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African Isms:
Africa and the Globalized World
www.peterlang.com
PETER LANG
New York • Bern • Berlin
Brussels • Vienna • Oxford • Warsaw
African Isms
PETER LANG
New York • Bern • Berlin
Brussels • Vienna • Oxford • Warsaw
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Bangura, Abdul Karim, editor, author.
Title: African isms: Africa and the globalized world /
edited by Abdul Karim Bangura.
Other titles: Africanisms
Description: New York: Peter Lang, 2021.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020031575 (print) | LCCN 2020031576 (ebook)
ISBN 978-1-4331-8381-2 (hardback) | ISBN 978-1-4331-8382-9 (ebook pdf)
ISBN 978-1-4331-8383-6 (epub) | ISBN 978-1-4331-8384-3 (mobi)
Subjects: LCSH: Philosophy, African—20th century. | Philosophy, African—
21st century. | Africa—Civilization—Philosophy. | Afrocentrism. | Pan-Africanism. |
Ubuntu (Philosophy) | Mandela, Nelson, 1918–2013—Influence. |
Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 1918–1970—Influence. | Globalization—Africa.
Classification: LCC B5320 .A327 2021 (print) | LCC B5320 (ebook) |
DDC 320.54096—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020031575
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020031576
DOI 10.3726/b17800
Preface ix
A bdul K arim Bangur a
Acknowledgments xi
1. General Introduction: African Isms: Africanisms
and Linguistic Backdrops 1
A bdul K arim Bangur a
2. Africanism 11
K ingsley Chinedu Dar aojimba , Chinwe Beatrice Ezeoke ,
H adizat Audu Salihu and Patrick E siemogie I dode
3. Afrocentrism: A Mazruiana Perspective 35
A li Kunda
4. Mandelaism 63
Julius Niringiyimana , Robert K akuru, I bilate Waribo-Naye
and Judith I rene Nagasha
5. Nasserism 85
A bdul K arim Bangur a
6. Ubuntuism 109
E sther Nkhukhu-Orlando, Chick L oveline A yoh Ndi
and C harles M assimo
Bibliography 143
About the Contributors 157
Index 159
Preface
The impetus for this book emerged from our belief that as Africans across
the globe are confronted with a myriad of challenges that have been birthed
by globalization (i.e. the process of going to a more interconnected world
by diminishing the world’s social dimension and expansion of overall global
consciousness), they must turn to their own ideas for solutions. Just as the
ideas of Pan-Africanism, birthed by Henry Sylvester-Williams and others
in the late 1800s, and Négritude, ushered by Aimé Césaire and others in
the early 1900s, emboldened many African thinkers and leaders to push
for independence across the continent, so will these ideas help Africans to
address current challenges that are stifling their advancement. Also, just
like Afrocentricity and other ideas birthed by major contemporary African
thinkers in the Diaspora, which gave rise to the Africanist Perspective on
the Motherland to place Africa at the center of all intellectual discourses per-
taining to African people everywhere while at the same time challenging the
pervasive and pernicious Eurocentric myth of African people being inactive
agents in history, so will these ideas serve as wellsprings for combating the
current vagaries Africans are facing. Correspondingly, what the chapters in
this book do is delineate the essentialities of a group of African Isms in order
to generate suggestions on how to address contemporary challenges with
which Africans are grappling. Inevitably, the chapters interrogate past, pres-
ent and future issues dealing with the African continent, people of African
descent, institutions in the continent and the Diaspora, and relationships
between Africa and other countries and regions across the globe.
While many books exist on individual African Isms, such as Afrocentrism,
Nasserism, and Pan-Africanism, none exists that has looked at a series of
these Isms together. This book is the first to do so and, thus, its justification.
