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Berruyer’s Bible
 McGILL-QUEEN’S STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGION
Volumes in this series have been supported by the Jackman
Foundation of Toronto.

SERIES ONE: G.A. RAWLYK, EDITOR

1 Small Differences
Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants, 1815–1922
An International Perspective
Donald Harman Akenson
2 Two Worlds
The Protestant Culture of Nineteenth-Century Ontario
William Westfall
3 An Evangelical Mind
Nathanael Burwash and the Methodist Tradition in Canada,
1839–1918
Marguerite Van Die
4 The Dévotes
Women and Church in Seventeenth-Century France
Elizabeth Rapley
5 The Evangelical Century
College and Creed in English Canada from the Great Revival to
the Great Depression
Michael Gauvreau
6 The German Peasants’ War and Anabaptist Community of Goods
James M. Stayer
7 A World Mission
Canadian Protestantism and the Quest for a New International
Order, 1918–1939
Robert Wright
8 Serving the Present Age
Revivalism, Progressivism, and the Methodist Tradition in
Canada
Phyllis D. Airhart
9 A Sensitive Independence
 Canadian Methodist Women Missionaries in Canada and the
Orient, 1881–1925
Rosemary R. Gagan
10 God’s Peoples
Covenant and Land in South Africa, Israel, and Ulster
Donald Harman Akenson
11 Creed and Culture
The Place of English-Speaking Catholics in Canadian Society,
1750–1930
Edited by Terrence Murphy and Gerald Stortz
12 Piety and Nationalism
Lay Voluntary Associations and the Creation of an Irish-Catholic
Community in Toronto, 1850–1895
Brian P. Clarke
13 Amazing Grace
Studies in Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada, and the
United States
Edited by George Rawlyk and Mark A. Noll
14 Children of Peace
W. John McIntyre
15 A Solitary Pillar
Montreal’s Anglican Church and the Quiet Revolution
Joan Marshall
16 Padres in No Man’s Land
Canadian Chaplains and the Great War
Duff Crerar
17 Christian Ethics and Political Economy in North America
A Critical Analysis
P. Travis Kroeker
18 Pilgrims in Lotus Land
Conservative Protestantism in British Columbia, 1917–1981
Robert K. Burkinshaw
19 Through Sunshine and Shadow
The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, Evangelicalism, and
Reform in Ontario, 1874–1930
Sharon Cook
20 Church, College, and Clergy
A History of Theological Education at Knox College, Toronto,
1844–1994
Brian J. Fraser
21 The Lord’s Dominion
The History of Canadian Methodism
Neil Semple
22 A Full-Orbed Christianity
The Protestant Churches and Social Welfare in Canada, 1900–
1940
Nancy Christie and Michael Gauvreau
23 Evangelism and Apostasy
The Evolution and Impact of Evangelicals in Modern Mexico
Kurt Bowen
24 The Chignecto Covenanters
A Regional History of Reformed Presbyterianism in New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia, 1827–1905
Eldon Hay
25 Methodists and Women’s Education in Ontario, 1836–1925
Johanne Selles
26 Puritanism and Historical Controversy
William Lamont

