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ANGER AT WORK
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ANGER
AT WORK
Prevention, Intervention, and Treatment
in High-Risk Occupations
edited by
Amy B. Adler and David Forbes

Copyright © 2021 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
Except as permitted under the United States Copyright Act of 1976, no part of this
publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, including,
but not limited to, the process of scanning and digitization, or stored in a database or
retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
The opinions and statements published are the responsibility of the editors and authors,
and such opinions and statements do not necessarily represent the policies of the
American Psychological Association.
Published by
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Cover Designer: Anne C. Kerns, Anne Likes Red, Inc., Silver Spring, MD
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Adler, Amy B., 1963- editor. | Forbes, David (Clinical psychologist), editor.
Title: Anger at work : prevention, intervention, and treatment in high-risk

occupations / edited by Amy B. Adler and David Forbes.
Description: Washington, DC : American Psychological Association, [2021] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020058659 (print) | LCCN 2020058660 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781433833076 (paperback) | ISBN 9781433833328 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Job stress. | Anger. | Hazardous occupations—Job stress. |
Violence in the workplace—Prevention.
Classification: LCC HF5548.85 .A65 2021 (print) | LCC HF5548.85 (ebook) |
DDC 658.3/82—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020058659
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020058660
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000244-000
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To Jason, Dylan, Debbie, Miriam,
and my Heidelberg mentors
—AMY B. ADLER
To Bec, Nat, and my Phoenix, Australia, family

—DAVID FORBES
Contents
Contributors ix
Acknowledgments xiii
Why Anger Matters: An Introduction 3

I. FOUNDATIONS 13
1. An Overview of Anger: A Common Emotion With a
Complicated Backstory 15
Jeffrey M. Osgood and Phillip J. Quartana
2. Anger as an Occupational Health Challenge for Employees

in High-Risk Occupations 45
Thomas W. Britt, Chloe A. Wilson, Eric B. Elbogen,
Elizabeth E. Van Voorhees, and Kirsten Dillon
II. ORGANIZATIONAL CONTEXT 79

3. Moral Injury and Anger in the Workplace 81
Andrea J. Phelps, Lisa Dell, and Kim Murray
4. Emotional Culture and the Angry Team 111

Olivia (Mandy) O’Neill
5. Anger and the Role of Supervisors at Work 141

Leslie B. Hammer, James D. Lee, Cynthia D. Mohr, and Shalene J. Allen
vii
viii • Contents
III. CLINICAL CONTEXT 173

6. Anger in Occupations Characterized by Repeated Threat
and Stress Exposure: The Longitudinal View in the
Military Context 175
Ellie Lawrence-Wood, Miranda Van Hooff, and Alexander McFarlane
7. The Cost of Anger: Suicide in the U.S. Army 201

James A. Naifeh, Oscar I. Gonzalez, Holly B. Herberman Mash,
Carol S. Fullerton, and Robert J. Ursano
8. Clinical Interventions for Problematic Anger 247

Leslie A. Morland, Lisa H. Glassman, Margaret-Anne Mackintosh,
and Paula P. Schnurr
9. Cognitive Bias Interventions 275

Gal Arad and Yair Bar-Haim
IV. FUTURE DIRECTIONS 303

10. Advancing Anger Research 305
David Forbes and Amy B. Adler
Index 317
About the Editors 335
Contributors
Amy B. Adler, PhD, Senior Scientist, Center for Military Psychiatry and
Neuroscience, Walter Reed Army Institute of Research, Silver Spring, MD,
United States
Shalene J. Allen, BS, Senior Research Assistant, Oregon Institute of
Occupational Health Sciences, Oregon Health & Science University,
Portland, OR, United States
Gal Arad, MA, PhD Student, School of Psychological Sciences, Tel Aviv
University, Tel Aviv, Israel
Yair Bar-Haim, PhD, Professor, School of Psychological Sciences, Tel Aviv

University, Tel Aviv, Israel
Thomas W. Britt, PhD, Professor, Department of Psychology, Clemson
University, Clemson, SC, United States
Lisa Dell, PhD, Senior Research Fellow, Phoenix Australia, Centre for
Posttraumatic Mental Health; Senior Research Fellow, Department
of Psychiatry, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia
Kirsten Dillon, PhD, Psychologist, Durham Veterans Affairs Health Care
System and Clinical Associate, Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral
Sciences, Behavioral Medicine, School of Medicine, Duke University,
Durham, NC, United States
ix
x • Contributors
Eric B. Elbogen, PhD, Psychologist, Durham Veterans Affairs Health Care

System and Professor, Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Behavioral
Medicine, School of Medicine, Duke University, Durham, NC, United States
David Forbes, PhD, Director, Phoenix Australia, Centre for Posttraumatic
Mental Health; Professor, Department of Psychiatry, University of
Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia
Carol S. Fullerton, PhD, Professor, Department of Psychiatry, and Scientific
Director, Center for the Study of Traumatic Stress, Uniformed Services
University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, United States
Lisa H. Glassman, PhD, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Psychiatry, University
of California, San Diego and Clinical Psychologist, San Diego Healthcare
System, San Diego, CA, United States
Oscar I. Gonzalez, PhD, Major, US Army, and Assistant Professor, Department
of Psychiatry, and Scientist, Center for the Study of Traumatic Stress,
Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD,
United States
Leslie B. Hammer, PhD, Professor, Oregon Institute of Occupational Health
Sciences, Oregon Health & Science University, and Professor, Department
of Psychology, Portland State University, Portland, OR, United States
Ellie Lawrence-Wood, PhD, Research Fellow, Phoenix Australia, Centre for
Posttraumatic Mental Health and Research Fellow, Department of Psy-
chiatry, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia; Adjunct Fellow,
Discipline of Psychiatry, University of Adelaide, Adelaide, Australia
James D. Lee, MS, Graduate Student, Department of Psychology, Portland

State University, Portland, OR, United States
Margaret-Anne Mackintosh, PhD, Clinical Psychologist, National Center
for PTSD, Dissemination and Training Division, VA Palo Alto Healthcare
System, Menlo Park, CA, United States
Holly B. Herberman Mash, PhD, Research Associate Professor, Department
of Psychiatry, Scientist, Center for the Study of Traumatic Stress, Uniformed
Services University of the Health Sciences, and Research Psychologist,
Henry M. Jackson Foundation for the Advancement of Military Medicine,
Bethesda, MD, United States
Alexander McFarlane, AO, MB BS (Hons), MD, FRANZCP, Dip Psychother,
Professor of Psychiatry, University of Adelaide, Adelaide, and Professorial
Fellow (Honorary), Phoenix Australia, Centre for Posttraumatic Mental
Health; Department of Psychiatry, University of Melbourne, Melbourne,
Australia
Contributors • xi
Cynthia D. Mohr, PhD, Professor, Department of Psychology, Portland State

University, Portland, OR, United States
Leslie A. Morland, PsyD, Professor of Psychiatry, University of California,
San Diego, National Center for PTSD - Pacific Island Division, and
Director, Telemental Health Center at the VA San Diego Health Care
System, San Diego, CA, United States
Kim Murray, DClinPsy, Clinical Research Specialist, Phoenix Australia,
Centre for Posttraumatic Mental Health; Research Fellow (Mental Health),
Department of Psychiatry, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia
James A. Naifeh, PhD, Research Associate Professor, Department of
Psychiatry, Scientist, Center for the Study of Traumatic Stress, Uniformed
Services University of the Health Sciences, and Research Psychologist,
Henry M. Jackson Foundation for the Advancement of Military Medicine,
Olivia (Mandy) O’Neill, PhD, Associate Professor of Management,
George Mason University School of Business, and Senior Scientist, George
Mason University Center for the Advancement of Well-Being, Fairfax, VA,
United States
Jeffrey M. Osgood, PhD, Associate Director, Department of Military
Psychiatry, Center for Military Psychiatry and Neuroscience, Walter Reed
Army Institute of Research, Silver Spring, MD, United States
Andrea J. Phelps, PhD, Professor and Deputy Director, Phoenix Australia,
Centre for Posttraumatic Mental Health; Professor, Department of
Psychiatry, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia

Phillip J. Quartana, PhD, Research Psychologist, Department of Military
Psychiatry, Center for Military Psychiatry and Neuroscience, Walter Reed
Army Institute of Research, Silver Spring, MD, United States
Paula P. Schnurr, PhD, Executive Director, National Center for PTSD,
White River Junction, VT, and Professor of Psychiatry, Geisel School of
Medicine, Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH, United States
Robert J. Ursano, MD, Professor of Psychiatry and Neuroscience and
Director, Center for the Study of Traumatic Stress, Department of
Psychiatry, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences,
Miranda Van Hooff, PhD, Director, Military and Emergency Services Health
Australia, Hospital Research Foundation; Adjunct Senior Research Fellow,
Discipline of Psychiatry, University of Adelaide, Adelaide, Australia
xii • Contributors
Elizabeth E. Van Voorhees, PhD, Psychologist, Durham Veterans Affairs

Medical Center and Assistant Professor, Department of Psychiatry and
Behavioral Sciences, and Duke University Medical Center, Durham, NC,
United States
Chloe A. Wilson, PhD, Industrial-Organizational Psychology Graduate
Student, Department of Psychology, Clemson University, Clemson, SC,
United States
Acknowledgments
We thank our colleagues at the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research and
Phoenix Australia–Centre for Posttraumatic Mental Health for their support in
putting together this volume. In particular, we thank Kelly Toner and Belinda
Pacella for their technical assistance. We also recognize those who serve or
have served in high-risk occupations, including first responders and military
personnel, for their dedication, professionalism, and sacrifice. We hope that
this volume can facilitate efforts to provide effective support for members of
these essential occupations.
xiii
ANGER
AT WORK
Prevention, Intervention, and Treatment
in High-Risk Occupations
edited by

WHY ANGER MATTERS
An Introduction
AMY B. ADLER AND DAVID FORBES
Anger is a normal human emotion. It can signal response to difficulty, injus-

tice, and frustration. It can highlight the need to address serious shortfalls
at work or in society, energize calls for social change, and motivate people
to action. However, problematic anger—anger that is elevated, prolonged,
and destructive—can not only fail to serve a useful purpose but also interfere
with effective functioning and contribute to distress in those with problematic
anger and those around them. It can also cost an organization. For example,
one study estimated that dealing with conflict in the U.S. workplace cost
approximately $359 billion a year in employee time (CPP Inc., 2008). Not only
can problematic anger potentially reduce morale, suppress productivity, and
increase employee turnover, there is emerging consensus that it can take a toll
on an individual’s physical and psychological health. There is also emerging
consensus that problematic anger is relatively prevalent. For example, in a
Material has been reviewed by the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research. There
is no objection to its presentation and/or publication. The opinions or assertions
contained herein are the private views of the author, and are not to be construed as
official, or as reflecting true views of the Department of the Army or the Department
of Defense.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000244-001
Anger at Work: Prevention, Intervention, and Treatment in High-Risk Occupations,
A. B. Adler and D. Forbes (Editors)
4 • Adler and Forbes
large survey study of U.S. military personnel and military veterans, one in six
exceeded the established cutoff on a measure of problematic anger (Adler
et al., 2020). Problematic anger is not simply a reflection of other mental
health problems but can occur independent of disorders such as posttraumatic
stress disorder, depression, and alcohol abuse (Adler et al., 2020) and may
reflect transdiagnostic biases and distortions in information processing (Owen,
2011). The prevalence of problematic anger, its association with distress,
impact on interpersonal relationships, and disruption of decision making
(Angie et al., 2011) have significance for job performance.
HIGH-RISK OCCUPATIONS
Although job performance is critical across a range of industries, in the

context of high-risk occupations, job performance can mean the difference
between life and death. These high-risk occupations require employees to
operate under high-stakes conditions. Typified by occupations such as the
military, policing, and firefighting, high-risk occupations include a range
of jobs in which employees routinely place their lives on the line or work to
rescue the lives of others. The lessons learned about problematic anger from
these occupations are important because they occur in a context that may
amplify the role of problematic anger. Thus, these lessons have the potential
to chart a path forward for how employees, clinicians, supervisors, and senior
management can address problematic anger before it undermines the mission
of these organizations or causes distress in individuals, teams, and families.
This volume is designed to recognize the importance of problematic anger

by pulling together key lessons from a range of disciplines. These disciplines,
including clinical, organizational, and cognitive perspectives, often exist in
parallel, although there is much that can be gained from considering the
advances made in each of these areas. Across chapters, the authors in this vol-
ume offer a summary of key points and description of implications regarding
how this information can be applied. In bringing voices from across these disci-
plines together in one volume, our goal is to help support this crossover and the
development of a transdisciplinary approach to addressing problematic anger.
THE NATURE OF HIGH-RISK OCCUPATIONS
High-risk occupations differ culturally from other occupations in ways that

are important to consider (see Table 1 for a summary). First, these high-risk
occupations typically operate with an underlying psychological contract in
Why Anger Matters • 5
TABLE 1. Unique Characteristics of High-Risk Occupations