Consequently, through this edited volume, we address the applicability of
x P r eface
The chapters in this book are the contributions of professors and doctoral
candidates affiliated with the Council for the Development of Economic
and Social Research in Africa (CODESRIA) College of Mentors with
headquarters in Dakar, Senegal. The impetus for this work emerged from
our belief that as Africans across the globe are confronted with a myriad
of challenges that have been birthed by globalization (i.e. the process of
going to a more interconnected world by diminishing the world’s social
dimension and expansion of overall global consciousness), they must turn
to their own ideas for solutions. Just as the ideas of Pan-Africanism, birthed
by Henry Sylvester-Williams and others in the late 1800s, and Négritude,
ushered by Aimé Césaire and others in the early 1900s, emboldened many
African thinkers and leaders to push for independence across the conti-
nent, so will these ideas help Africans to address current challenges that
are stifling their advancement. Also, just like Afrocentricity and other ideas
birthed by major contemporary African thinkers in the Diaspora, which
gave rise to the Africanist Perspective on the Motherland to place Africa
at the center of all intellectual discourses pertaining to African people
everywhere while at the same time challenging the pervasive and perni-
cious Eurocentric myth of African people being inactive agents in history,
so will these ideas serve as wellsprings for combating the current vagaries
Africans are facing.
Correspondingly, what the chapters in this book do is delineate the
essentialities of a group of African isms in order to generate suggestions on
how to address contemporary challenges with which Africans are grappling.
2 A bdul K ar im Bangur a
Inevitably, the chapters interrogate past, present, and future issues dealing
with the African continent, people of African descent, institutions in the con-
tinent and the Diaspora, and relationships between Africa and other coun-
tries and regions across the globe.
In order to provide a setting for what follows in the rest of the book, the
ensuing discussion is divided into two main sections entailing African and
linguistic backdrops. In the end, the basic organization of the rest of this
book is stated. It behooves me to note here that while the African backdrop
may appear more relevant to most, if not all, readers, the linguistic backdrop
may not seem so to them. But, it is imperative that a reader gets a sense of the
linguistic aspects that undergird the general notions and theoretical compo-
sitions of isms.
Africanisms Backdrop
Many sources have provided definitions for Africanisms, with some focus-
ing on specific aspects, others focusing on general aspects, and still others
focusing on both general and specific aspects of the concept. For example,
the Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines the concept as “(1) a characteristic
feature of African culture; (2) a characteristic feature of an African language
occurring in a non-African language; (3) allegiance to the traditions, inter-
ests, or ideals of Africa” (2018, p. 1). The dictionary then goes on to add that
the first known use of the concept was in 1641 (2018, p. 1). The Encyclopedia.
com describes the idea as “any cultural (material or nonmaterial) or linguis-
tic property of African origin surviving in the Americas or in the African
diaspora” (2018, p. 1). The Collins English Dictionary elucidates the notion
as “(1) an African custom, characteristic, or belief; (2) a word, phrase, gram-
matical construction, or other feature originating in or peculiar to an African
language; (3) devotion to African customs, traditions, etc.; specif., advocacy
of independence for African states or of Pan-Africanism” (2018, p.1). The
Oxford Dictionaries proffers the explanation of the thought as “(1) a feature
of language or culture regarded as characteristically African”; (2) the belief
that black Africans and their culture should predominate in Africa—‘some
proclaim a policy of non-racialism, others a more racially exclusive one of
Africanism’ ” (2018, p. 1). And, The Free Dictionary explains the conception
as “(1) a characteristically African cultural feature, such as a belief or custom;
(2) a linguistic feature of an African language occurring in a non-African
language” (2018, p. 1).
It is quite evident from the preceding definitions that the sources offer
similar and dissimilar features for Africanisms. In this book, the reader will
discern the preceding attributes and more on the concept.