SERIES TWO IN MEMORY OF GEORGE RAWLYK

DONALD HARMAN AKENSON, EDITOR

1 Marguerite Bourgeoys and Montreal, 1640–1665

Patricia Simpson
2 Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience
Edited by G.A. Rawlyk
3 Infinity, Faith, and Time Christian Humanism and Renaissance
Literature
John Spencer Hill
 4 The Contribution of Presbyterianism to the Maritime Provinces
of Canada
Edited by Charles H.H. Scobie and G.A. Rawlyk
5 Labour, Love, and Prayer
Female Piety in Ulster Religious Literature, 1850–1914
Andrea Ebel Brozyna
6 The Waning of the Green
Catholics, the Irish, and Identity in Toronto, 1887–1922
Mark G. McGowan
7 Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine
The Greek Catholic Church and the Ruthenian National
Movement in Galicia, 1867–1900
John-Paul Himka
8 Good Citizens
British Missionaries and Imperial States, 1870–1918
James G. Greenlee and Charles M. Johnston
9 The Theology of the Oral Torah
Revealing the Justice of God
Jacob Neusner
10 Gentle Eminence
A Life of Cardinal Flahiff
P. Wallace Platt
11 Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour
Catholics and Lutherans in Alsace, 1750–1870
Kevin McQuillan
12 Between Damnation and Starvation
Priests and Merchants in Newfoundland Politics, 1745–1855
John P. Greene
13 Martin Luther, German Saviour German Evangelical Theological
Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917–1933
James M. Stayer
14 Modernity and the Dilemma of North American Anglican
Identities, 1880–1950
William H. Katerberg
15 The Methodist Church on the Prairies, 1896–1914
George Emery
16 Christian Attitudes towards the State of Israel
Paul Charles Merkley
17 A Social History of the Cloister
Daily Life in the Teaching Monasteries of the Old Regime
Elizabeth Rapley
18 Households of Faith
Family, Gender, and Community in Canada, 1760–1969
Edited by Nancy Christie
19 Blood Ground
Colonialism, Missions, and the Contest for Christianity in the
Cape Colony and Britain, 1799–1853
Elizabeth Elbourne
20 A History of Canadian Catholics Gallicanism, Romanism, and
Canadianism
Terence J. Fay
21 The View from Rome
Archbishop Stagni’s 1915 Reports on the Ontario Bilingual
Schools Question
Edited and translated by John Zucchi
22 The Founding Moment
Church, Society, and the Construction of Trinity College
William Westfall
23 The Holocaust, Israel, and Canadian Protestant Churches
Haim Genizi
24 Governing Charities
Church and State in Toronto’s Catholic Archdiocese, 1850–1950
Paula Maurutto
25 Anglicans and the Atlantic World
High Churchmen, Evangelicals, and the Quebec Connection
Richard W. Vaudry
26 Evangelicals and the Continental Divide
The Conservative Protestant Subculture in Canada and the
United States
Sam Reimer
27 Christians in a Secular World
The Canadian Experience
 Kurt Bowen
28 Anatomy of a Seance
A History of Spirit Communication in Central Canada
Stan McMullin
29 With Skilful Hand
The Story of King David
David T. Barnard
30 Faithful Intellect
Samuel S. Nelles and Victoria University
Neil Semple
31 W. Stanford Reid
An Evangelical Calvinist in the Academy
Donald MacLeod
32 A Long Eclipse
The Liberal Protestant Establishment and the Canadian
University, 1920–1970
Catherine Gidney
33 Forkhill Protestants and Forkhill Catholics, 1787–1858
Kyla Madden
34 For Canada’s Sake
Public Religion, Centennial Celebrations, and the Re-making of
Canada in the 1960s
Gary R. Miedema
35 Revival in the City
The Impact of American Evangelists in Canada, 1884–1914
Eric R. Crouse
36 The Lord for the Body
Religion, Medicine, and Protestant Faith Healing in Canada,
1880–1930
James Opp
37 Six Hundred Years of Reform
Bishops and the French Church, 1190–1789
J. Michael Hayden and Malcolm R. Greenshields
38 The Missionary Oblate Sisters Vision and Mission
Rosa Bruno-Jofré
39 Religion, Family, and Community in Victorian Canada
 The Colbys of Carrollcroft
Marguerite Van Die
40 Michael Power
The Struggle to Build the Catholic Church on the Canadian
Frontier
Mark G. McGowan
41 The Catholic Origins of Quebec’s
Quiet Revolution, 1931–1970
Michael Gauvreau
42 Marguerite Bourgeoys and the Congregation of Notre Dame,
1665–1700
Patricia Simpson
43 To Heal a Fractured World
The Ethics of Responsibility
Jonathan Sacks
44 Revivalists
Marketing the Gospel in English Canada, 1884–1957
Kevin Kee
45 The Churches and Social Order in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-
Century Canada
Edited by Michael Gauvreau and Ollivier Hubert
46 Political Ecumenism
Catholics, Jews, and Protestants in De Gaulle’s Free France,
1940–1945
Geoffrey Adams
47 From Quaker to Upper Canadian
Faith and Community among Yonge Street Friends, 1801–1850
Robynne Rogers Healey
48 The Congrégation de Notre-Dame, Superiors, and the Paradox of
Power, 1693–1796
Colleen Gray
49 Canadian Pentecostalism
Transition and Transformation
Edited by Michael Wilkinson
50 A War with a Silver Lining
 Canadian Protestant Churches and the South African War, 1899–
1902
Gordon L. Heath
51 In the Aftermath of Catastrophe
Founding Judaism, 70 to 640
Jacob Neusner
52 Imagining Holiness
Classic Hasidic Tales in Modern Times
Justin Jaron Lewis
53 Shouting, Embracing, and Dancing with Ecstasy
The Growth of Methodism in Newfoundland, 1774–1874
Calvin Hollett
54 Into Deep Waters
Evangelical Spirituality and Maritime Calvinist Baptist Ministers,
1790–1855
Daniel C. Goodwin
55 Vanguard of the New Age
The Toronto Theosophical Society, 1891–1945
Gillian McCann
56 A Commerce of Taste
Church Architecture in Canada, 1867–1914
Barry Magrill
57 The Big Picture
The Antigonish Movement of Eastern Nova Scotia
Santo Dodaro and Leonard Pluta
58 My Heart’s Best Wishes for You
A Biography of Archbishop John Walsh
John P. Comiskey
59 The Covenanters in Canada
Reformed Presbyterianism from 1820 to 2012
Eldon Hay
60 The Guardianship of Best Interests
Institutional Care for the Children of the Poor in Halifax, 1850–
1960
Renée N. Lafferty
61 In Defence of the Faith
 Joaquim Marques de Araújo, a Comissário in the Age of
Inquisitional Decline
James E. Wadsworth
62 Contesting the Moral High Ground
Popular Moralists in Mid-Twentieth-Century Britain
Paul T. Phillips
63 The Catholicisms of Coutances
Varieties of Religion in Early Modern France, 1350–1789
J. Michael Hayden
64 After Evangelicalism
The Sixties and the United Church of Canada
Kevin N. Flatt
65 The Return of Ancestral Gods
Modern Ukrainian Paganism as an Alternative Vision for a
Nation
Mariya Lesiv
66 Transatlantic Methodists
British Wesleyanism and the Formation of an Evangelical
Culture in Nineteenth-Century Ontario and Quebec
Todd Webb
67 A Church with the Soul of a Nation Making and Remaking the
United Church of Canada
Phyllis D. Airhart
68 Fighting over God
A Legal and Political History of Religious Freedom in Canada
Janet Epp Buckingham
69 From India to Israel
Identity, Immigration, and the Struggle for Religious Equality
Joseph Hodes
70 Becoming Holy in Early Canada
Timothy Pearson
71 The Cistercian Arts
From the 12th to the 21st Century
Edited by Terryl N. Kinder and Roberto Cassanelli
72 The Canny Scot
Archbishop James Morrison of Antigonish
 Peter Ludlow
73 Religion and Greater Ireland
Christianity and Irish Global Networks, 1750–1950
Edited by Colin Barr and Hilary M. Carey
74 The Invisible Irish
Finding Protestants in the Nineteenth-Century Migrations to
America
Rankin Sherling
75 Beating against the Wind
Popular Opposition to Bishop Feild and Tractarianism in
Newfoundland and Labrador, 1844–1876
Calvin Hollett
76 The Body or the Soul?
Religion and Culture in a Quebec Parish, 1736–1901
Frank A. Abbott
77 Saving Germany
North American Protestants and Christian Mission to West
Germany, 1945–1974
James C. Enns
78 The Imperial Irish
Canada’s Irish Catholics Fight the Great War, 1914–1918
Mark G. McGowan
79 Into Silence and Servitude
How American Girls Became Nuns, 1945–1965
Brian Titley
80 Boundless Dominion
Providence, Politics, and the Early Canadian Presbyterian
Worldview
Denis McKim
81 Faithful Encounters
Authorities and American Missionaries in the Ottoman Empire
Emrah Şahin
82 Beyond the Noise of Solemn Assemblies
The Protestant Ethic and the Quest for Social Justice in Canada
Richard Allen
83 Not Quite Us
 Anti-Catholic Thought in English Canada since 1900
Kevin P. Anderson
84 Scandal in the Parish
Priests and Parishioners Behaving Badly in Eighteenth-Century
France
Karen E. Carter
85 Ordinary Saints
Women, Work, and Faith in Newfoundland
Bonnie Morgan
86 Patriot and Priest
Jean-Baptiste Volfius and the Constitutional Church in the Côte-
d’Or
Annette Chapman-Adisho
87 A.B. Simpson and the Making of Modern Evangelicalism
Daryn Henry
88 The Uncomfortable Pew
Christianity and the New Left in Toronto
Bruce Douville
89 Berruyer’s Bible
Public Opinion and the Politics of Enlightenment Catholicism in
France
Daniel J. Watkins
 Berruyer’s Bible
PUBLIC OPINION AND THE POLITICS OF
ENLIGHTENMENT CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE

Daniel J. Watkins

McGill-Queen’s University Press

Montreal & Kingston • London • Chicago
© McGill-Queen’s University Press 2021

ISBN 978-0-2280-0629-9 (cloth)

ISBN 978-0-2280-0630-5 (paper)
ISBN 978-0-2280-0786-9 (ePDF)
ISBN 978-0-2280-0787-6 (ePUB)

Legal deposit second quarter 2021

Bibliothèque nationale du Québec

Printed in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free (100% post-
consumer recycled), processed chlorine free