Characteristic Description
Psychological contract Individuals accept the danger inherent in the occupation
and in exchange expect adequate training, equipment,
and leadership, as well as support for themselves and
their family if they are injured.
Close bonds The shared experience of facing a common threat forges a
strong connection between teammates that can create
an intense sense of loyalty within the group.
Multilevel leadership Organizations are defined by strong hierarchies that
reinforce the importance of leaders in the health and
well-being of team members.
Mission focused Team members are dedicated to the mission, deriving their
core values and identity from their work.
Encountering threat As part of their work, individuals are trained to encounter
potentially traumatic events and are prepared for
multiple and repeated threats.
Heightened activation In preparing for threats, individuals may develop reactions
that reflect heightened physiological activation or
hypervigilance.
which the elements of danger are considered in the context of a commit-

ment to the employee by the organization (Adler & Castro, 2013; Adler &
Sowden, 2018). That is, individuals are willing to risk their lives to perform
a particular mission, and in exchange they expect that they will receive
adequate training, equipment, and leadership to perform under these condi-
tions. They also expect that if they are to be hurt or killed during their job,
the organization will support them in dealing with their injury, and where
fatal, the families they leave behind.
Second, the shared experience of operating under these difficult conditions
creates a strong bond across members of these occupations. This bond can be
reflected at the individual level (in terms of battle buddies in the military or
partners in policing) and at the team or unit level. This bond is important for
helping provide mutual support based on a common understanding of the
threats that these individuals face and the fact that they rely on one another
for their survival. Indeed, these bonds can create a perspective reflecting an
ingroup and outgroup dynamic. This dynamic can both strengthen the sense
of connection within the team and challenge the sense of connection beyond
that team, which under extreme conditions can potentially result in unre-
stricted loyalty to the group or alienation from the larger civilian community
but which otherwise can serve as an important source of support.
Third, these occupations are multilevel and typically organized around a
strong hierarchical structure. The multilevel nature of this structure implies
that anger can be understood not only in terms of changes within individuals
over time or between individuals but also in terms of differences across teams
and in terms of the organization’s culture and climate as a whole (Ashkanasy
& Dorris, 2017). In high-risk occupations, this structure is an efficient way
to direct teams and communicate, and it elevates the significant role of leaders
throughout the organization. These leaders are usually nested within a larger
hierarchy and have tremendous influence on the health, well-being, and
functioning of their subordinate employees. Thus, understanding the role of
leaders is essential to understanding the experience of employees working
in high-risk occupations.
Fourth, individuals working within high-risk occupations typically share
a sense of dedication to the mission and derive meaning from the work.
These jobs are more than simply a way to earn a living; they represent an indi-
vidual’s identity and define their core values of service. Thus, violations of
this identity or core value (see Phelps et al., Chapter 3, this volume) present
a potentially traumatic event that can set off a cascade of difficulties with
emotion regulation in general and problematic anger in particular.
Fifth, individuals operating in high-risk occupations may be confronted
with potentially traumatic events as part of their occupational responsibilities.
Rather than react to a specific unexpected event, these employees are trained
for these potentially traumatic events, and to some degree even expect them.
For example, in the military, even though combat-related events may occur
suddenly and without warning, they are not wholly unexpected. Indeed, they
may not even be completely unwelcome, as they present an opportunity to
use one’s training, test one’s mettle, and perform one’s duty in support of
the larger team. This context, however, means that understanding the mental
health sequelae of these events requires considering that they are not neces-
sarily due to a discrete event; rather they may represent a series of events.
This occupational context suggests that prevention, assessment, and treat-
ment for trauma-related mental health should consider the circumstances of
symptom emergence and the nature of the traumatic events.
Finally, individuals in these high-risk occupations may experience symp-
toms prior to being directly exposed to an occupationally related traumatic
event (Adler & Castro, 2013). For example, although irritability may be a
symptom of posttraumatic mental health problems, it may result from a
heightened level of chronic physiological activation consistent with what is
needed in the occupation rather than direct exposure to trauma. Problematic
anger may also result from inconsistent sleep schedules because of shift work
or operating under restricted sleep conditions (Hisler & Krizan, 2017). Thus,
heightened irritability or problematic anger may reflect training that results
in hypervigilance to danger and heightened activation as well as working

conditions that impact emotional regulation.
ANGER AND CLINICAL DISORDERS
Elevating the conversation about problematic anger is essential for ensuring

that it is addressed at the organizational, epidemiological, and clinical levels.
Although the authors in this volume enumerate what is known about prob-
lematic anger, much of the research is limited by the fact that there is no
consistent definition of problematic anger.
In the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.; Amer-
ican Psychiatric Association, 2013), anger is a central feature in five diagnoses
(i.e., intermittent explosive disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, disruptive
mood dysregulation disorder, borderline personality disorder, and bipolar
disorder; Fernandez & Johnson, 2016). As Fernandez and Johnson (2016)
noted, however, there is a lack of studies comparing the etiology of anger
across these diagnoses.
It is also unclear whether these five diagnoses are helpful in understanding
the experience of adults working in high-risk occupations. Instead, for many
individuals in high-risk occupations, problematic anger may be the core fea-
ture of their experience independent of these disorders and developmental
history. Indeed, epidemiological research on mental health suggest that for men
especially, anger (along with alcohol abuse and risk taking) may account for
what had been a perceived difference in prevalence of depression between
men and women (Martin et al., 2013).

Despite the potential importance of taking problematic anger into account
when considering the adjustment of members serving in high-risk occupations,
problematic anger is not a necessary diagnostic component of posttraumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) or depression, disorders more common typically asso-
ciated with these occupations. For example, irritation and anger are included
as two optional symptoms in PTSD, and irritation is woven into mood dis
orders as an associated feature of major depression.
Without deliberately reckoning with issues of problematic anger, we risk
missing the opportunity to address this topic head-on, assuming instead that
problematic anger will be resolved as a consequence of other prevention and
intervention strategies. Indeed, research demonstrates that residual anger
reactions are in fact the drivers that determine the trajectory of recovery
(Cabrera et al., 2016; Lawrence-Wood et al., Chapter 6, this volume) and
the nature of the response to current treatments (e.g., Lloyd et al., 2014).
Therapists themselves become less adherent to protocols when working with

patients high in anger (Boswell et al., 2013). Thus, it is critically important
to understand how leaders in the field view what is known about problem-
atic anger, what key insights can be illuminated, and what gaps remain.
Without these efforts, problematic anger will likely remain what Cassiello-
Robbins and Barlow (2016) described as an “unrecognized emotion” in
emotional disorders and what Kassinove and Sukhodolsky (1995) termed
the “forgotten emotion.”
ANGER AT WORK: OVERVIEW
The goal of this volume is to enhance awareness, research, and clinical advance-
ments dedicated to addressing problematic anger by examining both organi-
zational and clinical perspectives. We have therefore structured the chapters
into four sections: Foundations, Organizational Context, Clinical Context, and
Future Directions.
We begin with an introduction into what is known about problematic
anger in high-risk occupations. In Chapter 1, Osgood and Quartana describe
how anger is conceptualized, contrasting state and trait anger, theoretical
perspectives on anger, and the role of cognitive processing. In Chapter 2,
Britt, Wilson, Elbogen, Van Voorhees, and Dillon detail the prevalence of
problematic anger, contrast assessments of anger, review how anger can
impact functioning, and suggest a model for considering the way in which
anger is developed and sustained. They propose a model that highlights the
role of hostile appraisals and threat detection after trauma exposure.

Following this foundation, the next section comprises three chapters that
discuss anger from a distinctly organizational context. Phelps, Dell, and
Murray focus in Chapter 3 on the ways in which moral injury play a role in the
development and sustainment of both anger and problematic anger. Whether
individuals perpetrate action that violates their own sense of morality, they
are the victim of this violation by others, or they witness this violation, moral
injury can initiate a cycle of anger within an occupational context. Through a
series of case studies, the emerging issues of moral injury are highlighted as a
potential point of both prevention and intervention that has not been as well
researched but may help account for why evidence-based interventions for
mental health problems such as PTSD are not as effective with members of
high-risk occupations.
The next two chapters specifically focus on the organizational environment
in which employees in high-risk occupations operate. In Chapter 4, O’Neill
introduces the concept of emotional culture and how emotions influence
employees at the level of the team. She uses qualitative data from fire-
fighters and medical teams to demonstrate the dynamic of an angry team.
In Chapter 5, Hammer, Lee, Mohr, and Allen describe supervisor anger, how
organizational stressors drive supervisor anger, and how employees and their
families are negatively impacted. They also explore ways in which organiza-
tions can train supervisors in supportive behaviors that can ultimately lead
them to be more effective. This section implicitly acknowledges that indi-
viduals in high-risk occupations operate within a multilevel framework by
taking into account the role of teams and the organization as a whole in
navigating issues associated with the emotion of anger.
The next section of the volume shifts to an examination of clinical issues
related to problematic anger. In Chapter 6, Lawrence-Wood, Van Hooff, and
McFarlane describe the long-term psychological cost of problematic anger,
explain how anger and aggression may be driven by neurobiological mech-
anisms associated with threat detection and sympathetic activation, and
document the increase in anger following transition from military life. Focusing
on suicide, in Chapter 7, Naifeh, Gonzalez, Mash, Fullerton, and Ursano sum-
marize what is known about problematic anger and suicide-related events,
identify key points of high risk, and address the need to consider the adaptive
role of anger in job performance while considering the impact of anger on
suicide risk.
Following this review of mental health problems and problematic anger,
two chapters focus on interventions. Morland, Glassman, Mackintosh, and
Schnurr provide an overview of what is known about clinical treatments for
problematic anger. Chapter 8 is key because evidence-based treatments are
not as effective with individuals from high-risk occupations who have prob-
lematic anger. Adapting treatments and developing ancillary interventions is
fundamental to providing effective support to these individuals. In Chapter 9,
Arad and Bar-Haim describe a novel treatment adjunct with a strong evi-
dence base: cognitive bias modification. They explain the origins of cognitive
bias modification, how it has been adapted for use with problematic anger,
and results that demonstrate the utility of this approach in disrupting the
sequence from attention to interpretation to response inhibition. The volume
concludes with Chapter 10, a final section in which Forbes and Adler provide a
summary of underlying themes and suggestions for future directions.
Collectively, these chapters challenge us to consider compelling frame-
works for understanding problematic anger in high-risk occupations and
chart a course for future research. Currently, much of the research on prob-
lematic anger has been conducted with military personnel or veterans, yet
it is increasingly apparent that these topics may be important to consider
with regard to use-of-force decisions in policing and with regard to health
care workers on the frontline of combatting infectious disease. It is our hope

that these and other occupational contexts can benefit from a more careful
examination of problematic anger.
Likewise, the relationship between risk factors and problematic anger
articulated here is largely forged under extreme conditions that may bring
the connection between risk factors and outcomes into sharper relief. Thus,
we believe that certain lessons may be relevant in an adapted form to a
host of other occupational contexts—from management consulting to super
markets. Nevertheless, our priority here is to spur research into problematic
anger in high-risk occupations to build a comprehensive approach, identify
key assessment and intervention opportunities, and establish priorities for
future research. In this way, those who knowingly place themselves at risk
as part of their occupation do so with organizations and clinical support pre-
pared to engage in best practices and minimize the prevalence and impact
of problematic anger.
REFERENCES
Adler, A. B., & Castro, C. A. (2013). The occupational mental health model for
the military. Military Behavioral Health, 1(1), 41–45. https://doi.org/10.1080/
21635781.2012.721063
Adler, A. B., LeardMann, C. A., Roenfeldt, K. A., Jacobson, I. G., Forbes, D., & the
Millennium Cohort Study Team. (2020). Magnitude of problematic anger and its
predictors in the Millennium Cohort. BMC Public Health, 20(1), 1168. https://
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PART
I FOUNDATIONS