General Introduction 3
Linguistic Backdrop
The term ism, which can be defined as a distinctive practice, system, or phi-
losophy, typically a political ideology or an artistic movement, is from a lin-
guistic point of view a suffix. As I point out in our book titled Fettered –tions
and –isms (Bangura 2011a), from which what appears in the rest of this sec-
tion is culled, grammarians generally define a suffix such as –ism as an affix
or a derivational or an inflectional bound morpheme that is attached at the
end of bases or stems and that changes the meanings or syntactic functions of
the words to which it is attached—for example, Africanism. Over the years,
many phenomena in the world, some of which are examined in this book,
have been labeled with the ism suffix. The other types of affixes are called
(a) prefix—that which is attached to the front of its stem, for example, unAfri-
can disappear, replay, illegal, inaccurate; (b) infix—that which occurs within
another morpheme, for example, expletives such as guaran-damn-tee, abso-
bloody-lutely; and (c) reduplicative—that which duplicates all or part of the
stem, for example, putt-putt, chop-chop, so-so, bon-bon, boo-boo (for more on
these, see O’Grady et al. 1989, pp. 95–96; Bangura 2011a, pp. 1–7).
In particular, according to Stuart Robertson and Frederic Cassidy, –ism
is a suffix that English borrowed through French and Latin from Greek. The
very mention of it, with its suggestion of the prevalence of “isms”, is perhaps
enough to indicate how English affixes have often yielded ground to bor-
rowed ones (1954, p. 197). From a phonological perspective, -isms, because
of their linguistic origin, when they are added to words show a shift of stress.
In contrast, when a prefix or suffix of Old English origin is added to a word,
it has no effect on the position or stress (Bangura 2011a, p. 2).
Affixes can have varying effects when they are added to roots (Langacker
1967, p. 74; Pyles & Algeo 1982, p. 5). For example, when s is added to
giraffe to form giraffes, the effect is to further specify giraffe with respect
to the number of those animals. Both giraffe and giraffes are nouns; add-
ing the plural morpheme s does not change the grammatical class of the
word. Similarly, suffixing the past tense morpheme of the verb knock yields
another verb, knocked. However, swift and swiftly belong to different gram-
matical classes; swift is an adjective, but swiftly is an adverb. There are still
other affixes that relate to other grammatical classes (Bangura 2011a, p. 2).
Thus, linguists often distinguish between inflectional and derivational
affixes (e.g. Langacker 1967, p. 74; Pyles & Algeo 1982, p. 5). Giraffe and
giraffes, intuitively, are alternate forms of the same entity, as are swift and
swiftly. The endings added to giraffe and knock are inflectional affixes.
English nouns like giraffe can be inflected for number. Knocked contains an
inflectional ending to indicate past tense (Bangura 2011a, p. 2).
4 A bdul K ar im Bangur a
In contrast, words of Greek, Latin and Romance origin often show a shift
of stress when an affix is added or changed; for instance (Bangura 2011a, p. 3):
Neutral Suffixes
As noted above, when a suffix of Old English origin is added to a word,
stress does not change; for example, ‘neighbor, ‘neighborly, ‘neighborliness,
‘neighborhood. Thus, linguists say that suffixes of Old English origin (and a
few others) are NEUTR AL: that is, they are added to independent words
and have no effect on the stress. For example, the words ab’sorbing, ‘interest-
ing, pre’vailing, and ‘terri,fying have the same stressed syllables as the words
without the suffix -ing. This -ing is a neutral suffix, and so are -hood, -ly, and
-ness, as illustrated above. It should also be noted that although most neutral
suffixes are of Old English origin, this does not mean that words in which
they occur are necessarily of Old English origin (Bangura 2011a, p. 3).
Prefixes
Classifying the pieces of language is never a simple task. We call words like
down and up particles of prepositions, depending upon how they act in com-
pound verbs. Consider the following sentences (Bangura 2011a; p. 4):
The boat floated down the stream.
The boat floated downstream.
It is usual to say that the first sentence contains a phrase down the stream,
consisting of a preposition down and a noun phrase the stream, and that
the second sentence has a compound adverb downstream. However, the dif-
ference is certainly not great. Furthermore, we might equally well say that
downstream is composed of a prefix down- and a base stream (Bangura 2011a,
pp. 3–4).
