waving of hats and hands. He peered
grimly ahead, as if his life depended upon his reaching the ferry
without a second’s loss of time.
As the pony shot like a cannon ball out of the doors of the stable
and sped with arrowy swiftness down the street, the two men with
whom he had been in consultation within the structure stepped
forward and watched him. They smiled, though there was a serious
expression on each face, for both felt they were looking upon an
epoch-making event. And it was Alexander Carlyle, the superb
horseman, who was making it.
Neither of the couple took their eyes from him as long as he was
within sight. One was Ben Fickland, superintendent of the stage line
to Denver, known as “Pike’s Peak Express,” the uncle of the
horseman. The other was Mr. Russell of the firm of Russell, Majors &
Waddell, who had been running for years a daily coach from the
Missouri River to Salt Lake City. The two were thrilled not so much
by what they saw as by their knowledge of what it meant.
On the afternoon that I have named, the first “Pony Express” left
St. Joseph, Missouri, on the long westward trip to San Francisco.
The four small leather sacks holding the mail were each six by
twelve inches, one being fastened at the front and the other at the
rear of the saddle, so that the rider sat between them. The pouches
were impervious to rain, and for further protection, the letters were
wrapped in oiled silk and then sealed. The pouches themselves were
locked, not to be opened until they reached their destination. It was
ordered from the first that they and their contents should never weigh
more than twenty pounds. A rider might carry several hundred letters
on each trip, for all were written on the finest of tissue paper. The
postage at first was five dollars for each letter, later reduced as the
building of the telegraph line progressed, to one dollar an ounce. In
addition to this enormous postage, the merchants who were awaiting
the important missives joined in paying the carrier a liberal fee, when
he maintained the schedule or made quicker time than usual.
Mr. Russell had been persuaded by Senator Gwin of California to
start the Pony Express. He had made an arrangement with the
railways between New York and St. Joseph to run a fast train; the
Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad used a special engine, and the
boat which made the crossing of the Missouri was held so that not a
minute would be lost in transferring the mail. A piercing whistle
notified the horseman that the boat was waiting for him.
About the same time, Harry Roff, mounted on a mettled half-breed
broncho, galloped eastward from Sacramento. He, too, did his part in
opening one of the most romantic episodes in the history of our
country. Two sets of mail bags were approaching each other from
points two thousand miles apart, and there were times when this
approach was at the astounding speed of forty and even fifty miles
an hour! The average daily rate was two hundred and fifty miles a
day, but where everything was favorable, or when an express rider
was fleeing from the vengeful red men, his pony struck a gait of
twenty-five miles and maintained it, when an untrained horse would
have dropped in his tracks.
When Harry Roff dashed out from Sacramento, he made one
change and covered the first twenty miles in fifty-nine minutes. He
changed again at Folsom and headed for Placerville, at the foot of
the Sierra Nevada range, fifty-five miles away. At that point, he found
a rider awaiting him, who, quickly shifting the two packed mail
pouches, was off with the speed of the wind. Thus from point to point
and relieving one another at comparatively regular distances, the
entire run of 185 miles was made in a little more than fifteen hours.
Be it remembered that in crossing the western summit of the
mountains the horse had to wallow through thirty feet of snow. Not
only that, but most of the distance was through a hostile Indian
country, where a slight mistake on the part of the horseman was
likely to prove fatal to him. There was no saying what boulder or rock
sheltered a crouching redskin waiting exultingly with bow and arrow
or rifle for the horseman to come within range. A white man was
legitimate game for the warrior, as much as was the deer or bear,
and the sentiments of the rider were the same regarding the warrior.
One rider covered the last 130 miles of the western division, from old
Camp Floyd to Salt Lake City, where his partner from the east met
and exchanged mails with the comrade going toward the Missouri.
After the rider from St. Joseph had reached the river side, he
passed upon the waiting ferry boat, and entering a room prepared for
him, changed his fancy costume for what might be called a business
suit. Hardly had the boat touched the other shore, when the eager
pony was off again on a dead run.
It is worth remembering in these later days, that the route of the
Pony Express westward was that which was followed by the
Mormons in 1847, and by the emigrants a year or two later when on
their way to California in quest of gold. Crossing the Missouri, the
messenger veered slightly to the southwest, holding to the course
until he struck the old military road, forty-odd miles distant, where he
shifted to the northwest and crossed the Kickapoo Reservation.
Then in succession he passed through Grenada, Logchain, Seneca,
Ash Point, Guittard’s, Marysville, Hollenburg, thence following Little
Blue Valley to Rock Creek, Big Sandy, Liberty Farm, across prairies
to Thirty-Two Mile Creek, over the divide, sand hills and plains to
Platte River, and then westward and up that valley to Fort Kearny.
When the Pony Express began operations, the messengers from
St. Joe rode to the station of Guittard, 125 miles away. This was
done every week, until two months later the service was made semi-
weekly, when the first rider finished his run at Seneca, 80 miles out.