1 AN OVERVIEW OF ANGER
A Common Emotion With a Complicated
Backstory
JEFFREY M. OSGOOD AND PHILLIP J. QUARTANA
KEY POINTS
• The literature describing anger is extant, predates modern scientific
research, and extends to early philosophical thought.
• Anger may occur in reaction to a perceived hostile situation and is

quelled or intensified through a combination of biological, physiolog-
ical, cognitive, psychological, motivational, and sociocultural factors.
• Anger is unique among negative emotions, as it is associated with

approach motivation. Unlike other negative emotions (e.g., sadness),
anger can be a powerful motivator to take action.
(continues)
Material has been reviewed by the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research. There
is no objection to its presentation and/or publication. The opinions or assertions
contained herein are the private views of the authors and are not to be construed as
official or as reflecting true views of the Department of the Army or the Department
of Defense.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000244-002
Anger at Work: Prevention, Intervention, and Treatment in High-Risk Occupations,
A. B. Adler and D. Forbes (Editors)
15
16 • Osgood and Quartana
KEY POINTS (Continued)

• Stable individual differences in the tendency to become angry (trait
anger) and individual difference in the expression of anger (trait anger
management) are associated with a host of outcomes in the areas
of judgment and decision making, health, pain sensitivity, and occu
pational behavior.
• The stresses and challenges of high-risk occupations may create

environments prone to foster anger and vulnerable to the negative
consequences thereof.
When asked to describe his character named Anger from Disney’s film
Inside Out, comedian and voice actor Lewis Black remarked, “Anger is all
about getting the job done. . . . He only does it because he really cares though”
(Pixar, 2015). Anger is unique because it is the lone negative emotional state
that is approach motivated. Unlike fear, sadness, and worry, anger compels
one to act, to get even, to come out on top (Harmon-Jones et al., 2011). The
approach-motivation aspect of anger is borne out in behavioral and psycho-
physiological data (Carver & Harmon-Jones, 2009). Like positive emotions,
which are also fundamentally approach motivated, anger can be useful in
the right context. For example, anger can facilitate persuasion in political,
consumer, and business communications when used adeptly (Adam & Brett,
2015; Walter et al., 2019). Of course, anger and aggression often have nega
tive individual, interpersonal, and societal consequences. However, some

evidence suggests that volitional attempts to suppress anger can also have
deleterious consequences for one’s health and well-being (Julkunen, 1996).
In short, anger is complicated, and attempts to understand and conceptu-
alize it have been a part of philosophical, clinical, and scientific inquiry for
centuries. The complicated nature of anger may be particularly relevant
in high-risk occupations. As we identify at several points in this chapter,
high-risk occupational settings often combine the ingredients for anger with
heightened stakes for the inappropriate expression of anger and aggression.
Anger is a ubiquitous and unique negative emotion that has been tied to
manifold physiological, psychological, clinical, and social outcomes. Anger
is experienced by everyone. A large sample of adults reported experiencing
an average of 7.3 episodes of anger per week (Averill, 1983). It can manifest
as feelings of irritation to feelings of rage. Aggression, the primary behavioral
corollary of anger, can range from subtle to extreme. Predictions of when
one will become angry, how angry one will become, and ultimately whether
An Overview of Anger • 17
one will act upon that anger are immensely complicated. There is an inter-
weaving of biological, physiological, cognitive, psychological, motivational,
and sociocultural factors.
In this chapter, we outline conceptualizations of anger and aggression. We
then discuss the cornerstone role for individual differences in the tendency
to become angry, or trait anger, in the context of predicting anger and its
behavioral corollaries. We summarize four modern theoretical models of trait
anger and aggression: (a) the integrative cognitive model (ICM; Wilkowski &
Robinson, 2010), (b) general aggression model (GAM; Anderson & Bushman,
2002), (c) transdiagnostic model (Owen, 2011), and (d) triple imbalance model
(van Honk et al., 2010). To conclude, we present examples of workplace anger
and aggression, as well as anger in judgment and decision making.
ANGER: CONCEPTUALIZATIONS PAST AND PRESENT
Ancient Greeks and Romans observed the ease with which people are angered.
Those who had what was called “choleric temperament” were defined by some
combination of being aggressive, selfish, excitable, and impulsive (Kalachanis &
Michailidis, 2015; Lester, 1990). Roman poet Horace proclaimed that anger
is temporary madness (Lindebaum & Gabriel, 2016). Seneca argued that
anger is inherently counterproductive and should be avoided even in warfare
and sporting competitions (Kemp & Strongman, 1995). This perspective may
be attributable to the tendency for ancient thinkers to conflate the emotion of
anger with acts of extreme or overt aggression. For instance, Aristotle defined
anger as “a desire, accompanied by pain, for a perceived revenge, on account

of a perceived slight on the part of people who are not to slight one or one’s
own” (Braund & Most, 2004, p. 100). Similarly, Homeric Greek poetry con-
tains many terms in place of anger, but most poems describe anger princi-
pally as a mentally distressing reaction to perceived wrongdoing and as part
of an impelling force in revenge (Braund & Most, 2004). Over time, Western
philosophical thought has largely adopted the notion that anger is harmful
and/or socially unacceptable and should be subdued (Braund & Most, 2004;
Potegal & Novaco, 2010). These characterizations, which were made largely
on the basis of anecdotes and not through any scientific experimentation or
analysis, are actually broadly well-aligned with more modern conceptual-
izations of individual differences in anger. Indeed, in the 1980s, Spielberger
and colleagues (1988) introduced what remains to this day the most influ-
ential state–trait theory of anger. In short, state anger is a transient reaction
that ranges from mild annoyance or irritation to outright rage. Trait anger
reflects more enduring individual differences in the tendency to experience

state anger in the context of provocation, in terms of frequency, intensity, and
duration. These two components act additively and interactively to deter-
mine the intensity, duration, and frequency of anger and aggression.
Literary depictions of anger have mirrored the philosophical winds sur-
rounding the emotion. Hera cursed Heracles with blind rage that caused him
to murder his family. The typically measured and rational Othello murdered his
beloved Desdemona out of jealous anger in the classic Shakespearean play.
This pattern remains evident in modern times. For instance, in the popular
Marvel Comics series The Incredible Hulk, the calm and intelligent scientist
Bruce Banner is transformed into an uncontrollable Hulk of rage when he is
provoked to anger.
The traditional view in pop psychology is also generally that anger is
a dangerous emotion, one that should at most times be kept in check. In
fact, society tends to view anger and aggression as signs of trouble, danger,
and destruction. The self-help industry has capitalized on public concerns
about anger. A simple search on Amazon.com for “anger management self-
help books” yields more than 2,000 results. The view of anger as “pent up”
has given rise to the widespread pop belief that finding nonviolent ways to
release aggressive energy (e.g., physical exercise) is important to prevent
anger from reaching uncontrollable levels. Indeed, our vernacular contains
popular phrases that imply this perspective (e.g., “blow off steam”).
Building on these notions, some studies have shown that bottling anger
can yield painful short-term consequences (Burns, Quartana, & Bruehl, 2008).
Burns and colleagues (2007) showed that healthy young adults who were
asked to suppress their emotional responses and thoughts about their

emotions during anger provocation had increased negative emotional and
physical responses to acute pain. Among chronic pain patients, holding
back emotional expression during anger provocation has also been linked
to exaggerated muscle tension and increased clinical pain severity (Burns
et al., 2006; Burns, Holly, et al., 2008).
The link between anger suppression and pain may be particularly pre-
scient for workers in certain high-risk occupations. Many high-risk jobs (e.g.,
military, police, firefighters, emergency medical technicians) involve stressful
situations that can engender anger as well as a high incidence of chronic
pain in the workforce (Carleton et al., 2017; Hauret et al., 2010). This link
underscores the importance of preparing workers in high-risk occupations to
use prosocial and effective anger-regulation strategies.
Other research paradoxically suggests that venting anger can cause more
harm than good. Social psychologist Brad Bushman (2002) conducted a classic
experiment in which college undergraduates were angered with criticizing
feedback on a personal essay ostensibly from another study participant

(actually prepared by the experimenter). Study participants were randomly
assigned to a rumination, control, or distraction condition. Those in the rumi-
nation condition followed the age-old advice of venting anger by hitting a
punching bag as hard and as many times as they wanted for 15 minutes
while viewing a picture of the “other participant” whom they believed had
criticized their essay. They were also instructed to think about the person
who had insulted their work. Participants in the distraction condition still
hit the punching bag but were asked to think about becoming physically
fit. Participants in the control condition simply waited for 15 minutes with-
out further instructions. Later, participants completed a mood questionnaire
and had the opportunity to harass their criticizer with unpleasant tones via
headphones during a subsequent task. Contrary to popular belief, those who
“vented” their anger by hitting a punching bag while viewing and imagining
their provocateur reported being the most angry on mood measures after
the fact and administered the loudest and longest duration or noise blasts
during the subsequent task. In other words, those who vented their anger
for 15 minutes were more angry and aggressive than those who were dis-
tracted or received no intervention at all. This study tested only one type of
venting (physical aggression); thus, it remains unclear whether other forms
of venting might have produced different results.
The ruminative effects of venting anger may impact workers in high-risk
occupations in particular (e.g., military, police), given the combination of
high stress and high stakes in their jobs. Limited research suggests venting
may be a common technique used by this population. For instance, venting
anger was a common coping strategy reported in a survey of police officers

in the United Kingdom (Pedersen et al., 2012). Unfortunately, such coping
strategies may be associated with burnout (Padyab et al., 2016). In comparison,
structured debriefings and counseling can reduce anger following stressful
work events (Leonard & Alison, 1999). However, venting in high-risk occu-
pations is underresearched and likely confounded with the experience of
greater anger and stress. Thus, more research is needed to determine the
extent to which venting anger is used and how it affects occupational and
health outcomes.
If we can take anything away from the history of the conceptualization
of anger, it is that anger is a complicated construct. Anger has uncommon
characteristics that make it difficult to categorize with other emotions.
Whether anger or aggression are acceptable, useful, harmful, or helpful
depends upon an interweaving of person-level and contextual factors, both
enduring and transient. This complexity is evident in modern theoretical
conceptualizations of trait anger and aggression, to which we now turn.
TRAIT ANGER: A GENERAL FRAMEWORK FOR