Earlier, a distinction was made between neutral suffixes, which are added
to independent words (e.g. arriv#al, build#ing, procure#ment), and other suf-
fixes which are attached to bases that typically have no independent prefixes
which can be called neutral and others which are non-neutral. The distinc-
tion is seen, for example, in the following (Bangura 2011a, p. 4):
The first, which we represent as re#cover, has a neutral prefix; the second,
re=cover, does not. Generally, neutral prefixes are either tonic (the place of
greatest prominence in an intonation unit) or countertonic, and non-neutral
prefixes are atonic, unstressed (Bangura 2011a, p. 4).
Four non-neutral prefixes, a-, be-, for-, with-, occur in various types of
words—nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs—always unstressed; for example
(Bangura 2011a, p. 4):
In contrast, such neutral prefixes as after-, by-, down-, fore-, in-, off-, on-,
over-, under-, and up- are typically stressed on the prefix in nouns and on the
base in verbs (with half-stress on the other part) (Bangura 2011a, p. 4).
,fore’see ‘fore,sight
,out’grow ‘out,growth
,over’draw ‘over,draft
In a few cases, such as ‘by,pass and ‘out,line, the verbs have been derived
from the nouns and so are identical in stress. On the other hand, nouns formed
General Introduction 7
In all of these, the main stress is on the base and half-stress on the prefix.
However, un-, like mis-, is often in contrast with zero (the absence of a prefix)
and, therefore, capable of a contrastive stress as in the following examples
(Bangura 2011a, p. 5):
‘deeds and ‘mis,deeds
‘locked or ‘un,locked
abs=tract ab=solve
ad=apt ac=quire af=fect al=ly an=nex
8 A bdul K ar im Bangur a
In all the preceding verbs, one can observe a morphological rule for
stress: A verb which consists of a prefix plus a one-syllable base is stressed on
the base. One can observe further the following (Bangura 2011a, p. 6):
(1) Most of the bases are heavy syllables, with a tense vowel (post=pone, re=-
sume, suc=ceed) or a cluster of consonants (de=tract, in=tend, sug=gest), so
that the base, the ult of the word, is properly stressed by the phonological
rule as well as the morphological rule.
(2) Some bases are not heavy syllables—e.g., o=mit, pro=pel, sup=press; the
basic verb rule would put stress on the penult, i.e. the prefix; stress in these
verbs is determined by the morphological rule alone.
(3) Some verbs have bisyllabic prefixes—e.g., contra=dict, inter=rupt, super=-
sede; the basic verb rule would have stress on the antepenult, but they are
stressed on the ult because the morphological structure is prefix plus base.
The morphological rule takes precedence.
(4) A few verbs contain two prefixes and a base. The stress is on the base:
For the purpose of this chapter it should be noted that stress is not only
a possible way of distinguishing between parts of speech, it also can be a
General Introduction 9
marker for contrast between words which are similar in form but opposite in
meaning (Bangura 2011a, p. 7).
References
Bangura, A. K. (2011a). Fettered –tions and –isms. San Diego, CA: Cognella.
Collins English Dictionary Online. (2018). Definition of ‘Africanism.’ Retrieved on
November 20, 2018 from https://www.collinsdictionary.com/us/dictionary/
english/africanism
Encyclopedia.com Online. (2018). Africanisms. Retrieved on November 20, 2018
from https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-
and-maps/africanisms
Langacker, R. W. (1967). Language and Its Structure. New York: Harcourt, Brace &
World, Inc.
Merriam-Webster Dictionary Online. (2018). Africanism. Retrieved on November 20,
2018 from https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/Africanism
O’Grady, W., Arcgibald, J., Aronoff, M. and Rees-Miller, J. (1989). Contemporary
Linguistics: An Introduction. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
10 A bdul K ar im Bangur a
Oxford Dictionaries. (2018). Africanism. Retrieved on November 20, 2018 from https://
en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/africanism
Pyles, T. and Algeo, J. (1982). The Origins and Development of the English Language 3rd
ed. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc.