Fort Kearny was an old post in Nebraska. It is now a thriving town
and the capital of the county of the same name. The trail from this
point led westward for 200 miles along the Platte River to Julesburg,
in the northeastern corner of Colorado, then to Fort Laramie, whose
gray ruins stand to-day in southeastern Wyoming, fifty miles west of
Cheyenne. Next, over the foothills to the northwest, and through the
famous South Pass of the Rocky Mountains, by Fort Bridger to Salt
Lake City.
This completed the long ride over the eastern division. From Salt
Lake, the express rider strained every nerve to Fort Churchill, 50
miles away, thence to Rush Valley, or old Camp Floyd, Deep Creek,
Ruby Valley, Smith’s Creek, Fort Churchill, over the Sierra Nevada
Mountains, and so on through points that have been already named,
to Sacramento, whence the mail was carried by boat to San
Francisco.
A glance at the map will show that this long run—not quite two
thousand miles from St. Joe—was across and through the wildest
portion of our continent. Rugged mountains, inaccessible to the
ordinary traveler, had to be crossed, and only he who was familiar
with the route could do it. Tumultuous torrents had to be forded or
swum, where horse and rider were often hurled far down stream
before the animal could clamber up the rocky bank on the other side.
Those desolate solitudes were swept by furious storms of sleet, hail
and rain, vast valleys were turned into swirling lakes, and the driving
snow often blinded horse and rider, so he could not see twenty feet
beyond the nose of his animal.
There were stretches of plain where the panting pony and his
master could not get a drop of water for hours. When they plunged
into the mountains in the depth of winter, the temperature was often
far below zero, but the undaunted rider kicked away the snow on the
lee side of some boulder, kindled a fire of dead limbs, when he could
find such sparse fuel, but more often he had nothing of that nature.
The tough little pony was wrapped about by his blanket, the master
inclosed his iron body in another, or partly in the same one, lay down
and slept, with never a dream to disturb his rest. But he could not
forget his duty, which was so impressed on his mind that he awoke
to the minute he had set for awaking. Probably the first faint
streakings of morning were showing in the east, when he flung his
blanket aside, remounted and dashed off again.
It will be understood that when the Pony Express was organized, it
was necessary to establish relief stations at intervals of a dozen
miles or so. Now and then these were separated by greater
distances, when it was impossible to have it otherwise. Between the
stations, the rider kept his horse at the highest possible speed. The
average time scheduled was ten or twelve miles an hour, but where
the route was favorable, the ponies held a speed of twenty and
sometimes of twenty-five miles. Thus, as has been stated, the rider
from the east and he from the west thundered toward each other at
the incredible rate of fifty miles an hour—equal to the speed of an
express railway train.
There were portions of the trail where no rider dared show himself
and pony during the daytime, because of the Indians on the alert for
his scalp. The intrepid fellow and animal remained in hiding till night.
When darkness came the man stealthily re-saddled his horse, led
him out from the covert in which they had been crouching, climbed
silently into the saddle and resumed his headlong ride.
The late Major Chorpenning, remembered as one of the most
prominent of freighters across the plains, told me that more than
once he had labored through the mountains in the depth of winter
when the snow under his feet was sixty feet deep! He was in Salt
Lake City, talking with Brigham Young, when word came that the mail
rider westward had been killed by Indians. The fiery-tempered Major
bounded to his feet and swore he would follow up the rider, recover
the mail and carry it to Sacramento. When he refused to take any
companion with him, President Young forbade him to go, insisting
that it would be sure death.
“I’m serving the United States and not you,” replied the Major,
laying his hand on his revolver; “I don’t think it will be healthy for
either you or any one else to try to stop me.”
So it was the daring Major rode out of Salt Lake City alone. Being
perfectly familiar with the route, he made good progress. He had
decided in his mind where the rider had met his death, and there
sure enough he came upon the body. It was shockingly mutilated,
and it was evident the man had made a brave defense. Chorpenning
found his watch, which strangely enough had not been taken away
by his slayers, and within a rod of where he lay were the mail
pouches, unharmed. The pony, of course, was gone.
The Major strapped the pouches in place and resumed his ride
westward.
“From that hour,” said he, “until I came in sight of Carson City, it
seemed to me I was playing hide and seek with the Indians. The first
thing that caught my eye was what looked like a crow sitting on the
edge of a rock only a little way in front. A second glance showed that
it was the topknot of a redskin, who dropped down before I could
draw bead on him. He wasn’t the only one of his kind in the
neighborhood, for I caught glimpses of several, and believe I winged
one of them.
“Having found secure shelter, I waited till night before moving on
again. For the following three days and nights I did not do a mile of
traveling when the sun was shining. As it was, I pushed so hard that,
being lucky in catching the boat at Sacramento, I reached San
Francisco several hours ahead of schedule time. The people would
not believe my story at first. I remember that the famous
mountaineer Kit Carson was one of the doubters, but when
convinced of what I had done, he declared it the most remarkable
ride ever made by any man in crossing the plains.”
Since this chapter is introductory and intended merely to clear the
ground for what follows, I shall close it with an account of the most