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Title: Berruyer’s Bible : public opinion and the politics of enlightenment
Catholicism in France / Daniel J. Watkins.
Names: Watkins, Daniel J., author.
Series: McGill-Queen’s studies in the history of religion. Series two ; 89.
Description: Series statement: McGill-Queen’s studies in the history of religion.
Series two ; 89 | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: Canadiana (print) 20210113472 | Canadiana (ebook) 20210113561 |
ISBN 9780228006305 (paper) | ISBN 9780228006299 (cloth) | ISBN
9780228007869 (ePDF) | ISBN 9780228007876 (ePUB)
Subjects: LCSH: Berruyer, Isaac-Joseph, 1681-1758. Histoire du peuple de Dieu. |
LCSH: Catholic Church – France – Public opinion – History – 18th century. | LCSH:
Jesuits – France – History – 18th century. | LCSH: Censorship – France –
Religious aspects – History – 18th century. | LCSH: Bible – Criticism,
interpretation, etc. – France – History – 18th century. | LCSH: Enlightenment –
France. | LCSH: Church and state – France – History – 18th century. | LCSH:
France – Church history – 18th century. | LCSH: France – Intellectual life – 18th
century.
Classification: LCC BX4705.B3849 W38 2021 | DDC 230.092 – dc23
This book was designed and typeset by Peggy & Co. Design in 11.5/14 Adobe
Garamond Pro.
For Meghan
 Contents

Figures
Acknowledgments
Introduction

1 French Jesuits and the Enlightenment

2 The Problem of Innovation
3 The Berruyer Affair
4 From Ink to Ashes
5 The Suppression
6 A Bible for a Post-Revolutionary Age
Conclusion: From Enlightenment to Romantic Catholicism

Notes
Bibliography
Index
 Figures

1.1 Map of the Jesuit provinces of France. Courtesy of the

Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris.
2.1 A Lady Reading the Letters of Héloïse and Abélard. Courtesy of the
Art Institute of Chicago.
2.2 The Fall
3.1 The Affair of Father Berruyer. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque de la
Société de Port-Royal, Paris.
5.1 Father Étienne Gourlin. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque de la
Société de Port-Royal, Paris.
5.2 Frontispiece of the Extraits des assertions dangereuses. Courtesy
of Google Books.
6.1 Joseph, histoire sainte. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque nationale de
France, Paris.
C.1 Lot’s Wife Turning into a Pillar of Salt. Courtesy of the
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris.
C.2 Hagar and Ishmael. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque nationale de
France, Paris.
 Acknowledgments

When I was a child, I hated reading. Every year, my school

distributed a summer reading list that included both required and
recommended books for each grade level. I never read the optional
books, and only in the final week of the summer, when the
impending doom of a new school year weighed unbearably upon my
juvenile soul, did I force myself to open up the pieces of literature
mandated by my teachers. Then in the summer of 1997, my family
took a road trip to look at colleges for my older sister. We drove for
nearly two weeks visiting beautiful campuses throughout the
southeastern portion of the United States. To pass the time, my
mother brought along one of the recommended books on my
summer reading list: Douglas Adams’s A Hitchhiker’s Guide to the
Galaxy. Without much else to occupy my attention in the long hours
on the road, she convinced me to read it aloud to the family as we
drove. Together, the book brought us to tears laughing, and the long
journey flew by. In the back seat of my parents’ green Ford
Explorer, I miraculously fell in love with reading, and I discovered
for the first time the power of a single book. At the precipice of
publishing my own book, I must begin by saying thank you to the
person most responsible for inspiring my love of reading: my
mother, Cathy Watkins. Without her my fascination with the world
of books and my very career as a historian would have been
impossible.
This project began in 2008 when my doctoral advisor, Dale Van
Kley, handed me a copy of Isaac-Joseph Berruyer’s Histoire du peuple
de Dieu and said, “Tell me what you think.” Dale has seen this
project through to the very end, reading not only drafts of my
dissertation but also the final book manuscript. Few academics have
enjoyed as supportive and encouraging a mentor as I, and for Dale’s
guidance and generosity I am eternally grateful.
I also appreciate the many other colleagues who have offered
their assistance throughout the course of this project. Mita
Choudhury has become one of my most trusted academic confidants.
Phone conversations with Mita launched my effort to revise the
dissertation into a book manuscript, and her careful reading of the
manuscript when it was complete helped me clarify what it was I
was trying to say and how I should say it. Jeffrey Burson has read
nearly every piece that I have published and has helped me shape
my conception of the Enlightenment and the intellectual culture of
the Society of Jesus. Alice Conklin guided me through the writing of
my dissertation and provided thoughtful advice on how to frame the
project as it developed. Geoffrey Parker shared his archival wisdom
and many a croissant with me while we were both in Paris in 2011–
12. Christy Pichichero offered her expertise in navigating the
publishing market, and Howard Louthan and Andrea Sterk – my
mentors at the University of Florida and the people who first
suggested that I consider pursuing graduate studies in history – both
gave timely advice on the ways to make my work more accessible to
a broader audience. Daniel Barish helped me better understand the
Chinese context of Jesuit missions and gave important feedback on
drafts of my introduction and first chapter. Joe Stubenrauch also
contributed to shaping my introduction and provided tips on the
publishing process. D. Gillian Thompson, Michelle Molina, Jennifer
Popiel, and Kathleen Hardesty Doig all graciously sent me pieces of
their own research that helped me better understand Berruyer and
his world. Paolo Fontana too shared his invaluable work on
Berruyer and shipped a copy of his book to me all the way from
Genoa! Finally, Kara Barr, Jim Bartholomew, Daniel Hobbins,
Matthew Goldish, Jeffrey Harris, and Daniel Vandersommers all
read and provided beneficial comments on portions of my research.
To all these wonderful and generous scholars, I simply say: thank
you.
I must also express my gratitude to the many librarians,
archivists, and researchers that I encountered in my trips to France,
England, Ireland, and Italy. Valérie Guittienne-Mürger and Fabien
Vandermarcq provided a home away from home at the Bibliothèque
de la Société de Port-Royal on the rue Saint-Jacques in Paris. Valérie
also shared copies of her own work on the nineteenth-century
editions of the Nouvelles ecclésiastiques. Robert Bonfils opened up the
Jesuit archives in Vanves to me and found numerous letters and
documents that I never would have found on my own. Monique
Cottret welcomed me in France and allowed me to sit in on her
seminar at the Université de Paris Nanterre. Vincent Petit quickly
became a friend and research partner in Besançon. Without him I
would have struck out at the diocesan archives and never discovered
the pure, unadulterated joy of Comté cheese. Alison Forrestal hosted
me at the National University of Ireland in Galway where we had
constructive conversations about Jean Hardouin and the early
portions of my project. My fellow fellows at the Moore Institute, Ali
Baker and Debapriya Basu, provided friendship and feedback on
everything from the book’s argument to its title. David Knight and
Jan Graffius allowed me to visit the secluded library of Stonyhurst
College in Lancashire, England, and offered many pleasant
conversations over tea. Andrea Ottone was an indispensable guide
to the Vatican archives, a wonderful host in Rome, and a dynamite
pasta chef. I am indebted to all of these wonderful people and to the
staffs of the many archives and libraries that I visited throughout
the course of this project.
My research was made possible by the financial support of a
number of institutions. The Ohio State University’s Department of
History and College of Humanities launched my project with a series
of short-term grants plus a long-term university fellowship. The
Newberry Library in Chicago provided a short-term research
fellowship to investigate its collections on censorship and the
history of print. The University of North Florida’s College of Arts
and Sciences provided a research enhancement grant in 2017 that
helped me purchase digital copies of materials, and a Gustave
Gimon Visiting Scholar Fellowship from Stanford University
afforded me the opportunity to work in the Gimon Collection and
search for Enlightenment Catholicism’s connections with nineteenth-
century French intellectual culture. A fellowship at the Moore
Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences at the National
University of Ireland in Galway gave me the time and resources to
revise my dissertation into a book manuscript. The American Society
for Eighteenth-Century Studies’ Theodore E.D. Braun Travel
Fellowship sponsored an incredibly fruitful trip to Besançon in
2018, and two summer sabbaticals from Baylor University’s College
of Arts and Sciences provided the resources to finish researching and
writing my manuscript. I am grateful for all of these institutions and
the interest they showed in my work.
So too am I grateful for Kyla Madden and everyone at McGill-
Queen’s University Press. Kyla has been the ideal editor: supportive,
enthusiastic, responsive, generous, and constructive. I admire her
for her own academic work and for her willingness to dive into the
scholarly worlds of others. Many thanks also go to Donald Harman
Akenson for including me in the McGill-Queen’s Studies in the
History of Religion series and for providing beneficial feedback on
the manuscript. I appreciate Lisa Aitken, Kathryn Simpson, and the
members of MQUP’S marketing department for taking the time to
work with me on improving my manuscript and bringing the
process of publication to fruition. And I owe a special thanks,
finally, to the anonymous reviewers whose suggestions strengthened
my manuscript in many important ways.
Finally, I must show my appreciation for my family who have
tirelessly supported me over the past ten years of working on this
project. My mother, father, and sister all witnessed my
transformation from a kid who despised school to an adult who
willingly submitted himself to thirteen years of higher education.
Surprised as they may be about my career choice, they never once
questioned why it was that I was so interested in history. Their
unceasing encouragement has not gone unnoticed, and I simply
would not be who I am without them. The Wright, Lundborg, and
Ernst families have shown incomparable patience with me for the
many vacations and family trips during which I absconded to nearby
coffee shops to do some writing. For all the times that they babysat,
provided lunch and dinner, and even read portions of rough drafts, I
cannot thank them enough. My two sons, Benjamin and Andrew,
have helped me gain perspective about my work. Their love and
belief that writing a book is “cool” brought me joy even when I was
far away. Finally, my spouse, Meghan, has given more than anyone.
I write this on the morning of our fourteenth wedding anniversary,
and I can proudly say that I am far the better for having her in my
life. For the constant support, incomparable patience,
encouragement, comfort, and inspiration I am so immensely
grateful. Most importantly, Meghan has taught and continues to
teach me that grace is not about loving someone when he deserves
it but about loving someone despite the many reasons why he
doesn’t. It is for this and many other reasons that I have dedicated
this book to her.
Berruyer’s Bible
 Introduction