Robertson, S. and Cassidy, F. F. (1954). The Development of English 2nd ed. Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
The Free Dictionary Online. (2018). Africanism. Retrieved on November 20, 2018 from
https://www.thefreedictionary.com/Africanisms
2
Africanism
K ingsley C hinedu Dar aojimba , C hinwe Beatr ice E zeok e ,
H adizat Audu Salihu and Patr ick E siemogie I dode
Accomplishments of Africanism
The political philosophy of Africanism can be said to have had several accom-
plishments especially with regard to the promotion of Africanity enshrined
Africanism 13
Limitations of Africanism
Some of the effects of slavery and colonialism also range from scattering
Africans and African cultural values abroad and exposing African values
to modifications and alterations. The more the people moved around the
Diaspora, the more African cultural elements were transmitted, assimilated
and modified, thereby losing their originality over time as can be seen in the
modified culinary, music, and language more so in the Diasporic cultures.
14 K ingsley C hinedu Dar aojimba , et al .
Africanism is meant to reshape what has been taught and upgrade knowl-
edge about Africa. It seeks to correct actions taken previously to demean
and degrade Blacks. African self-rediscovery is about the realization that it
is a culture that makes the African what he or she is and the transplantation
of European culture into Africa can never work because Africans are not
Europeans. Africans at home and in the Diaspora can learn from Europeans
but that knowledge has to be adapted to African culture (Osabu-Kle 2018,
p. 1). Africanism also covers every African and people of African descent
all over the world. The political philosophy of Africanism postulates that
every African should be proud of his or her heritage and bear the name
African with pride, instead of the derogatory appellation such as “Negro.”
Africanism is determined to eradicate the forced Westernization of Africans
by Europeans since the slave trade era. To accomplish the aims and objectives
of Africanism, this chapter employs love, understanding and willingness to
teach those who do not know, and encourage students of Africanism to por-
tray and disseminate the wisdom of Africa for the advancement of humankind
(Njaka 1971). For people to understand, appreciate and disseminate African
culture and identities, Njaka believes that Africanism requires a thorough
educational program which will work to change people’s mindsets toward
Africa. Africanism can be subsumed into an educational program which may
feature as an academic discipline and will treat African studies (of Africa and
the Africans in Diaspora) as an entity. The discipline is hoped to introduce
students of Africanism to various realms of specialization, including the com-
munity they wish to serve.
The study of Africanism, however, will only be meaningful if Blacks are
exposed to all the actions of the Western world on Blacks since the 15th
18 K ingsley C hinedu Dar aojimba , et al .
Century and the effects of such actions. Only then will Blacks understand
and recognize the problems and proceed to solve them (Njaka 1971).
Africanism is widely supported by Africans in the Diaspora because it
helped them to understand their roots and, most importantly, practice
African culture in its entirety. These aspects include religion, medicine,
cuisine, marriage, education, trade, child upbringing, etc. Many new gen-
erations of Africans in Europe and America are faced with the daunting chal-
lenge of bringing up their children and wards to understand, appreciate and
embrace the African culture; thus, Africanism as a concept to be learned and
appreciated through its educational programs is possible. Since the late 20th
Century, many institutions in Europe and America have offered courses on
Africa which have attracted not only people of African descent but those of
other races who are curious to know more about Africa and its people. For
example, according to Philips, “Africanism in the United States today has
two general tendencies which are the documentation of specific Africanism,
often traced to a particular area in Africa, in an attempt to show the distinc-
tively African nature of African American society and the increasing acknowl-
edgement of the influence of Africanism not just on African Americans but
also on the culture of Whites in the New world” (1990, pp. 225–237).
Africanism as a concept has been criticized by some scholars who believe
that individuals can choose where they want to belong and be proud of it.