UNDERSTANDING ANGER AND AGGRESSION
Variance in state anger and aggression is most robustly accounted for when
personality is considered (Wilkowski & Robinson, 2010). Indeed, trait anger
is particularly important in the context of workplace aggression (Hershcovis
et al., 2007). Perceived provocation seems to be key to the importance of trait
anger in predicting state anger and aggression. The absence of provocation
tends to yield less robust associations between trait variables and state anger
and aggression outcomes (Bettencourt et al., 2006). The literature on trait
anger highlights the critical nature of trait constructs but also the importance of
considering them not in isolation but in the presence of key contextual factors,
perceived or otherwise (more on this later). We term this a Trait × Situation
framework. It is tantamount to notions of diathesis—stress most commonly
espoused in the abnormal and health psychology literatures.
Why is trait anger so critical to understanding anger? Research from
several areas suggests that trait anger accelerates reactivity effects in response
to a common stimulus set across a variety of relevant domains (e.g., social
exclusion/rejection, being insulted). This finding lays the foundation by which
we can underscore potential mechanisms that drive the link between trait
constructs and state outcomes. For instance, trait anger is associated with
heightened pain sensitivity, particularly during acute anger (Bruehl et al., 2006).
It is hypothesized that this relationship is due to dysfunctional endogenous
opioid analgesic systems (Bruehl et al., 2011). In addition to physiological
reactivity, high trait anger is associated with cognitive biases that can facili-
tate anger. For example, high trait anger is associated with attentional biases
toward hostile stimuli, increased hostile attributional bias when judging the
intentions of other people, and increased rumination (Wilkowski & Robinson,
2008; for a detailed discussion of cognitive bias, see Arad & Bar-Haim,
Chapter 9, this volume). The relationship between trait anger and hostile
attributional bias may be especially relevant to high-risk teams (e.g., mili-
tary, emergency medical technicians) that often work under conditions that
already put a strain on making judgments related to social cognition in ways
that intensify cognitive biases (e.g., poor sleep).
Not all individuals with the same level of trait anger will express their
anger the same way. Indeed, the inner experience of emotion is not always
strongly correlated with its associated behavioral outcome (Kennedy-Moore
& Watson, 1999). Trait anger management refers to individual differences
in how people manage their expression. The most used framework for trait
anger management in the literature comes from the work of Spielberger and
colleagues (1988), who distinguished between anger-out (the tendency to
express anger outwardly) and anger-in (the tendency to bottle up anger).
The majority of the work in this area has relied on self-report measures of
anger expression tendencies (Spielberger & Reheiser, 2003).
Whether self-report data accurately capture objective behavioral expres-
sion styles is not well known. However, in one study, Jasinski and colleagues
(2016) acutely angered research participants using a computer maze task and
then coded participants’ anger during a 4-minute postprovocation opportu-
nity that participants had to express their feelings. The Anger-Out/Expression
scale correlated with behavioral anger expression. The Anger-In/Suppression
scale did not correlate with any behavioral index of anger expression.
MEASUREMENT OF TRAIT ANGER
The theoretical frameworks that predict individual differences in the experi-

ence and expression of anger are only as useful as the instruments available to
assess these constructs. In general, most scientists have relied on one of two
methods: self-report questionnaires and ecological momentary assessments.
Self-Report Questionnaire
A multitude of self-report measures exist for anger and its various subconstructs
(Spielberger & Reheiser, 2010). By a wide margin, the most used assessment
of trait anger and anger expression is from the State–Trait Anger Expression
Inventory (STAXI), originally introduced by Spielberger and his associates in
the 1980s (Spielberger, 1988). The original scale included subscales tapping
trait anger, anger-out, anger-in, and anger control. The instrument includes
items such as, “When I get frustrated, I feel like hitting someone” and “I am
hot-headed.” A revised version, called STAXI-2 (Spielberger et al., 1999),
includes additional subscales for anger control and state anger. The STAXI
and STAXI-2 have been validated across many populations, and languages
display good psychometric properties (Etzler et al., 2014). They continue to
be highly popular tools for both researchers and clinicians to assess anger
(Eckhardt et al., 2004).
Ecological Momentary Assessment
Conceptually, the trait versus state distinction is clear. However, assessment

of these distinct facets of anger and aggression is difficult using retrospec-
tive self-report questionnaires. Responses may be influenced too heavily
by contextual factors, and the specificity of trait emotion-specific scales has
been called into question (Edmondson et al., 2013). The STAXI considers
state anger and trait anger as distinct constructs. However, some have argued
that anger may exist along on a continuum from state-like to trait-like
(Chaplin et al., 1988). It is difficult to capture this continuum using one-shot
measures of trait anger and anger expression. Questionnaires force respon-
dents into responses referring to “right now” or “in general” and do not allow
for empirical partitioning of sources of systematic variance across state and
trait anger components.
Ecological momentary assessment (EMA) can perhaps provide a more
nuanced picture of state anger, trait anger, and aggression. EMA involves
assessing anger periodically (e.g., every 30 minutes) throughout an extended
measurement window (e.g., 24 hours). This approach is often accomplished
using a diary or mobile app; questions ask respondents how they feel in their
current situation. EMA allows for partitioning of variance into state- and trait-
like components. State components are derived from within-person variance,
whereas trait components are derived from between-person variance (Bauer,
2011). Edmondson et al. (2013) showed that the majority of variance in EMA
reports of anger was attributable to trait-like (between-person) individual dif-
ferences. Unexpectedly, the estimate of trait-like variance did not correlate
strongly with traditional trait measures of hostility. The authors of the study
suggested that this finding could have arisen because the EMA questions do
not assess the broad content domain of single-setting self-report scales. EMA
appears to offer a more valid assessment of how individuals actually experi-
ence anger in their normal daily lives as opposed to asking respondents to
theorize about how angry they think they are in general. Thus, EMA could
offer an opportunity for researchers to assess state and trait aspects of anger
across a variety of ecologically valid settings and produce more externally

valid results but would be more costly than traditional self-report measures.
The availability of so many measures of trait and state anger, including
those just mentioned, has spawned much research on the nature of anger.
Further, the ease of use and wide-reaching validation of some self-report
measures have resulted in anger being measured across a broad range of
psychological research. As both an impetus for and consequence of this
research, several prominent theoretical frameworks have arisen to organize
our knowledge of anger and aggression.
MODELS OF ANGER AND AGGRESSION
We present four models of anger and aggression. These models share the
notion that enduring and stable differences in core patterns of thought and
motivation processes, such as attributional biases and approach motivation,
are drivers of individual differences in anger and aggression. They differ with
respect to the weight given to particular processes in the cognitive and motiva-
tional domains. Some models are also more focused on the role of additional
factors, such as genetics and physiological and sociocultural mediators and
moderators. The literature contains numerous models of anger and aggres-
sion. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to review them all, but the models
discussed in this section ought to provide the reader with a primer.
Integrative Cognitive Model

At its core, the ICM suggests that anger is the result of exaggerated hos-
tile interpretations of perceived hostile stimuli and perceived provocations
(Wilkowski & Robinson, 2010). This model is predominantly concerned
with predictions of reactive aggression, that is, aggression that is in response
to a provocation. This is opposed to another type of aggression, proactive
aggression, which has received significantly less empirical attention and
refers to aggression used in the service of obtaining an instrumental goal
(Hubbard et al., 2010).
Overall, ICM attempts to explain anger and aggression as the result of
interacting cognitive processes when the individual is presented with a hostile
situation. The ICM considers a number of cognitive processes; however, these
processes can be broadly organized into three groups: hostile interpretations,
ruminative attention, and effortful control. The first of these is a biased and
hostile-leaning interpretation of a situation or stimulus input. Those who tend
toward higher levels of anger and aggression have automatic interpretation
biases that lean toward hostile attributions. For instance, individuals with
high trait anger displayed stronger hostile attributional bias. Hostile attribu-
tional bias is the tendency to attribute hostile intent to the actions of others,
particularly when contextual and social cues are ambiguous (Pornari & Wood,
2010). Further, high-trait-anger individuals often display attentional biases
toward hostile cues in their environment (Wilkowski et al., 2007). Second,
the ICM proposes that ruminative processes follow the interpretation bias,
which leads to an amplification of the intensity of anger and/or more enduring
anger response. Ample data support a link between ruminative processes and
amplified emotional response (see Wilkowski & Robinson, 2008).
As a final function, the model proposes that anger and aggression are
more likely when the ability or motivation to control anger or aggression
using effortful self-regulation techniques is low. Individuals with high trait
anger are theorized to have dispositional low motivation or capacity to self-
regulate anger and aggression. The ICM proposes three viable pathways
whereby effortful regulation of anger can effectively curb a response to a
perceived hostile action: reappraisal, distraction, and suppression (Denson

et al., 2012; Gross, 2002). The ICM suggests that effortful control processes
are dynamic and not fixed. That is, activated hostile thoughts do not always
trigger self-regulatory cognitive responses, particularly for those with higher
levels of trait anger. It has been suggested that motivation to exert effortful
control over anger and aggression is limited (Stucke & Baumeister, 2006).
This limitation can contribute to anger and aggressive responding. For instance,
lab studies suggest that state-level variations in motivation to use effortful
control significantly alter aggressive responding to provocation (Osgood
& Muraven, 2016). On the one hand, this last point may be particularly
relevant to high-stress workplaces, as certain job stressors (time pressure,
work demands) can deplete one’s motivation to use self-control (Germeys &
De Gieter, 2018; Prem et al., 2016). On the other hand, high self-control can
buffer against the effect of high trait anger on workplace deviance following
provocation (Restubog et al., 2010).
In sum, the ICM suggests that interpretation and attributional biases
ignite an angry response and that effortful cognitive control processes are
not appropriately engaged among individuals who report higher levels of
trait anger. Thus, assuming the same situational event, both low- and high-
trait-anger individuals might display anger and some form of behavioral
aggression, but the former will be able to engage in some form of effortful
top-down cognitive control process to curtail the initial response.
General Aggression Model

The GAM considers social, cognitive, developmental, and biological factors

related to anger and aggression (Anderson & Bushman, 2002). The model
borrows from extant and more domain-specific theories in an attempt to link
disparate models into a more unifying framework. At the broadest level, the
GAM suggests that anger and aggression is driven by knowledge structures,
which include attitudes, perceptual/attention patterns, expectation schema,
and behavioral repertoires. Knowledge structures are developed over time
through experience and become automatized with repeated practice. In this
sense, becoming automatized is similar to the notion of automatic processes
discussed in the context of the ICM (Wilkowski & Robinson, 2010). The
knowledge structures result in automatic and well-learned processes that take
over following provocation (Allen & Anderson, 2017).
The model divides processes into those that are proximate and distal. Distal
processes include biological and environmental determinants, which feed
into and ultimately drive personality characteristics. The distal processes
thus overlay and influence each component of the proximate processes
described in the next section. Biological determinants include, but are not
limited to, hormonal components, executive function difficulties, genetic
contributions, and low arousal (Anderson & Carnagey, 2004). Determi-
nants of an environmental nature include things such as cultural norms,
early childhood experiences, group conflict, and exposure to media violence
(Anderson & Carnagey, 2004).
The cornerstone of the GAM lies in the variety of proximate determinants of
anger and aggression. There are three stages of proximal determinants: inputs,
routes (affect, cognition, and arousal), and outcomes (Allen & Anderson,
2017). The first stage—inputs—outlines how individual and situational factors
interact to affect the likelihood of anger and aggression. Individual factors are
stable individual differences that influence how a person generally responds
to a situation. This is essentially the notion of a disposition or trait anger
(Anderson & Bushman, 2002). A number of individual-level factors have
been identified as risk factors for aggression within the GAM framework
(e.g., hostile attribution bias, narcissistic personality characteristics, high
neuroticism, sociocultural acceptance for aggression, positive attitudes for
aggression, moral justification of violence). Situation factors are typically
associated with anger and aggressive responses, such as social rejection,
intoxication, provocation, violent media, pain, and hot temperatures (Allen &
Anderson, 2017).
Routes are passages through which the individual and situational factors
exert their influence. There are three main routes: affect, cognition, and
arousal. These routes are not mutually exclusive and can influence one another.
For instance, when someone is angry, hostile cognitions are more readily
accessible (cognitive route) and arousal may be high (arousal route). More-
over, cognition and arousal can work together to foster more robust affective
responses to a given situation (Allen & Anderson, 2017). The ordering of
activation of these internal routes does not matter. Affect in the GAM includes
the influence of inputs on moods and emotions; cognition refers to conscious
thoughts and unconscious cognitive processes (e.g., attention biases). Arousal
is the final route. Arousal can affect the likelihood of anger or aggression by
fostering misattribution processes, strengthening action tendencies, and
creating a subjectively aversive state (Anderson & Bushman, 2002).
The final stage of proximate determinants is outcomes. In the GAM,
outcomes may include three phases: appraisal processes, decision processes,
and aggressive outcomes. Immediately following a provocation, the individual
begins the appraisal stage. At this stage, before selecting a behavioral response,
the individual makes an immediate appraisal of the situation that occurs in
a predominantly automatic fashion and is influenced by the three routes just
described, as well as by distal determinants at the person and environmental
levels. Part of the immediate appraisal process includes goal and intention
information, which can result in appraising an action as hostile, becoming
angry, wanting to get even, and considering a specific intention or action
(e.g., yelling at someone). When the routes are consistent with an angry
state, a person is more likely to appraise a situation in a manner that will
lead to an aggressive response. Following an immediate appraisal is the
decision stage. There is a decision on how to act, and there is an opportunity
for reappraisal processes to modulate this decision. Finally, an aggressive
action (may) occur. According to the model, once an action has been carried
out, it will influence the situation and therefore trigger the process anew.
Elements of this model have been validated in the context of pain, intimate
partner violence, domestic violence, and personality disorders (Allen &
Anderson, 2017).
Although the GAM is theorized to apply to aggression across domains,
it may inform how certain aspects of high-risk occupations could relate to
anger and aggression. In particular, activities in high-risk occupations may
be associated with heightened arousal, which can increase the propensity
for anger and aggression, according to the GAM. Further, some high-risk
occupations (e.g., military operations, medical emergencies) involve activ-
ities that must occur in situations that involve rapid decision making with
incomplete information. This ambiguity can lead to heightened cognitive
and attentional biases, which influence anger and aggression.
To summarize, the GAM proposes that processes determine how person
and situation variables influence affect, arousal, and cognition, which in
turn influence appraisals, decisions, reappraisals, and eventual actions. Distal
processes are in the background and influence each element of the proxi-
mate processes. Over time, reinforcement of aggression following the input,
route, and outcomes stage lead to stable knowledge structures, which result
in varying degrees of what can be considered trait anger or aggressiveness.
Transdiagnostic Model of Trait Anger
This model was developed to help understand how individual differences in