In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth … And God
said, “Let there be light”; and there was light.1

God was from all eternity; the world wasn’t: because the world
could not come to be by itself nor could it be eternal, it had to have
been created in time and drawn out of nothingness … At about
noon, God says, “Let there be light,” and there was light. This wasn’t
yet the light coming out of the center of the sun, which soon would
enlighten the world by its equally rapid and regular course. This
was the body of lights … destined to form eventually the sun and all
the other [stars].2

On 10 April 1756, the public executioner of Paris lacerated and

burned a Bible in the courtyard of the Palais de Justice, the home of
France’s most important judicial court. The decision was not made
lightly. The authorities responsible – which included members of the
court (the Parlement of Paris), representatives of the king, and Omer
Joly de Fleury, the king’s main legal counsel – had been deliberating
over the work since the previous December. The Bible, titled the
Histoire du peuple de Dieu (History of the People of God), had created a
scandal. People throughout France had been arguing about it for the
previous three years. Among the concerns of those who spoke out
against the Histoire was the belief that its author, Isaac-Joseph
Berruyer, had drastically altered the biblical text. In its decision, the
parlement explained that it condemned the Histoire because the
book “corrupted” the holy scriptures. The members of the parlement
claimed that Berruyer “placed errors in the sanctuary of truth …
degraded the majesty of the Supreme Being … [and] changed the
gravity of the holy Books into the style of a novel.” “Is there
anything that does more to dishonour Religion, to cause infinite
damages to the mind and heart,” asked the members of the
parlement, “than a work such as this, written in the superficial,
amusing style so common to frivolous writers of this age”? The
parlement destroyed Berruyer’s Bible because they felt that it wasn’t
a Bible at all. It was a novel in disguise. And a novel disguised as a
Bible could do considerable harm to the church and the people of
France.3
Berruyer’s book had long been the source of controversy. When
it first appeared in the 1720s, some Jesuits – members of the Society
of Jesus, the religious order to which Berruyer belonged – objected
to it in letters to their superiors. In 1732, Charles Joachim Colbert,
the bishop of Montpellier, became the first (but not the last)
member of the episcopacy to publish a mandement, or an official
directive, instructing priests and parishioners in his diocese not to
purchase or read the book. Discussion of the Histoire reached the
highest echelons of the Roman Catholic Church. By the end of the
1750s, three different popes had publicly condemned the work, and
the Congregation of the Index had placed it on the Index librorum
prohibitorum, the church’s list of banned books. The Histoire became
famous (or, rather, infamous) because of the attention brought upon
it by these many condemnations, placing it in the same company as
other notorious books of the eighteenth century, including Denis
Diderot’s and Jean-le-rond D’Alembert’s Encyclopédie and Claude
Adrien Helvetius’s De l’esprit. Berruyer’s name consistently emerged
in public debates throughout the middle decades of the eighteenth
century and beyond.
While the Histoire horrified some, it inspired others. In
commenting on the parlement’s decision to burn the book, the
Parisian barrister Edmond Jean François Barbier confessed that he
found the Histoire “perfectly written” and Berruyer himself to be “a
wise man with a lot of wit.” “In his Histoire,” wrote Barbier, “he has
woven together [the books of the Bible] in a way that fixes the
dryness and lack of style” from which the original text suffered.4
Henri Griffet, one of Berruyer’s colleagues in the Society of Jesus
and the king’s confessor, reportedly introduced the book to women
at the court in Versailles by explaining that Berruyer had
“brightened up the Gospel” and thus made the Bible enjoyable to
read.5 Indeed, the Parlement of Paris, the Congregation of the Index,
and the whole host of bishops, archbishops, and popes who spoke
out against the Histoire did so only because it was already popular.
The Histoire drew in readers from all over Europe. It received
multiple editions, was translated into four different languages, and
ended up in libraries all over the globe. Though it is relatively
unknown today, the Histoire du peuple de Dieu commanded the
attentions of countless members of the eighteenth-century literate
public – including prominent figures such as Voltaire, André
Morellet, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau – and contributed to some of
the most significant political events of the era.
What follows is the tumultuous story of Isaac-Joseph Berruyer’s
Histoire du peuple de Dieu and the impact that it had on French
political and intellectual life. In his Histoire, Berruyer tried to tell the
tales of the Old and New Testaments using the language, ideas, and
sensibilities of the Enlightenment.6 He lauded the pursuit of both
social and theological progress. He promoted the power of nature to
transmit physical and spiritual truths, expanding the realm of
“natural theology” in innovative ways. He contributed to the project
of Enlightenment humanism – or, in Charly Coleman’s terminology,
the “culture of self-ownership” – that fostered the belief that human
reality was detached from the realm of the supernatural and divine.7
He utilized the language and logic of eighteenth-century
sentimentalism, including the notion that human emotions were
confirmations of truth and that the pursuit of happiness on earth
was a worthy end unto itself. He did all of this in order to repackage
the Catholic faith in a way that might be appealing to eighteenth-
century readers. In brief, Berruyer participated in what historians
call the Catholic Enlightenment.8 In so doing, however, he
unleashed furious public debates and raised questions about the
compatibility of Catholic theology with the new sensibilities of the
Enlightenment. These debates, in turn, had political consequences
for the church and its place in French society. By following the story
of the Histoire, we see how Catholics in France wrestled with
questions about how and whether the church could profitably adapt
to the cultural norms of the modern era.
Using the Histoire as its guide, this book advances two main
arguments. First, it argues that Jesuit attempts to build bridges
between the Enlightenment and the Catholic faith in the early to
mid-eighteenth century produced conflict in the Roman Catholic
Church and both preserved and exacerbated divisions that lasted
well into the nineteenth century. Berruyer’s Histoire sparked quarrels
first within the Society of Jesus, then between the Jesuits and other
competing groups in the church, and finally between the church and
the French state. This argument flips the traditional narrative of the
Enlightenment – presented by the likes of Peter Gay, Paul Hazard,
and others – on its head by suggesting that the damage that the
Enlightenment did to the church had as much to do with internal
efforts of Catholic theologians to appropriate it as it did with
external assaults by radical, anti-clerical philosophes.9 It builds upon
work by Alan Kors, Anton Matytsin, and others who have suggested
that debates among Catholic apologists helped create the very
intellectual categories that would be turned against the church in
later decades.10 Second, this book argues that Jesuit involvement in
the Catholic Enlightenment contributed to the creation of an
ultramontane Catholicism that became increasingly popular in the
early decades of the nineteenth century. The Histoire reveals that the
Catholic Enlightenment’s impact on the church did not fade away in
the late eighteenth century or even with the French Revolution.
Enlightenment Catholicism shaped Catholic identity and politics into
the period of the 1830s and beyond.