One may be an African or of African descent but European or American
in all ramifications; thus, individual choice surfaces when it comes to
Africanism. Philips postulates that Epstein and Vass believed that time and
space should be considered in Africanism documents when he states the fol-
lowing: “Epstein and Vass have documented how African influence is one
important way in which American culture differs from European. Although
their approach has done much to document the survival of African culture
in the United States, it has ultimately documented as much African culture
among Whites as among blacks” (Philips 1990, p. 225). Philips also believes
that “Peter Wood and his followers have not shied from arguing that African
cultural survival among Whites in the United States is specific and pervasive”
(Phillips 1990, p. 226). Phillips (1990) further points out that Epstein and
Vass also believed that Africanism is a means of proving points about White
society in the United States when social scientists and historians begin to
investigate systematically the survival of African culture among Europeans
and Americans. Many Blacks have also criticized Africanism for hiding their
intelligence just to survive among Whites and people of other races. Phillips
puts it this way: “The study of the legacy of African culture has an even
greater obstacle to overcome in that some Blacks are more adamant about
Africanism 19
being recognized for their contributions if they were to claim African culture
and, thus, anxious to assimilate European norms” (1990, pp. 225–237).
Competing positions include Pan-Africanism, Garvinism, and Africanist.
All these positions aimed at restoring the culture and traditions of Africans
and Africans in the Diaspora. Since the founding of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU) in 1963, the need to establish a cultural basis for that
continent-wide intergovernmental institution has led a number of Africans to
devise a new ideology, Africanity, which is presented as the body of common
points among Africans and looks beyond petty local differences and stresses a
common fundamental identity (Sow 1979, p. 15). Africanism and Africanity
are concepts aimed at fostering the spirit of Africanness among African peo-
ple; however, Africanity focuses more on Africans in the continent, especially
the geopolitical areas of Africa.
Related Issues
As stated earlier, the following related issues to Africanism are examined in
this third section of the chapter: (a) trans-atlantic cultural influences in the
New World, (b) controversy over Gandhi at the University of Ghana, and
(c) African health crises and wellbeing. For the sake of lucidity, the issues are
discussed alongside the political undertones that have arisen from them.
The Myth of the Negro Past (Joyner 2003). Thompson’s research contrib-
uted greatly to the proliferation of interest in Africanism. For example,
Leland Ferguson’s research on colono-ware pottery in Virginia and the
Carolinas revealed imprints of blended cultural elements from “West
and Central African pottery skills and Native American design adapted
to regional material and European uses” (Joyner 2003, p. 5). Although
Ferguson (1992) expressed his dissatisfaction with the little contribution
of archaeology to expanding our knowledge of African American resis-
tance, Posnansky (1999) attributed this problem to the non-association of
the African cultural materials from the United States to the Black Studies
programs.
In relation to the political issues arising from the Trans-Atlantic Slave
Trade, it is clear that the massive movement of Africans into the New World
over a period of about 400 years had long-term international consequences
on Africa and the outside world. The long-term economic exploitation of
Blacks resulted in a remarkable social division between the rich White and
poor Black communities, the consequences of which still haunt American
societies (William 2019). Despite the abolishment of slavery, Blacks still
remain subjugated to Whites. The ideology of white supremacy has led to the
police, prosecutors and political officials giving a blind eye to the menace of
racial violence by Whites against Blacks. Being Black was perceived by many
as a crime and many Whites understood the script and knew how to report
cases in their favor. The poor response of the law enforcement and judiciary
to murder of Blacks by Whites in the United States has called for a cause
to worry. For example, the gruesome murder of a young Black American,
George Floyd, in May of 2020 by a negligent (or better put, insensitive)
Minneapolis White police officer in Minnesota sparked massive violent pro-
tests in the United States and some countries around the world. A couple of
murders of other Blacks such as Ahmaud Arbery and Breonna Taylor within
the same year have also occurred in the United States with impunity. All
these three victims of lynching were killed without due process within a time
period of ten weeks, with none of them being offered the opportunity to
defend themselves against the allegations (Brown 2020). From 1877 to 1950,
more than 4,400 Blacks have been lynched by White mobs with many of
them never formally accused of crimes (Brown 2020). This racial act of vio-
lence against Blacks is a threat to the future of Blacks in the United States
and perhaps beyond. And yet, one very positive factor has been witnessed in
these terrible conditions of dehumanizing the Black people: the rally around
Black communities and their anti-racist White allies to speak against this
racial menace and injustice.