trait anger are aligned with transdiagnostic cognitive processes that have been
identified as fundamental and shared in common across primary DSM-IV-TR
Axis I disorders (Owen, 2011). The processes that trait anger and trans
diagnostic processes share appear to be evident in selective attention, memory,
recurrent negative thinking, and reasoning.
Cognitive models of psychopathology focus on biased internal and exter-
nal information processing as key determinants of risk for psychological
difficulties. Information-processing biases lead to maladaptive physiological,
psychological, cognitive, and motivational responses to a variety of situational

inputs (Williams et al., 1988). Importantly, shared aberrations in common
cognitive processes result in a number of disorders, hence the term trans-
diagnostic. This model contrasts with models that have traditionally focused
on specific information processing abnormalities and their relation to specific
disorders. Harvey et al. (2004) were the first to systematically delineate a
number of specific types of information-processing biases, cognitive pro-
cesses, and behavioral patterns that are actually shared across a number
of Axis I disorders. It is important to note that the Harvey et al. study was
restricted to Axis I psychopathology. Thus, Harvey et al. did not consider
anger, because heightened anger was not a central diagnostic feature of any
Axis I disorders, even though anger can be a symptom of a number of dis-
orders (Novaco, 2010). Owen (2011) presented evidence that the processes
common to various psychopathological outcomes are evident for trait anger,
suggesting that trait anger may be a relevant risk factor for clinical psycho-
logical disorders. In fact, research among combat veterans and active compo-
nent soldiers has shown that anger is indeed found in those who suffer from
stress-related and anxiety disorders (Jakupcak et al., 2007).
There is substantial evidence that the transdiagnostic cognitive processes
identified by Harvey et al. (2004) are evident for those with higher versus
lower trait anger. For example, trait anger is associated with selective atten-
tion toward hostile stimuli (van Honk, Tuiten, de Haan, et al., 2001), bias
to recall anger-themed autobiographical memories (Hung & Bryant, 2016),
and increased rumination (Wilkowski & Robinson, 2010). These findings
collectively suggest that trait anger may be a risk factor for negative psy-
chological outcomes and provide a priori points of access for interventions

that can alleviate cognitive aberrations common to both anger problems and
psychiatric disturbances.
Triple Imbalance Theory of Aggression
The triple imbalance theory of aggression attempts to bridge disparate liter-

atures concerning the psychobiological basis of aggression (van Honk et al.,
2010). At the root of this model is a hormonal balance between testosterone
and cortisol, each of which is involved in hypothalamic–pituitary–gonadal
and hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis regulation, which has been linked
to anger, impulsiveness, and aggression (Hermans et al., 2008). In general,
the model argues that an imbalance of greater testosterone to cortisol drives
an imbalance at the subcortical level and may even impede the ability of
top-down cortical–subcortical down-regulation of reactionary and reflexive
angry and aggressive responses to provocation.
The triple imbalance theory of aggression is rooted in core assumptions

of the triple balance hypothesis (van Honk et al., 2010), an evolutionary
psychobiological framework that states that well-being is contingent on the
ability to effectively respond to environmental rewards and punishments
with socially appropriate approach- or withdrawal-related behaviors. The
proper balance between approach and withdrawal actions in the context of
rewards and punishments determines healthy versus unhealthy outcomes
(Ressler, 2004). The triple imbalance model hypothesizes three types of imbal-
ance: subcortical, subcortical–cortical, and cortical imbalance hypotheses
(see Figure 1.1). For each, hormonal imbalances induce motivational deriv-
atives and influence bottom-up and top-down regulation of responses to
anger-provoking stimuli. The subcortical balance is accounted for by cor-
tisol and testosterone. The cortical–subcortical balance refers to the pre-
frontal cortex-mediated top-down modulation of subcortically generated
emotional responses. In particular, the prefrontal cortex exhibits lateralized
electrical activity hypothesized to represent specialized activity for regulating
relative avoidance–approach balance. It appears that avoidance or withdrawal
motivations are mediated by the right prefrontal cortex, whereas approach
motivation and emotions, to include aggression, are localized in the left
prefrontal cortex (Amodio et al., 2004). The balance between left and right
cortices is termed the cortical balance.
The first of the three components of the triple imbalance theory is the sub-
cortical imbalance hypothesis. In this hypothesis, subcortical balance is a ratio
of testosterone (anger inducing) and cortisol (anger mitigating). In general,
findings suggest that a higher ratio of testosterone to cortisol is associated
with greater anger and aggression. Administration of exogenous testosterone

has been linked to exaggerated cardiac acceleration in response to threatening
faces but not for fear or happy faces (van Honk, Tuiten, Hermans, et al.,
2001). Data using functional magnetic resonance imaging showed activation
to angry and not happy facial expressions in the amygdala, hypothalamus,
brainstem, and orbitofrontal cortex. Salivary testosterone and cortisol were
also assessed, and a higher ratio of testosterone to cortisol predicted signif-
icant neural activation of the hypothalamus and amygdala in response to
angry but not happy facial expressions (see van Honk et al., 2010). Adminis-
tration of testosterone has also been linked to exaggerated neural responses
of an aggression network during viewing of angry or threatening faces com-
pared with other emotional expressions (Hermans et al., 2008).
The second of the three components of the triple imbalance hypo
thesis is the cortical–subcortical imbalance hypothesis, in which testosterone is
understood to decrease coupling between subcortical and cortical regions
FIGURE 1.1. Triple Imbalance Hypothesis of Reactive Aggression
Imbalance 1: Subcortical
Low Cortisol
High Testosterone
Imbalance 2: Subcortical/Cortical
Reactive Aggression
Cortical
Top-Down
Regulation High Testosterone
les
e c oup ion
D nect
Provoking Subcortical con
Situation Arousal
Imbalance 3: Cortical
Elevated activity in left

cortices compared with right
High Low
Activation Activation
(van Honk et al., 2010). This decoupling is important as top-down cortical

regulation of more reactive subcortically mediated emotional responses may
be a defining feature of those lower versus higher in anger and aggres-
sion tendencies. Essentially, a breakdown of cortical top-down control over
subcortical activity, combined with strong subcortical activation in neural
aggression networks, sets the stage for stronger and more lasting anger and
aggressive response.
The final component of the triple imbalance hypothesis posits that cortical
balance involves transitions from reflexive and hormonally mediated behavior
to thoughtful and controlled cognitively mediated behavior (van Honk et al.,
2010). The role of the prefrontal cortex in mediating approach versus fear
behaviors can be captured by measurement of EEG asymmetries (Davidson,
2004; Davidson et al., 2000). Left-sided dominance is predictive of increased
behavioral approach and reward. Resting-state asymmetries in cortical activity
are correlated with individual differences in approach and withdrawal behav-
iors. Higher resting left dominance has been associated with measurements
of trait anger and anger expression, as well as with acute aggression following
provocation (van Honk et al., 2010). Experimental behavioral manipula-
tion of cortical asymmetry using unilateral hand contractions showed that
when the right hand was contracted, counteraggression in an experimental
provocation paradigm was more robust (Peterson et al., 2008). Relatedly,
transcranial magnetic stimulation can locally decrease neural excitability
(Hallett, 2007). transcranial magnetic stimulation–induced reductions of
right cortical excitability resulted in reduced bias for fearful facial expres-
sions, and reductions in left neural excitability led to reduced memory for
angry faces (Schutter et al., 2008). It is hypothesized that cortical imbal-
ance, whereby there is greater left than right neural activation, is a neuro
biological basis for individual differences in trait anger and aggression.
Summary of Reviewed Anger and Aggression Models

The four models just described provide a primer on theories of anger and
aggression. Reviewing these models illustrates how scientific theorizing

on anger across the discipline shares certain underlying factors despite
approaching the topic from different perspectives. In Figure 1.2, we pre
sent a graphic that combines common elements of many models. Typically,
a hostile situation initiates the pathway to anger and reactive aggression.
This could be external (e.g., a coworker makes a rude remark) or internal
(e.g., an employee recalls a memory of an upsetting event). This could also
be social (e.g., an insult) or nonsocial (e.g., a frustrating error message
on a printer). Biases in attention and interpretation of information affect
whether a hostile situation will be noticed and how it will be interpreted. For
example, attentional biases might cause an employee to be hyperaware of
perceived slights. Similarly, interpretation biases might cause an employee
to interpret the slight as intentionally hurtful. This leads to initial levels of
anger. Self-regulation and emotional thinking (i.e., rumination) interact to
either reduce or intensify the initial experience of anger. For example, an
employee may stew over the slight (ruminate), thereby increasing anger.
FIGURE 1.2. Unified Model of Anger at Work
Underlying factors:
• Genetics
• Hormones
• Physiological state
• Cognitive biases
• Affect
• Cortical imbalances
Self-
Regulation Inhibit
Moderate
ibit
Suppress
Inh
Attention Interpretation Motivation

Rumination
to React
An Overview of Anger •
Bias Biases
Int
en
sif
y
Hostile Anger Reactive