Isaac-Joseph Berruyer and the Histoire du peuple de

Dieu
Berruyer’s career as a Jesuit and his talents as a writer explain why
he undertook the project of the Histoire du peuple de Dieu. Born in
Rouen on 7 November 1681 to an aristocratic family, Berruyer’s
earliest years are largely unknown. As a child he attended a local
Jesuit college in his hometown before his parents moved him to
Paris where he entered the Collège Louis-le-Grand, the most
prestigious Jesuit educational institution in the kingdom.11 He was
clearly an exemplary student. Berruyer served for two years as an
overseer, charged with making sure that his classmates were not
falling behind in their studies. The leaders of the college quickly
recognized his academic talents and began grooming him for a
scholarly career in the Society of Jesus. Introduced into the Jesuit
novitiate just before his sixteenth birthday, he was ordained in
1706, proceeded to his tertianship – a preparatory time before
taking solemn vows – in 1710, and then finally became a professed
member of the society on 2 February 1715 at the age of thirty-three,
the earliest possible age to become a full-fledged Jesuit. Berruyer
found himself connected to the world of the Society of Jesus from an
early age and hastened down the path of Jesuit formation and
professional life.12
Although many who entered the priesthood in eighteenth-
century Europe did so for the social and economic benefits,
Berruyer’s choice to enter the Society of Jesus reflected deep
religious convictions. The Jesuit order demanded much of its
members. Training to become a Jesuit was a long and arduous
process, and while Jesuits often gained access to domains of power
and prestige, theirs was a fairly simple life. Throughout his time as a
Jesuit, Berruyer maintained an active devotional life. Letters to a
variety of lay women and men testify to Berruyer’s commitment to
prayer and other devotional practices.13 As the head of the
Séminaire Joyeuse, where he served from 1719 to 1724, he
encouraged clerical training for students from diverse backgrounds
and advocated on their behalf by petitioning the president of the
treasury of France for financial support.14 While writing his Histoire
at a professed house in Lyon, one of his Jesuit colleagues judged
that Berruyer had a sincere and “tender piety” beyond that of most
scholars.15 Berruyer was a gifted intellectual, but he also remained a
person of faith. His experiments with Enlightenment philosophy had
little to do with a self-conscious desire to push back against the faith
that he held dear. Rather, those intellectual forays grew out of his
commitments to Catholicism.
Berruyer’s career was defined by his writing. According to the
assessments of his superiors and the assignments that he received,
he was considered to be one of the best authors in the French
Society of Jesus. As a student at the Collège Louis-le-Grand, he was
granted on two separate occasions the opportunity to present his
poetry before visiting dignitaries, an honour that, according to
historian John McManners, the Jesuits reserved only for their “most
able” students.16 His poems were published and included in volumes
commemorating members of the French royal family.17 Berruyer
received a major preaching assignment in 1714 before he was a
professed member of the society.18 Most Jesuits served as preachers
only after they were fully professed. His superiors’ choice to place
him in such a public role reflected their high opinion of Berruyer’s
ability to communicate. Upon concluding his year as a preacher, his
superiors described him as capable of performing “all ministries of
the Society,” but they reserved their most glowing assessments for
his proficiency in the field of “letters.” In his triennial review, they
awarded him the distinction of “magnus” – the highest possible
rating – in humanistic studies and literature.19 After he was
professed, Berruyer’s superiors immediately assigned him to the role
of scriptor librorum, or full-time author for the society, one of only a
dozen or so in Paris at that time.20 Berruyer spent thirty-six of his
forty-three years as a professed Jesuit serving as a scriptor. For
much of that time, he lived and worked at the professed house in
Paris, the pre-eminent Jesuit residence in the kingdom, alongside
the provincial superior of France, the financial agents in charge of
the various Jesuit provinces and overseas missions, the king’s
confessor, preachers at the court at Versailles, and the most famous
Jesuit authors in Europe.21 The opportunity to undertake the Histoire
came from Berruyer’s superiors’ recognition of his talents and their
desire to use those talents to fulfill the mission of the society.
Though he worked on numerous projects throughout his career,
the Histoire du peuple de Dieu was undoubtedly Berruyer’s magnum
opus. It took him thirty years to publish in its entirety. Berruyer
organized the work into three separate parts: the first, which
paraphrased the books of the Old Testament; the second, which told
the story of the Gospels and the Book of Acts; and the third, which
presented a more direct translation of the Pauline Epistles. For a
variety of reasons that will be expounded upon later, each part
received a different publication date. The first appeared in 1728; the
second emerged decades later in 1753; and the final went to print in
1757, the year before Berruyer died.22 It was his life’s labour.
Though technically a paraphrase, and a very loose one at that, the
Histoire was Berruyer’s attempt to translate the Bible into
contemporary language and make it relevant for and appealing to
contemporary Catholics.
Biblical translations in early modern France were by no means
unusual even within the context of the Catholic Church. Bettye
Thomas Chambers has identified abridged Bibles and New
Testaments in the vernacular as early as the 1470s, and new editions
only increased as time went on.23 The Louvain Bible, which became
the most popular Catholic version of the Bible in France, appeared
in the mid-sixteenth century. By the end of the seventeenth century
more followed, including the Port-Royal Bible directed by Isaac-
Lemaistre de Sacy and even a translation spearheaded by members
of Berruyer’s own Society of Jesus.24 There were, in other words, no
lack of vernacular Bibles in France when Berruyer began his Histoire.
His decision to create a paraphrase of the scriptures was not in itself
particularly novel. It was the way that Berruyer produced his Bible
that caught the attention of his contemporaries.
Berruyer’s Histoire was exceptional because it was an
“Enlightenment Bible” composed in Catholic France. Jonathan
Sheehan has described the phenomenon of the Enlightenment Bible
as the ambitious product of translators, philologists, poets, and
others who took the skeptical and rational critiques of philosophes
and early biblical critics seriously and transformed the scriptures in
novel ways. Reacting to the likes of Richard Simon, Baruch Spinoza,
and Thomas Hobbes, purveyors of the Enlightenment Bible sought
out strategies to preserve the relevance of the Bible for
contemporary Europeans by re-making it into a textbook for ancient
philology, a guidebook for ethical pedagogy, a piece of inspiring
poetry, and an account of the histories of past civilizations. None of
the translators that used the new scholarly techniques of the
eighteenth century to do this work intended to move the Bible away
from its traditional role in transmitting “the word of God.”
Nevertheless, as Sheehan argues, the cumulative effect of their work
shifted the value of the Bible away from its theological function to
the domain of human culture.25
Berruyer did not feature in Sheehan’s study of the inventors of
the Enlightenment Bible mainly because he spent his entire career in
France. In Sheehan’s view, “Catholic France … had little interest in
rehabilitating the biblical text.”26 While the level of scholarly
activity that Sheehan documents in England and the German-
speaking lands certainly has no parallel in eighteenth-century
France, Berruyer was the exception that proved the rule. In much
the same way as Protestant poets, pedagogues, and historians
elsewhere in Europe, Berruyer used the philosophical and scholarly
tools at his disposal to re-invent the biblical text. His Histoire
presented the biblical narrative in a completely original way and did
so by leaning on the power of sentimental language and
emphasizing the human elements of the stories and their authors.
The values and ideals that his new Bible espoused – particularly
those that foregrounded the autonomy of the human from the realm
of the divine – similarly pushed the Bible away from its traditional
theological place as a receptacle for the “word of God” and
contributed to the larger process of disenchantment associated with
the Enlightenment.27