22 K ingsley C hinedu Dar aojimba , et al .
indubitably right that Indians should have separate cells. The cells for [Natives]
were adjacent to ours. They used to make a frightful din in their cells as also in
the adjoining yard. We were given a separate ward because we were sentenced
to simple imprisonment; otherwise, we would have been in the same ward [with
the Natives]… Apart from whether or not this implies degradation, I must say
it is rather dangerous … They often started rows and fought among themselves.
The reader can easily imagine the plight of the poor Indian thrown into such
company! (restated in Desai & Valed 2015, p. 110).
actual reality but rather on extremely colonialist and racist precedents, in the
process contributing to a perpetuation of ideological, institutional, and social
racism. If we accept Browning’s assertion that “Africanness is hardly the deadly
pathogen,” and pause to consider the violence and prejudice communicated in
these media texts and the wider ideologies that inform them, it becomes worth-
while to ask who exactly presents the biggest threat and is causing the most
harm within these dynamics (2007, pp. 39–40).
From the preceding two quotations, it is obvious that the Western media
portend the biggest threat to Africa and not the Africanness with which
Africa has survived and thrived over several millennia. It is therefore impera-
tive that Africa’s future is controlled by Africans and not the Western media.
Issues of global health have continued to be politicized till today with
Africa continuously being subsumed in the center. One major obstacle to the
achievement of better health for all Africans is the politics associated with
health system reforms (Barnes et al. 2015). Global health actors or interna-
tional donors who fund such reforms play a major role in calling the shots.
Actors such as the World Bank has been accused of not engaging the local
populations for which such reforms were meant to serve (Barnes et al. 2015).
The continuous dependence of Africa on foreign aid has abetted its use as
a pawn in the hands of international donors. No doubt, Africa has been
debased to the extent that it always attracts pity in the eyes of the global com-
munity whenever there are life threatening issues such as a global pandemic.
It is heartwarming to know so if there are no hidden intentions. In as much
as Africans depend on foreign support, it is essential for Africans to develop
their local health care systems.
Conclusion
In this final and concluding section, we highlight and discuss how Africanism
can be employed to tackle some contemporary challenges facing Africa. The
26 K ingsley C hinedu Dar aojimba , et al .
selected challenges include (a) African identity crisis, (b) neo-colonialism, and
(3) globalization. After that, we retrospectively examine the implications of
the findings in this and the preceding sections, and then provide a suggestion
for future research on Africanism.
groups and to a greater extent display high contempt for Africanism. For
instance, Somalia and some African nations (including Northern Sudan and
some North African countries) opted to identify themselves as Asiatic-Arab
rather than Africans, not because of identity, strictly speaking, but also from
a socio-psychological belief that the former is more advanced than the latter
(Eno & Eno 2009), albeit this has vacillated depending on leadership ideol-
ogy. Some individuals (including scholars) from such countries, as further
recounted by Eno & Eno (2009), prefer to identify themselves first with their
Arabian identity than with their African citizenship when they congregate at
public events both within and outside Africa. According to Dukor,
Africans of the first half of this century have begun to search for their identity
because they had the feeling that they had lost it. The three factors which led
to this feeling were slavery, colonialism, and racialism; of all these, racialism
is said to be the source of the colonialism and slavery. It was because Africans
were considered racially inferior and culturally uncivilized that both Arabs
and Europeans felt a moral justification in expiating them by reducing them
to slavery. Therefore, the heart of the whole problem of African identity lies in
Racialism (quoted in Ndubuisi 2013, p. 224).