Situation Aggression
31
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appointed hour; the daring of the others had evidently been dispelled
by portentous dreams. From the western end of the village we
crossed “the Strait of the Sun” to the foot of the mountain. Some
coolies had preceded us, and cleared away a path up the steep
acclivity; but soon our only road was the narrow bands where large
masses of rocks and sand, which had been loosened from some
place high up the mountain, and shot down in a series of small land-
slides, ploughing up the low shrubbery in their thundering descent.
As long as we climbed up among the small trees, although it was
difficult and tiring, it was not particularly dangerous until we came out
on the naked sides of the mountain, for this great elevation is not
covered with vegetation more than two-thirds of the distance from its
base to its summit. This lack of vegetation is caused by the frequent
and wide land-slides and by the great quantity of sulphur brought up
to its top by sublimation and washed down its sides by the heavy
rains. Here we were obliged to crawl up on all fours among small,
rough blocks of porous lava, and all spread out until our party formed
a horizontal line on the mountain-side, so that when one loosened
several rocks, as constantly happened, they might not come down
upon some one beneath him. Our ascent now was extremely slow
and difficult, but we kept on, though sometimes the top of the
mountain seemed as far off as the stars, until we were within about
five hundred feet of the summit, when we came to a horizontal band
of loose, angular fragments of lava from two to six inches in
diameter. The mountain-side in that place rose at least at an angle of
thirty-five degrees, but to us, in either looking up or down, it seemed
almost perpendicular. The band of stones was about two hundred
feet wide, and so loose that, when one was touched, frequently half
a dozen would go rattling down the mountain. I had got about half-
way across this dangerous place, when the stones on which my feet
were placed gave way. This, of course, threw my whole weight on
my hands, and at once the rocks, which I was holding with the
clinched grasp of death, also gave way, and I began to slide
downward. The natives on either side of me cried out, but no one
dared to catch me for fear that I should carry him down also. Among
the loose rocks, a few ferns grew up and spread out their leaves to
the sunlight. As I felt myself going down, I chanced to roll to my right
side and notice one of them, and, quick as a flash of light, the
thought crossed my mind that my only hope was to seize that fern.
This I did with my right hand, burying my elbow among the loose
stones with the same motion, and that, thanks to a kind Providence,
was sufficient to stop me; if it had broken, in less than a minute—
probably in thirty or forty seconds—I should have been dashed to
pieces on the rough rocks beneath. The whole certainly occurred in
a less space of time than it takes to read two lines on this page. I
found myself safe—drew a long breath of relief—thanked God it was
well with me—and, kicking away the loose stones with my heels,
turned round and kept on climbing. Above this band of loose stones
the surface of the mountain was covered with a crust formed chiefly
of the sulphur washed down by the rains, which have also formed
many small grooves. Here we made better progress, though it
seemed the next thing to climbing the side of a brick house; and I
thought I should certainly be eligible to the “Alpine Club”—if I ever
got down alive. At this moment the natives above us gave a loud
shout, and I supposed of course that some one had lost his footing
and was going down to certain death. “Look out! Look out!—Great
rocks are coming!” was the order they gave us; and the next instant
several small blocks, and one great flake of lava two feet in diameter,
bounded by us with the speed of lightning. “Here is another!” It is
coming straight for us, and it will take out one of our number to a
certainty, I thought. I had stood up in the front of battle when shot
and shell were flying, and men were falling; but now to see the
danger coming, and to feel that I was perfectly helpless, I must
confess, made me shudder, and I crouched down in the groove
where I was, hoping it might bound over me: and at that instant, a
fragment of lava, a foot square, leaped up from the mountain and
passed directly over the head of a coolie a few feet to my right,
clearing him by not more than five or six inches. I took it for granted
that the mountain was undergoing another eruption, and that in a
moment we should all be shaken down its almost vertical sides; but
as the rocks ceased coming down we continued our ascent, and
soon stood on the rim of the crater. The mystery concerning the
falling rocks was now solved. One of our number had reached the
summit before the rest of us, and, with the aid of a native, had been
tumbling off rocks for the sport of seeing them bound down the
mountain, having stupidly forgotten that we all had to wind part way
round the peak before we could get up on the edge of the summit,
and that those of the party who were not on the top must be directly
beneath him.
The whole mountain is a great cone of small angular blocks of
trachytic lava and volcanic sand, and the crater at its summit is only
a conical cavity in the mass. It is about eighty feet deep and one
hundred or one hundred and fifty yards in diameter. The area on the
top is elliptical in form, about three hundred yards long and two
hundred wide. This, on the eastern side, is composed of heaps of
small lava-blocks, which are whitened on the exterior, and, in many
places, quite incrusted with sulphur. Through the heaps of stones
steam and sulphurous acid gas are continually rising, and we soon
hurried around to the windward side to escape their suffocating
fumes, and in a number of places we were glad to run, to prevent our
shoes from being scorched by the hot rocks. On the western side of
the crater the rim is largely composed of sand, and in one place rises
one hundred and twenty feet higher than on the eastern side. The
top, therefore, partly opens toward the east, and from some of the
higher parts of Lontar most of the area on the summit of this
truncated cone can be seen. In the western part were many fissures,
out of which rose sheets and jets of gas. When we had reached the
highest point on the northwest side, we leaned over and looked
directly down into the great active crater, a quarter of the distance
from the summit to the sea. Dense volumes of steam and other
gases were rolling up, and only now and then could we distinguish
the edges of the deep, yawning abyss. Here we rested and lunched,
enjoying meanwhile a magnificent view over the whole of the Banda
group when the strangling gas was not blown into our faces. Again
we continued around the northern side, and came down into an old
crater, where was a large rock with “Ætna,” the name of a Dutch
man-of-war, carved on one of its sides, and our captain busied
himself for some time cutting “Telegraph,” the name of our yacht,
beneath it. Great quantities of sulphur were seen here, more, the
governor said, than he had noticed on any mountain in Java, for the
abundance of sulphur they all yield is one of the characteristics of
the volcanoes of this archipelago. It was now time to descend, and
we called our guide, to whom some one had given the classical
prænomen of Apollo (a more appropriate title at least than Mercury,
for he never moved with winged feet); but he could not tell where we
ought to go, every thing appeared so very different when we looked
downward. I chose a place where the vegetation was nearest the
top, and asked him if I could go down there, to which, of course, he
answered yes, as most people do when they do not know what to
say, and must give some reply.
I had brought up with me an alpen-stock, or long stick, slightly
curved at one end, and with this I reached down and broke places
for my heels in the crust that covered the sand and loose stones. For
hundreds of feet beneath me the descent seemed perpendicular, but
I slowly worked my way downward for more than ninety feet, and
had begun to congratulate myself on the good progress I was
making. Soon, I thought, I shall be down there, where I can lay hold
of that bush and feel that the worst is past, when I was suddenly
startled by a shout from my companions, who were at some distance
on my right. “Stop! Don’t go a step farther, but climb directly up just
as you went down.” I now looked round for the first time, and found,
to my astonishment, that I was on a tongue of land between two
deep, long holes or fissures, where great land-slides had recently
occurred. I had kept my attention so fixed on the bush before me that
I had never looked to the right or left—generally a good rule in such
trying situations. To go on was to increase my peril, so I turned,
climbed up again, and passed round the head of one of these
frightful holes. If at any time the crust had been weak, and had
broken beneath my heels, no earthly power could have saved me
from instant death. As I broke place after place for my feet with the
staff, I thought of Professor Tyndal’s dangerous ascent and descent
of Monte Rosa. At last I joined my companions, who had found the
way we had come up, and after some slips and sprains, and
considerable bruising, we all reached the bottom safely, and were
glad to be off the volcano, and, landing on Banda Neira, feel
ourselves on terra firma once more.
ASCENT OF BURNING MOUNTAIN; BANDA.
For a few days I could scarcely walk or move my arms, but this
lameness soon passed away; not so with the impressions made on
my mind by those dangers: and even now, when I am suddenly
aroused from sleep, for a moment the past becomes the present,
and I am once more on the tongue of land, with a frightful gulf on
either hand, or I am saving myself by grasping that fern.
According to the statements of the officials, many years ago a
gentleman had the hardihood to attempt to ascend this mountain
alone. As he did not return at the expected time, a party of natives
was sent to search for him, and his dead body was found some
distance beneath the summit. The rocks to which he had intrusted
himself had probably given way, and the only sensation that could
have followed was one of falling and a quick succession of stunning
blows, and life was gone. Governor Arriens assured me that the
band of loose stones was the most dangerous place he had ever
crossed, though he had climbed many nearly perpendicular walls,
but always where the rocks were fixed and could be relied on for a
footing and a hold. If the ascent and descent were not so difficult,
sulphur might be gathered in such quantities at the summit crater
that it would form an important article of export. The authorities
informed me that much was obtained in former times, and that the
natives who undertook this perilous climbing were always careful to
array themselves in white before setting out, so that if they did lose
their lives in the attempt they would be dressed in the robes required
by their creed, and at once be taken to Paradise. The first European
who reached its summit, so far as I am aware, was Professor
Reinwardt, in 1821; the second was Dr. S. Müller, in 1828; and from
that time till the 13th of September, 1865, when we ascended it, only
one party had attempted this difficult undertaking, and that was from
the steamer Ætna, whose name we had found on a large rock in the
old crater.
The height of this volcano we found to be only two thousand three
hundred and twenty-one English feet. Its spreading base is
considerably less than two miles square. In size, therefore, it is
insignificant compared to the gigantic mountains on Lombok, Java,
and Sumatra; but when we consider the great amount of suffering
and the immense destruction of property that has been caused by its
repeated eruptions, it becomes one of the most important volcanoes
in the archipelago.[37] In 1615 an eruption occurred in March, just as
the Governor-General, Gerard Reynst, arrived from Java with a large
fleet to complete the war of extermination that the Dutch had been
waging with the aborigines for nearly twenty years.
For some time previous to 1820, many people lived on the lower
flanks of Gunong Api, and had succeeded in forming large groves of
nutmeg-trees. On the 11th of June of that year, just before twelve
o’clock, in an instant, without the slightest warning, an eruption
began which was so violent that all the people at once fled to the
shore and crossed over in boats to Banda Neira. Out of the summit
rose perpendicularly great masses of ashes, sand, and stones,
heated until they gave out light like living coals. The latter hailed
down on every side, and, as the accounts say, “set fire to the woods
and soon changed the whole mountain into one immense cone of
flame.” This happened, unfortunately, during the western monsoon;
and so great a quantity of sand and ashes was brought over to
Banda Neira, that the branches of the nutmeg-trees were loaded
down until they broke beneath its weight, and all the parks on the
island were totally destroyed. Even the water became undrinkable,
from the light ashes that filled the air and settled down in every
crevice. The eruption continued incessantly for thirteen days, and did
not wholly cease at the end of six weeks. During this convulsion the
mountain was apparently split through in a north-northwest and
south-southeast direction. The large, active crater which we saw
beneath us on the northwestern flanks of the mountain, from the spot
where we stopped to lunch, was formed at that time, and another
was reported higher up between that new crater and the older one
on the top of the mountain. A stream of lava poured down the
western side into a small bay, and built up a tongue of land one
hundred and eighty feet long. The fluid rock heated the sea within a
radius of more than half a mile, and nearer the shore eggs were
cooked in it. This stream of lava is the more remarkable, because it
is a characteristic of the volcanoes throughout the archipelago, that,
instead of pouring out molten rock, they only eject hot stones, sand,
and ashes, and such materials as are thrown up where the eruptive
force has already reached its maximum and is growing weaker and
weaker.
On the 22d of April, 1824, while Governor-General Van der
Capellen was entering the road, an eruption commenced, just as had
happened two hundred and nine years before, on the arrival of
Governor-General Reynst. A great quantity of ashes again suddenly
rose from its summit, accompanied by clouds of “black smoke,” in
which lightnings darted, while a heavy thundering rolled forth that
completely drowned the salute from the forts on Neira. This was
followed, on the 9th of June, by a second eruption, which was
succeeded by a rest of fourteen days, when the volcano again
seemed to have regained its strength, and once more ashes and
glowing stones were hurled into the air and fell in showers on its
sides.
But the people of Banda have suffered quite as much from
earthquakes as from eruptions, though the latter are usually
attended by slight shocks.[38] Almost the first objects that attract
one’s attention on landing at the village are the ruins caused by the
last of these destructive phenomena. Many houses were levelled to
the ground, but others that were built with special care suffered little
injury. Their walls are made of coral rock or bricks. They are two or
three feet thick and covered with layers of plaster. At short distances,
along their outer side, sloping buttresses are placed against them, so
that many of the Banda residences look almost as much like
fortifications as dwelling-houses. The first warning any one had of
the destruction that was coming was a sudden streaming out of the
water from the enclosed bay, until the war-brig Haai, which was lying
at anchor in eight or nine fathoms, touched the bottom. Then came
in a great wave from the ocean which rose at least to a height of
twenty-five or thirty feet over the low, western part of the village,
which is only separated from Gunong Api by the narrow Sun Strait.
The praus lying near this shore were swept up against Fort Nassau,
which was then so completely engulfed, as it was stated to me on
the spot, that one of these native boats remained inside the fort
when the water had receded to its usual level. The part of the village
over which the flood swept contained many small houses, and nearly
every one in them was carried away. The rapid outflowing of the
water of this enclosed bay (which is really only an old crater) was
probably caused either by the elevation of the bottom at that spot, or
else by such a sinking of the floor of the sea outside, that the water
was drained off into some depression which had suddenly been
formed. We have no reason to suppose that there was any great
commotion in the open ocean, and certainly there was no high wave
or bore, or it would have risen on the shores of the neighboring
islands. There are three entrances or straits which lead from the
road out to the open sea. Two of these are wide and one is narrow.
When the whole top of the old volcano, that is, Banda Neira, Gunong
Api, Lontar, and the area they enclose, was raised for a moment, the
water steamed out from the crater through these straits, causing only
strong currents, but as the land instantly sank to its former level, the
water poured in, and the streams of the two wider straits, meeting
and uniting, rolled on toward the inner end of the narrow strait. Here
they all met, and, piling up, spread out over the adjoining low village,
causing a great destruction of life. At the Resident’s house, a few
hundred yards east of Fort Nassau, the water only rose some ten or
fifteen feet above high-water level, and farther east still less. The
cause assigned above, though the principal one, may therefore not
have been sufficient in itself to have made the sea rise so high over
the southwestern part of Banda Neira and the opposite part of
Gunong Api, and I suspect that an additional cause was that the land
there sank for a moment below its proper level. Valentyn thus
describes another less destructive earthquake wave: “In the year
1629 there was a great earthquake, and half an hour afterward a
flood which was very great, and came in calm weather. The sea
between Neira and Selam” (on the western part of Lontar) “rose up
like a high mountain and struck on the right side of Fort Nassau,
where the water rose nine feet higher than in common spring floods.
Several houses near the sea were broken into pieces and washed
away, and the ship Briel, lying near by, was whirled round three
times.”[39]
However, all these events are but as yesterday when we glance
over the early history of this ancient volcano; for, if we can judge by
analogy, taking as our guide the great crater already referred to as
this day existing among the lofty Tenger Mountains on Java, we see
in our mind’s eye an immense volcanic mountain before us. From its
high crater during the lapse of time pour out successive overflows of
lava which has solidified into the trachyte of Lontar. That period is
succeeded by one in which ashes, sand, and hot stones are ejected,
and which insensibly passes into recent times. During one of these
mighty throes the western half of the crater-wall disappeared
beneath the sea, if the process of subsidence had gone on so far at
that time. Slowly it sinks until it is at least four feet lower than at the
present day, for we found on the western end of Lontar a large bank
of coral rock at that height. The outer islands are now wholly
submerged. This period of subsidence is followed by one of
upheaval, but not till the slow-building coral polyps had made great
reefs, which have become white, chalky cliffs, and attained their
present elevation above the sea. A tropical vegetation by degrees
spreads downward, closely pursuing the retreating sea, and the
islands become exactly what they are at the present day.
The Banda group form but a point in the wide area of the
residency of Banda. All the eastern part of Ceram is included in it,
the southwest coast of New Guinea, and the many islands south and
southwest to the northern part of Timur. Southeast of Ceram are the
Ceram-laut, that is, “Ceram lying to seaward,” or Keffing group,
numbering seventeen islands. Their inhabitants are like those I saw
on the south coast of Ceram, and do not belong to the Papuan or
negro race. They are great traders, and constantly visit the adjoining
coast of New Guinea, where they purchase birds of paradise, many
luris or parrots of various genera, “crown pigeons,” Megapodiideæ,
scented woods, and very considerable quantities of wild nutmegs,
which they sell to the Bugis traders, who usually touch here at Banda
on their outward and homeward passages. I saw many of the wild
nutmegs that had been brought in this way from New Guinea.
Instead of being spherical, like those cultivated here at Banda, they
are elliptical in outline, frequently an inch or an inch and a quarter
long, and about three-fourths of an inch in diameter. They do not,
however, have the rich, pungent aroma of the Banda nutmegs, and
this, I am assured, is also the case with all wild ones wherever
found, and even with those raised on Sumatra and Pinang from
seeds and plants originally carried from these islands. Wild nutmegs
are also found on Damma southwest of Banda, and on Amboina,