The Enlightenment
To suggest that the Jesuit Berruyer and his paraphrase of the Bible
had something to do with the Enlightenment is to wade into the
turbulent waters of scholarly debate over the nature of the
Enlightenment itself. While the singular intention of my book is not
to add yet another voice to the conversation on how to define the
Enlightenment, the story of Berruyer’s Histoire provides some insight
into the ways that religious actors attempted to participate in
Enlightenment debates and the effects that this participation had on
the Catholic Church. The following study contributes to the larger
revisionist movement that has reimagined the Enlightenment as far
more open to religious ideas and thinkers than previously
recognized. It reveals that even members of the French Society of
Jesus – despite their reputation among many historians as the chief
enemies of the philosophes – found the new intellectual sensibilities
of the eighteenth century attractive and integrated them into their
articulations of the Catholic faith. The tale of Berruyer’s Histoire
shows that Jesuit efforts to accommodate the philosophical ideas of
the Enlightenment captivated many and impacted the development
of the church over the long eighteenth century.28
Since the early decades of the twentieth century, historians have
traditionally associated the Enlightenment with the collective
departure of mostly Western societies away from the religious and
toward the secular. Ernst Cassirer located the core of the
Enlightenment in the advent of a modern philosophy that broke
away from the worldviews of medieval theologians and replaced
them with the study of the “fundamental form of reality” through
the scientific interrogation of nature.29 Tying together the work of
philosophes throughout the Atlantic world, Peter Gay posited that
the Enlightenment was an intellectual program that promoted, most
importantly, “secularism.”30 This vision of the Enlightenment
continues to undergird opinions today. “It is undeniably true,”
Anthony Pagden has recently claimed, “that the Enlightenment was
profoundly anti-religious.”31 From the vantage point of Cassirer,
Gay, and others, the Enlightenment was a unified intellectual
movement whose proponents, the philosophes, advocated for a
break from religious worldviews, the promotion of reason over
tradition, and an empirical mindset that privileged the natural over
the supernatural.
While historians like Cassirer and Gay argued for the inherent
secularity of the Enlightenment, a counter-current of scholars drew
attention to the ways that religious and Enlightenment mentalities
were not so far apart. Already in the 1930s, Carl Becker had
provocatively claimed that “the philosophes were nearer the Middle
Ages [and were] less emancipated from the preconceptions of
medieval Christian thought than they quite realized.”32 Becker’s
student, Robert Palmer, expanded this argument by showing that
the writings of Catholic apologists had much in common with the
writings of many of the very same philosophes that Cassirer and
others held as the harbingers of European secularism.33 Over the
past four decades, historians have continued to show how the
philosophes were more receptive to religious ideas and mentalities
than previously imagined. The admission that religious ideas played
a role in shaping the Enlightenment has contributed to the
fragmentation of what was once a unified, singular Enlightenment
into many, various “enlightenments” each with its own distinct
ideological characteristics. By drawing attention to these various
styles of Enlightenment, historians have emphasized the place that
religious ideas held in the intellectual culture of the eighteenth
century.34
Many eighteenth-century Catholics also found faith and reason
compatible. In his schema of the “Religious Enlightenment” – a
trans-national and trans-confessional movement in which people of
faith sought both the affirmation of traditional theological doctrines
and the pursuit of “reasonableness,” toleration, and an engagement
with the public sphere – David Sorkin included, for example, the
French Catholic priest Adrien Lamourette who promoted, in Sorkin’s
words, “a theology that combined reasonable religion and
Rousseauist sentimentalism on the basis of a moderate fideist
skepticism.”35 Jeffrey Burson, Ulrich Lehner, and others have found
similarly inclined Catholics all over Europe from Spain to Poland.36
In a recent synthesis, Lehner identified “Catholic Enlighteners” as
philosophers, theologians, and authors that were committed to using
“the newest achievements of philosophy and science to defend the
essential dogmas of Catholic Christianity by explaining them in a
new language.”37 Like the philosophes, Enlightenment Catholics,
according to Lehner, sought to reform both church and state. Thanks
in large part to this recent scholarship, the “Catholic Enlightenment”
has become entrenched as one of the many distinct varieties of the
Enlightenment throughout the eighteenth-century globe.38
In the same way that historians have broken the Enlightenment
into many geographical and ideological styles, however, recent work
on the Catholic Enlightenment has uncovered variations in the ways
that eighteenth-century Catholics sought to integrate new
philosophical ideas into their understandings of the Catholic faith.
In German and Italian-speaking lands, Enlightenment Catholics
tended to be connected to Jansenism, a neo-Augustinian theological
reform movement that arose in the seventeenth century.39 In other
parts of Catholic Europe, the Catholic Enlightenment looked
different. In France, those Catholics who seemed to have been most
open to the philosophes’ perspectives on the freedom of the
individual, the possibility of progress, and the value of empirical
and scientific investigation were, in fact, the Jansenists’ principal
rivals, the Jesuits.40 Because of the diversity within the Catholic
Enlightenment, some have preferred to use more specific
terminology. Dale Van Kley has offered up the notion of “Reform
Catholicism” to identify Catholics whose chief concerns were to use
Enlightenment ideas to reform the church, mainly along Jansenist or
Gallican lines. Reform Catholicism, in Van Kley’s description, stood
apart from Jesuit styles of Catholic Enlightenment and worked
toward different ends.41 In his synthesis of the Catholic
Enlightenment, Lehner has affirmed the diversity of approaches and
perspectives of those who attempted to reconcile Catholic faith with
Enlightenment reason. For Lehner, the Catholic Enlightenment was
essentially “an eclectic enterprise” even if certain features –
including a commitment to writing in the vernacular and pursuing
reform and/or progress – were shared.42
Through an investigation of Isaac-Joseph Berruyer and his
Histoire du peuple de Dieu, I make four important contributions to the
scholarship on Enlightenment Catholicism. First, I introduce an
important but overlooked figure into the conversation about the
Catholic Enlightenment. Few studies of the Catholic Enlightenment
have paid much attention to Berruyer.43 What follows is the first
book-length study of Berruyer in English. For a Catholic author so
conspicuously linked by contemporaries to the new sensibilities of
the eighteenth century, Berruyer is long overdue for a thorough
investigation that connects him to the intellectual world in which he
lived.44 In what follows, I bring his story to life and explain why it is
important for understanding the Catholic Enlightenment and its
impact on the church in France.
Second, I adopt the methodological strategies of the history of
the book to reveal the ways that Enlightenment Catholicism
permeated the public sphere. Historians of the book have long
argued that the only way to study the impact of ideas on past
societies is to study the entire “communications circuit,” from the
authors themselves to publishers, distributers, and consumers.45 In
my analysis of Berruyer and his Bible, I consider the Histoire not
simply as a receptacle of ideas but as a material object used and
abused by a wide range of figures for their own political, economic,
and theological purposes. I offer a unique look at the publishers that
were responsible for producing Catholic Enlightenment texts, the
mechanisms of privilege and censorship through which these texts
proceeded, the political authorities charged with monitoring these
texts, and even the communities of readers that bought and
circulated them. To do so, I had to consult new types of sources.
Through analyses of letters, administrative records, court
documents, library and bookseller catalogues, and many other
archival materials, I shed light on the many eighteenth-century
figures that played a role in making the Histoire what it was. In
much the same way as Jeffrey Burson, who has recently argued for
the “entangled” nature of epistemological systems in the writings of
many eighteenth-century philosophers, I use the Histoire’s
communication circuit to reveal that Enlightenment reading habits
were entangled and overlapping.46 Religious readers were also
readers of works of the Enlightenment, and sometimes their tastes
demanded books that combined the two.47 My study of the Histoire
offers a unique look at the “reception” side of the Catholic
Enlightenment’s communication circuit.
Third, in focusing on how the Histoire reached the public sphere,
I explore the political impact that Enlightenment Catholicism had on
the French Catholic Church. The tumultuous story of the Histoire
provides a look at the ways that the church attempted to navigate
the domain of public opinion in a moment when a notion of the
“public” was rapidly expanding. Eighteenth-century Europe saw a
dramatic rise in literacy, the establishment of newspapers, and the
growth of institutions for debate such as coffee houses, salons, and
Masonic lodges. Together these innovations drew an increasing
number of people into shared conversations about politics and
culture.48 The conflict over the Histoire reveals how Jesuit
intellectual activity fanned the flames of public debate. The
Histoire’s proponents and critics attempted to shape public opinion
as a way of gaining support for their intellectual and political
agendas. Eventually their competition over public opinion
influenced such significant political events as the suppression of the
Jesuits and the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy after the
French Revolution.
Finally, in tracing the Histoire into the nineteenth century, I
reveal how Enlightenment Catholicism shaped the religious culture
of the Catholic Church in the decades following the French
Revolution. Most studies of the Catholic Enlightenment stop short of
the Revolution, arguing that Catholic experiments with
Enlightenment philosophy ceased after the Enlightenment entered a
more radical phase in the second half of the century. My study of
Berruyer’s Histoire highlights how despite the decline in innovative
intellectual activity, the works of the Catholic Enlightenment
remained valuable to post-revolutionary Catholics looking for ways
to articulate and substantiate their faith in a new era. Ultramontane
Catholics in the nineteenth century appropriated elements of
Berruyer’s Enlightenment Catholicism and employed them in new
intellectual and political directions. Berruyer’s story illustrates how,
despite the incomparably disruptive events of the French
Revolution, certain continuities remained in the religious cultures of
the pre- and post-revolutionary worlds.