It should be noted here that the typical pre-colonial African society was
characterized by a traditional system of government with independent struc-
tured leadership which was later distorted by colonial territorial boundaries
(Eno & Eno 2009). Taking a leaf from Collins and Porras, “One of the most
important steps you can take in building a visionary company is not an action,
but a shift in perspective” (1997, p. 40). Similarly, one of the important ways
to address this issue of a seeming ‘loss of the African identity’ and liberation
from its stigma is a shift in perspective. For this to be effectively achieved,
Eno & Eno (2013) suggest that we should begin by laying the foundation of
Africanness at the national level. As an alternative solution to the problem,
Falola and Essien (2014) suggest a broader perspective such as appropriating
and performing African ideologies on local, regional, national, continental
and trans-Atlantic levels in order to sustain the Africanness which is gradually
disappearing. There is, therefore, the need to be “intrinsically proud of who
we are, and the ideological doctrine for which we stand” (Eno & Eno 2013,
p.75). If this is not done, “Africans are bound to lose touch with the reality
of their identity” (Eno & Eno 2013, p.75).
Challenges of Neo-Colonialism
Neo-colonialism is an ideological movement that is gradually affecting
the Africanness of Africa. This is apparent especially in foreign policy
28 K ingsley C hinedu Dar aojimba , et al .
On the contrary, Ugbam et al. (2014) are of the view that there is no delib-
erate design by America to Americanize Africa. They highlight the reasons
for such seeming belief of African Americanization by many individuals as
follows:
There are two possible explanations for the way it seems that the whole world
is wholeheartedly accepting American culture and replacing their indigenous
cultures with it. Firstly, whenever two cultures come into contact, acculturation
takes place naturally and this acculturation process is influenced by a natural
law that operates to the effect that what is weak is usually attracted to what is
strong. We have already seen that culture is a concept that represents peoples’
way of life. The strength of a culture can be measured in terms of the extent to
which it embodies positive qualities and values that enhance peoples’ standards
of living. The implication is that often when people accept the Western culture
it is because it is actually better than what they possess. Secondly, the majority
of Africans are plagued by inferiority complex which makes them believe that
the Western way of life is superior to theirs in all aspects. Consequently, they
are eager to accept anything Western while shunning anything African (Ugbam
et al. 2014, p. 68).
From the preceding statement, it is clear that one of the major drives of
globalization is to perpetuate an inferiority complex on Africans which will
make them feel that their culture is weaker than the Western culture. It is
therefore paramount for Africans to showcase their culture by focusing on
its strengths.
References
Achebe, C. (1958). Things Fall Apart. London, UK: Heinemann.
Barnes, A., Brown, G. W. & Harman, S. (2015). Global Politics of Health Reform in
Africa: Performance, Participation, and Policy. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Baumeister, R. F. (1985). Two kinds of identity crisis. Journal of Personality 53:407–424.
Brown, D. L. (June 3, 2020). Violent deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor reflect a
brutal American legacy. Retrieved on June 5, 2020 from
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/2020/06/history-of-lynching-violent-
deaths-reflect-brutal-american-legacy/
Africanism 31
Definition. Susceptible animals: pigs, dogs. Causes: unwholesome salt meat, lack
of fresh food, vegetables, potassium, bad environment, unvarying diet, lack of free
range, putrescent food, foul water, infection; non-recurrence. Lesions: blood black,
diffluent, little rigor mortis, excess of sodium, petechiæ and extravasations, red
marrow, softened, swollen, bleeding, ulcerating gums. Symptoms: Anorexia,
prostration, debility, tardy movements, petechiæ, loss of bristles, ulcers, gum
lesions, joint swellings, blood extravasations. Diarrhœa. Prognosis unfavorable.
Treatment: correct unwholesome environment and food, wash, rich food partly
green or animal, iron, bitters, arsenic, mouth wash (potassium chlorate), for
suckling milk. Butcher.