Ceram, Buru, Batchian, the Obi Islands, and Gilolo, also on the
islands east of the latter, and on the northern coast of the western
part of New Guinea. This fruit is widely planted by the “nut-crackers,”
two large species of doves, Columba ænea, Tem., and Columba
perspicillata, Tem., which swallow the nuts covered with the mace,
the only part digested. The kernel enclosed in its hard, polished shell
is soon voided, while it yet retains the germinating power, and a
young tree springs up far from its parent.
East of this group is that of Goram, composed of three islands,
inhabited by natives who are Mohammedans. Southeast of Goram is
the Matabella group. Indeed, these groups are so united that they
form but one archipelago. The Ceram-laut Islands are low, but those
of Goram and Matabella are high. On the island Teor, or Tewer, in
the last group, there is a volcano which suffered a great eruption in
1659. Mr. Wallace describes the Matabellas as partly composed of
coral reefs raised from three to four hundred feet. Sometimes these
people go as far west as Sumbawa and Bali. The “Southeastern
Islands” begin on the north with the Ki group, ten in number, south of
the former archipelago. Three of the Kis are large islands and two
are high, a peak on one being estimated at about three thousand
feet. They are so well peopled that they are supposed to contain
over twenty thousand souls. The natives are very industrious, and
famous as boat-builders. The wood they use comes from their own
hill-sides, and they need no iron to complete boats of considerable
size, which they sell to the inhabitants of all that part of the
archipelago. Farther to the east are the Aru (in Dutch, Aroe) Islands,
that is, “the islands of the casuarina-trees.” They number about
eighty, and are very low, forming a chain about a hundred miles long
and half as broad. When seen on the west they appear as one
continuous, low island; but on coming nearer, intricate channels are
found winding among them, through which set strong tidal currents.
The people are said to closely resemble those of Haruku, Saparua,
and Nusalaut. The total population is given at only fourteen
thousand. A few are Christians, and two or three native
schoolmasters from Amboina are employed there. Papuans are said
to live on the most eastern island. Large quantities of tripang are
gathered on the shallow coral banks of these low islands, and in the
sea the dugong, Halicore dugong, Cuv., is seen. The great bird of
paradise, P. apoda, is found here, and also the red bird of paradise,
P. regia. The skins of these beautiful birds were probably brought
here to Banda and sold to the Chinese traders for many ages, but
the first account we have of them is by Pigafetta, who accompanied
Magellan’s fleet. He says that the king of Bachian, an island west of
the southern end of Gilolo, gave his companions a slave and nearly
two hundred pounds of cloves as a present for their Emperor,
Charles V., and also “two most beautiful dead birds. These are about
the size of a thrush, have small heads, long bills, legs a palm in
length and as slender as a writing-quill. In lieu of proper wings, they
have long feathers of different colors, like great ornamental plumes.
The tail resembles that of a thrush. All the feathers except those of
the wings are of a dark color. It never flies except when the wind
blows. We were informed these birds came from the terrestrial
Paradise, and they called them bolondinata,[40] that is, ‘birds of
God.’” This word the Portuguese translated into their language as
“ave de paraiso,” and hence our name “birds of paradise,” a name
well chosen, for in some species the feathers have all the
appearance of the most brilliant jewels. Southwest of the Ki Islands
lies Timur-laut, and passing on toward Timur we come to the
“Southwestern Islands,” composed of the Baba, Sermatta, Letti,
Roma, Wetta, and Lamma groups, which we noticed as we steamed
away from Dilli.
Returning northward from Wetta, we come to Gunong Api, an
uninhabited volcano, rising between six and seven thousand feet
above the sea. It is a well-known landmark for the ships bound to
China that have passed up the Ombay Passage, or those coming
down the Floris Sea, intending to pass out through that strait into the
Indian Ocean. Northeast of Gunong Api are the Lucipara and Turtle
(in Dutch Schilpad) Islands, which praus from Amboina frequently
visit for tortoise-shell. East of Gunong Api is Nila, an active volcano,
about seventeen hundred feet in height, and north of it is Serua,
which is merely a volcanic cone rising abruptly from the sea. In 1694
a great eruption took place in this volcano. A part of the crater wall
fell in, and the lava overflowed until the whole island is represented
as having become one “sea of fire,” and all the inhabitants were
obliged to flee to Banda. Again, in September, 1844, after a rest of a
hundred and fifty years, another eruption began, which compelled
every one to leave its inhospitable shores once more. Since that time
it has been settled again, and here in Banda are many of the boats
its people bring in the latter part of this month, when continuously for
days not a breeze ripples the glassy sea—halcyon days indeed. As
the natives have no iron, the whole boat is built of wood. The central
part is low, but the bow and stern curve up high, quite different from
all I have seen in any other part of the archipelago, and reminding
one of the representations usually given of those used in some parts
of the South Sea.
While I had been turning my attention to geology, the native who
was assisting me to collect shells was searching for a “hunter,” that
is, one who can skin birds. He soon had the good fortune to find one,
who was also a native of Amboina, for all these natives dislike those
of another village, and only associate with them when they can find
none of their own people. During the few days we were at the
Bandas they collected several species of most beautiful kingfishers;
indeed, those who have seen only our sombre-colored specimens
can scarcely conceive of the rich plumage these birds assume in the
tropical East. They were also so fortunate as to find a few superb
specimens of a very rare and valuable bird, with scarcely any tail,
and having eight very different colors, the Pitta vigorsi. An allied
species is found on the Arru Islands, and another on Buru, a third on
Gilolo, and a fourth on Celebes, but none is yet known on the great
island of Ceram.
We now steamed back to Amboina, and while the yacht was
taking in coal and preparing to go to Ceram, I crossed over Laitimur
with the governor. Our procession was headed by a native carrying a
large Dutch flag, and after him came a “head man,” supported on the
right by a man beating a tifa, and on the left by another beating a
gong. Then came the governor, borne in a large chair by a dozen
coolies, and I, in a similar chair, carried by the same number. From
the city we at once ascended a series of hills, sparsely covered with
shrubbery, and composed of a soft red sandstone, which is rapidly
disintegrating, and is evidently of very recent origin. It is found on the
highest elevation we crossed, which is from fifteen to eighteen
hundred feet above the sea. Near this point we descended into a
small ravine, where the soft sandstone had been washed away, and
the underlying rocks were exposed to view. Here we found
feldspathic porphyry and serpentine. Thence we crossed other hills
of sandstone and came down to the sea-shore at the village of
Rutong. We were hoping to find a small hill of granite that Dr.
Schneider had discovered, but we were not able to identify the
places he describes. Dr. Bleeker, who crossed over to Ema in 1856,
remarks that the first hills he ascended were composed of coral rock,
and that he came on to it again when he descended toward the sea-
shore. We did not notice it at this time, but, on my first excursion to
the cocoa plantation on Hitu, I found a long coral reef, fully five
hundred feet above the sea. It was a perfect repetition of the reef I
visited in the bay of the Portuguese village of Dilli, at the northern
end of Timur. A small place had been cleared on its crest, and there I
found several pairs of the huge valves of the Tridacna gigas, which
appeared from their relative position to have been once partially
surrounded by the soft coral rock, which, having been washed away,
allowed the valves to fall apart. They were much decayed, but had
not lost more than half their weight. They had evidently never been
brought there by men; because the natives rarely or never use them
for food. There is no need that they should take the trouble to gather
such enormous bivalves when they have a plenty of sago-palms,
and all that it is necessary for them to do to obtain an abundance of
food is to cut down these trees and dig out the pith. If, in former
times, they did collect the Tridacna for food, they never would have
carried these great shells, each of which originally weighed a
hundred pounds or more, a mile back among the hills, but would
have taken out the animal and left them on the shore. Governor
Arriens, who had carefully studied these recent reefs, stated to me
that he had found them as high up as eight hundred feet above the
sea, but at that elevation they seem to disappear.
When returning we stopped for some time on the hills back of the
city to enjoy a magnificent view of the bay and the high hills rising on
the opposite side. Just then the broad strati, floating in the west,
parted, and rays of bright sunlight, darting through their fissures,
lighted up the dark water beneath us. There were not many vessels
and praus at anchor off the city at that time, but I was informed that
in about a month later many would arrive, for the dry season, with its
clear sky and light winds, had set in about the 15th of September,
when we arrived from Banda.
About two hundred vessels and praus of all kinds come to
Amboina in a year. The praus are owned and commanded by the
natives themselves, but most of the vessels are commanded by
mestizoes and owned by Arabs and Chinese, who carry on the
larger part of the trade in the eastern part of the archipelago. Since a
line of steamers has been established, these Arabs and Chinese
avail themselves of that means of importing their goods from Batavia
and Surabaya, where they are received directly from Europe. The
total value of the imports is from a half to three-quarters of a million
of guilders. The chief article is cotton fabrics, and the next rice, which
is shipped here all the way from Java and Sumatra for the
sustenance of the troops. Very little rice is raised on any of these
islands, because there are no low, level lands suitable for its
cultivation. In the Bandas the whole attention of the population is so
devoted to cultivating the nutmeg that they are entirely dependent on
other islands for a supply of food. The most important exports from
this island are cloves, cocoa, kayu-puti oil, nutmegs, various kinds of
woods, and mace. Formerly the inhabitants of Ceram-laut, Goram,
and the Arru Islands were accustomed to bring their tripang, tortoise-
shell, paradise birds, and massoi-bark to this port to sell to the Bugis,
but for the last forty or fifty years the Bugis have gone from
Macassar directly to those islands and traded with the people at their
own villages. In 1854, Amboina, Banda, Ternate, and Kayéli, were
made free ports, but this has not materially increased the trade at
any of those places.
The period when the trade at Amboina was most flourishing was
when it was last held by the English, from 1814 to 1816. The port
was then free, but, when it once more passed into the hands of the
Dutch, duties were again demanded, which forced the trade into
other channels, where it still remains, notwithstanding there are now
no duties. The proper remedy has been applied, but applied too late.
This is also the history of the trade at Batavia, where the heavy
duties have induced the traders of the eastern part of the
archipelago to sail directly to the free port of Singapore.
I had been at Amboina a long time before I could ascertain where
the grave of Rumphius is located, and even then I found it only by
chance—so rarely is this great man spoken of at the present time.
From the common, back of the fort, a beautifully-shaded street leads
up to the east; and the stranger, while walking in this quiet retreat,
has his attention drawn to a small, square pillar in a garden. A thick
group of coffee-trees almost embrace it in their drooping branches,
as if trying to protect it from wind and rain and the consuming hand
of Time. Under that plain monument rest the mortal remains of the
great naturalist.
The inscription, which explains itself, and shows how nearly this
sacred spot came to be entirely neglected and forgotten forever,
reads as follows:
memoriæ saorum georgii everardi rumphii,
de re botanica et historica naturali optime merita
tumulum
dira temporis calamitate et sacrilegia manufere
dirutum,
Manibas placatis restitui jussit
et
pietatem reverentiamque publicam testificans
hoc monumentum
ipse consecravit
Godaras Alexander Grardus Phillipus
Liber Baro A. Capellen
Totius Indiæ Belgicæque
prefectus regius.
Amboinæ Mensis Aprilis,
Anno Domini m.dccc.xxiv.
George Everard Rumpf, whose name has been latinized into
Rumphius, as an acknowledgment of the great service he has
rendered to the scientific world, was a German, a native of a small
town in Hesse-Cassel. He was born about the year 1626, and,
having studied medicine, at the age of twenty-eight went to Batavia,
entered the mercantile service of the Dutch East India Company, and
thence proceeded to Amboina, where he passed the remainder of
his life. At the age of forty-two, while contemplating a voyage back to
his native land, he suddenly became blind, and therefore never left
his adopted island home; yet he continued to prosecute his favorite
studies in natural history till his death, which occurred in 1693, when
he had attained the ripe age of sixty-seven.
His great work on the shells of Amboina, which was not published
till 1705, twelve years after his death, was for a long time the
acknowledged standard to which all conchological writers referred.
His most extensive work, however, was the “Hortus Amboinense,”
which was only rescued from the Dutch archives and published at
the late date of forty-eight years after his death. It contains the
names and careful descriptions of the plants of this region, their
flowering seasons, their habitats, their uses, and the modes of caring
for those that are cultivated. When we consider that, in his time,
neither botany nor zoology had become a science, and consider,
moreover, the amount and the accuracy of the information he gives
us, we agree with his contemporaries in giving him the high but well-
merited title of “the Indian Pliny.”
CHAPTER VIII.
BURU.
Sept. 25th.—Steamed down the bay from Amboina, this time not
without a slight feeling of sadness as I recalled the many happy
hours I had passed gathering shells on its shores and rambling over
its high hills, and as I realized that it would probably never be my
privilege to enjoy those pleasures again. Only three months had
elapsed since my arrival at Batavia, but I had passed through so
many and such different scenes, that Amboina appeared to have
been my home for a year—and so it seems to this day.
As we came out of the mouth of the bay, we changed our course
to the west, and kept so near the land, that I had a fine opportunity to
reëxamine the places I had visited during a heavy storm, when the
sea was rolling into white surf and thundering along the shore.
Off the western end of Ceram lie three islands, Bonoa, Kilang, and
Manipa. Bonoa, the most easterly, is a hilly island about twelve miles
long and half as broad. Its population is divided into Christians and
Mohammedans, and each has such a bitter hatred against the other,
that the Christians at last determined to expatriate themselves, and
accordingly, in 1837, migrated to Bachian. The clove-gardens in
Bonoa were thus in danger of being neglected, and the man who
was governor of the Moluccas at that time therefore sent
messengers to induce them to return; but, when this measure proved
unavailing, he went himself in a war-ship, and brought them back.
From Amboina we passed up the strait between Kilang and
Manipa, which is less than a mile wide, and made much narrower by
long tongue-shaped reefs of coral which project from several points.
A fresh breeze had sprung up from the south, and, under a full head
of steam and a good press of canvas, we ploughed through the
waves which rolled up against the wind. In all these straits the tidal
currents are very strong, and in many places so swift that a good
boat cannot make headway against them with oars, and this makes
many of these narrow channels very dangerous for the native boats.
That evening the bright fires built by the fishermen on the shores
of Bonoa were seen on our larboard side, and the next morning we
were near the Seven Brothers, a group of islands on the west side of
Sawai Bay. Here are three dangerous reefs not laid down on the
charts, a mile or more from the shore. As we passed, mountains
three or four thousand feet in height were seen standing by the sea
near the head of the bay. At noon we came to anchor in the little
harbor of Wahai, which is formed by coral reefs that are bare at low
tide. Unfortunately, it is too small for sailing-ships to enter safely, or it
would be visited occasionally by those of our whalers who frequent
these seas. The whole village consists of a small fort, a house for the
commandant, who has the rank of captain, a house for the doctor,
and a few native huts on either hand. The only communication the
inhabitants of this isolated post have with the rest of the world is by
means of coolies, who cross over from the head of Elpaputi Bay to
the head of Sawai Bay, and then come along the shore. All the
natives in the interior are entirely independent of the Dutch
Government, and the coast natives, who carry the mail, are liable to
be robbed or killed at any moment while on their journey.
My hunter at once began collecting birds, while I searched the
shores for shells, and bought what the natives chanced to have in
their miserable dwellings. The most common shell here is an
Auricula. Its peculiar aperture, as its name implies, is like that of the
human ear. It lives on the soft, muddy flats, where the many-rooted
mangrove thrives. The rarest and most valuable shell found here,
and indeed one of the rarest living in all these seas, is the Rostellaria
rectirostris. It is so seldom found that a pair is frequently sold here
for ten guilders, four Mexican dollars. My hunter soon returned with
two large white doves, the Carpophaga luctuosa, and a very perfect
specimen of that famous bird, the Platycercus hypophonius, G. R.
Gray, called by the Malays the castori rajah, or “prince parrot,” from
its being the most beautiful of all that brilliantly-plumaged family. It is
a small bird for a parrot. The head, neck, and under parts are of a
bright scarlet; the wings a dark, rich green, and the back and rump a
bright lapis-lazuli blue, that shades off into a deeper blue in the tail,
which is nearly as long as the body. These birds generally fly in
pairs, and as they dart through the evergreen foliage, and you catch
a glimpse of their graceful forms and brilliant plumage, it seems like
the momentary recollection of some dream of Paradise. Large flocks
of red luris, Eos rubra, Gml., other species of parrakeets, and many
sorts of doves, frequent the surrounding woods, and several species
of kingfishers and snipes live by the shore. For three days I enjoyed
this rare hunting. We then steamed out of the little bay of Wahai for
the island of Buru. While passing Bonoa we kept near the shore, and
saw a large white monument which was erected by the Portuguese,
and is probably one of the padroes, or “pillars of discovery,” placed
there by D’Abreu when he first reached these long-sought isles.
Soon we passed Swangi, “Spirit Island,” a lonely rock near Manipa,
supposed by these superstitious natives to be haunted by some evil
spirit.
Buru, the island to which we were bound, lies a few miles west of
Manipa. Its area is estimated at about twenty-six hundred
geographical square miles, so that it is one-half larger than Bali or
Lombok. Its form is oval, with the greatest axis east and west. Its
shores, instead of being deeply indented, like those of all the larger
islands in that region, are entire, except on the northwest corner,
where they recede and form the great bay of Kayéli. The entrance to
this bay is between two high capes, three or four miles apart, so that
on the northeast it is quite open to the sea. Within these capes the
shores become low, forming on the southwest a large morass; and
the bay expands to the east and west until it is about seven miles
long. In the low lands bordering the south side of this bay is the
Dutch “bezitting,” or post, also named Kayéli. Here is a small, well-
built fort, in which are stationed a lieutenant and doctor, and a
company of militia from Java or Madura. A controleur has charge of
the civil department, and the governor had kindly given me a note to
him, and he and his good lady at once received me kindly, and, as it
proved, I made my home with them and the doctor for a long time.
The plan the governor proposed was that we should leave for
Ternate and New Guinea in five days after the steamer landed me at