Organization
My argument proceeds chronologically beginning with an overview
of the scholarly environment that Berruyer entered when he first
became a scriptor. Chapter 1 focuses on the Jesuits in France and
explains why they were interested in adopting new epistemologies
and engaging in the burgeoning public sphere at the turn of the
eighteenth century. I argue that the Jesuits were inclined to
participate in Enlightenment debates because of their identities as
missionary-scholars, the competition they had with their chief
ecclesiastical rivals, the Jansenists, in France, and the growing fear
of the spread of “unbelief.” Chapter 1 concludes with an
introduction to the Histoire and the ways in which Berruyer himself
described his Bible as part of this larger Jesuit effort to
accommodate the new sensibilities of the eighteenth century. In
explaining the reasons for Jesuit engagement with the
Enlightenment, the opening chapter provides the larger political and
social context for rest of the book.
Chapter 2 jumps to the 1720s, ’30s, and ’40s and looks at the
production and publication of the first section of the Histoire. I argue
that even before the project was complete, the Histoire produced
conflict in the church. In the first half of the eighteenth century, the
conflict was situated mainly within the Society of Jesus itself. Many
Jesuits worried that the Histoire represented rampant and reckless
theological “innovation” and a willingness to shirk traditional
intellectual authorities to advance opinions that were entirely
“new.” Berruyer’s connections with a previously controversial Jesuit
author, Jean Hardouin, made many within the Society of Jesus
worry that the writings of their own scriptores were weakening the
theological bulwarks of the church. Their concerns eventually made
their way into the public sphere. While many readers throughout
France enthusiastically embraced the Histoire, a debate about
whether it was indeed fulfilling its apologetic purpose emerged and
provided ammunition for the Jesuits’ detractors to use the Histoire
for their own polemical purposes.
In chapter 3, the story moves to the 1750s, the Enlightenment’s
“high noon.”49 The 1750s saw the Histoire both reach new heights in
notoriety and unleash unprecedented levels of resistance. In 1753,
Berruyer released the second part of his Histoire, inarguably the
most controversial section of the work. Applying his enlightened
perspectives to the task of interpreting the life and person of Jesus,
Berruyer raised the theological stakes of his project and sparked an
intense debate, referred to by contemporaries as the “Berruyer
Affair.” The debate featured many members of the French Jansenist
community who saw in Berruyer a perfect target for unreserved
criticism. By the 1750s, French Jansenists were already well-
acquainted with the power of public opinion and public controversy
to fuel their cause. The Histoire allowed Jansenists the opportunity
to voice their concerns about the “dangers” of Berruyer’s
Enlightenment Catholicism and smear the reputation of the Jesuits
before the public eye. Unwilling to endure these attacks silently,
Berruyer and his colleagues penned their own responses and thus
turned the Berruyer Affair into one of the most notable literary
causes célèbres of the mid-century. The affair became one of the first
of what would be a series of literary scandals all involving works of
the Catholic Enlightenment that drove a wedge between those who
supported efforts to accommodate Catholic theology with
Enlightenment philosophy and those who did not.50 The Jansenist-
inspired Berruyer Affair placed the Histoire and its style of
Enlightenment Catholicism before the public tribunal and helped
make the debate over the Catholic Enlightenment a fight for control
over public opinion.
Chapter 4 details the role that church and state authorities
played in defining the legacy of the Histoire in the 1750s. Because
the Berruyer Affair became so contentious and because the French
monarchy found any sort of public controversy to be fundamentally
destabilizing, agents of the Direction de la librairie, the royal
bureaucracy assigned with managing the world of print, quickly
moved to censor the Histoire and shut down public discussion. Royal
agents seized copies of the Histoire from booksellers and religious
establishments. Soon the courts got involved and condemned the
Histoire to be burned. Church officials added their own
denunciations. By the end of the 1750s, the highest authorities in
both the Catholic Church and the French state had condemned the
book and prohibited people from reading it. Censorship politicized
the Histoire, associating its style of Enlightenment Catholicism with
social chaos and political subversion.
Jansenists recognized the value of this politicization and utilized
it for their own purposes in the following decade. Chapter 5 shows
how Jansenists used the Histoire to build up a case against the
Jesuits as a whole and persuade the parlements to suppress the
society in France. Jansenists wielded the Histoire as a political
weapon. They held the society responsible for the production and
distribution of Berruyer’s condemned works and used the Histoire to
accuse the Jesuits of weakening Catholic morality and destabilizing
political society. They displayed the political power of public
opinion by using a literary affair to drive out one of the wealthiest
and most entrenched religious organizations in the entire kingdom.
The suppression provides the climax of the Histoire’s story, but it
was not the story’s end. Chapter 6 advances the narrative to the
early nineteenth century and shows how Berruyer’s Histoire,
condemned by all and sundry at the time of the suppression of the
Jesuits, made a comeback in large part because of the French
Revolution. Searching for tools to “re-Christianize” a French society
that they believed had fallen into moral turpitude during the
revolution, post-revolutionary Catholics turned to religious books
that had once commanded significant attention. Catholic publishers
in Paris and other French cities, most especially the eastern city of
Besançon, identified Berruyer’s Histoire as a potentially useful book
for this endeavour and began printing new editions initially in the
form of small, cheap pamphlets designed to reach working-class
families and eventually in full editions aimed at a new generation of
seminarians. Those most responsible for the reproduction of the
Histoire were ultramontane Catholics who saw in the Histoire not
only a book that had once commanded the attention of a host of
readers but also a book that had the potential to communicate the
particular theological and political message that they felt was most
important for post-revolutionary Catholics. In the Jesuit Berruyer,
they identified a sympathy for the ultramontanist argument for
papal supremacy in the church. They also appreciated in the Histoire
the value of sentimentalism and the way that it placed questions of
religious truth on the foundation of human emotions. When the
Histoire began to appear in the public marketplace, however, old
tensions reemerged, and the battles that had dominated debates
about Berruyer’s Enlightenment Catholicism a half-century before
erupted anew. Yet again, the Histoire fomented political divisions in
a church that had already suffered the sting of schism during the
turbulent years of the Revolution.
Berruyer’s Histoire du peuple de Dieu concisely demonstrates the
myriad ways that experiments in Enlightenment Catholicism
transformed the French Catholic Church in the eighteenth century
and beyond. It is only one story. There are undoubtedly many more
that detail different aspects of the Catholic Enlightenment in France.
But by focusing on one story and one book, we can trace change
over a long period of time. Berruyer’s Histoire connects the religious
and political worlds of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It
reveals how the Catholic Church in France experienced the rise of
the public sphere and the many intellectual and cultural
transformations that the Enlightenment ushered in throughout
Europe. While a story about how the Enlightenment affected the
Catholic Church, Berruyer’s Bible is also a tale of how many members
of the church adapted to a world where conflicts became magnified
under the public eye. It is a case study in the ways that French
Catholics negotiated “modernity” and the impact of their decisions
sometimes to embrace and sometimes to reject intellectual and
cultural norms for the greater purpose of preserving and protecting
the faith. It is a story of how Catholics experienced the beginnings
of the modern world and explored new possibilities for relating to it.
 1