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Anger at Work Prevention Intervention

and Treatment in High Risk

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Loneliness in Older Adults: Effects, Prevention, and

Developmental Psychopathology, Risk, Resilience, and

Aiming High Progressive Politics in a High Risk High

Obesity Prevention and Treatment: A Practical Guide 1st

Amy B. Adler and David Forbes

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Title: Anger at work : prevention, intervention, and treatment in high-risk

Printed in the United States of America

To Bec, Nat, and my Phoenix, Australia, family

Why Anger Matters: An Introduction 3

2. Anger as an Occupational Health Challenge for Employees

II. ORGANIZATIONAL CONTEXT 79

4. Emotional Culture and the Angry Team 111

5. Anger and the Role of Supervisors at Work 141

III. CLINICAL CONTEXT 173

7. The Cost of Anger: Suicide in the U.S. Army 201

8. Clinical Interventions for Problematic Anger 247

9. Cognitive Bias Interventions 275

IV. FUTURE DIRECTIONS 303

Yair Bar-Haim, PhD, Professor, School of Psychological Sciences, Tel Aviv

Eric B. Elbogen, PhD, Psychologist, Durham Veterans Affairs Health Care

James D. Lee, MS, Graduate Student, Department of Psychology, Portland

Cynthia D. Mohr, PhD, Professor, Department of Psychology, Portland State

Psychiatry, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia

Elizabeth E. Van Voorhees, PhD, Psychologist, Durham Veterans Affairs

Amy B. Adler and David Forbes

Anger is a normal human emotion. It can signal response to difficulty, injus-

Although job performance is critical across a range of industries, in the

This volume is designed to recognize the importance of problematic anger

THE NATURE OF HIGH-RISK OCCUPATIONS

High-risk occupations differ culturally from other occupations in ways that

TABLE 1. Unique Characteristics of High-Risk Occupations

which the elements of danger are considered in the context of a commit-

in hypervigilance to danger and heightened activation as well as working

ANGER AND CLINICAL DISORDERS

Elevating the conversation about problematic anger is essential for ensuring

men and women (Martin et al., 2013).

Therapists themselves become less adherent to protocols when working with

ANGER AT WORK: OVERVIEW

role of hostile appraisals and threat detection after trauma exposure.

care workers on the frontline of combatting infectious disease. It is our hope

veteran mental health (pp. 43–54). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-

Cassiello-Robbins, C., & Barlow, D. H. (2016). Anger: The unrecognized emotion in

• Anger may occur in reaction to a perceived hostile situation and is

• Anger is unique among negative emotions, as it is associated with

KEY POINTS (Continued)

• The stresses and challenges of high-risk occupations may create

tive individual, interpersonal, and societal consequences. However, some

ANGER: CONCEPTUALIZATIONS PAST AND PRESENT

anger as “a desire, accompanied by pain, for a perceived revenge, on account

reflects more enduring individual differences in the tendency to experience

asked to suppress their emotional responses and thoughts about their

feedback on a personal essay ostensibly from another study participant

anger was a common coping strategy reported in a survey of police officers

TRAIT ANGER: A GENERAL FRAMEWORK FOR