French Jesuits and the Enlightenment

Then God said, “Let us make man in our image, after our likeness”1

“Let us make man in our image and in our likeness,” says the Lord.
It’s as if he had said: The preparations have been made: It’s time to
draw out from nothing that for which we have undertaken
everything over the past six days, in creation and the material
world. Let us form man on the earth so that he will take our place
… Let’s give him a soul that is spiritual, reasonable, immortal,
blessed with supernatural gifts, sanctifying habits, instilled with
divine virtues. Let us give him, for his actions and deliberations, a
liberty which will render him glorious to us when, with our help
which he will never lack, he chooses to conform his resolutions to
our orders.2

In March 1701, Jesuits from the Province of France published the

first volume of the Mémoires pour l’histoire des sciences & des beaux-
arts, otherwise known as the Journal de Trévoux. This journal
marked a dramatic turn for the scriptores librorum, the professional
writers of the Society of Jesus. Prior to the eighteenth century, most
Parisian scriptores had served as “controversialists,” writing
polemical books designed to attack the Jesuits’ enemies, first
Protestants and then French Jansenists. With the Journal de Trévoux,
however, things began to change. The Jesuit scriptores shifted their
focus from polemic to erudition, from religious quarrels to
Enlightenment.3
 The shift was made clear, in part, by the personnel assigned to
the new project. While some of the “old guard” of Jesuit
controversialists were placed on the editorial board of the new
journal, most of the staff responsible for its production were
scholars with no prior experience in polemical writing. Claude
Buffier, François Catrou, and Etienne Souciet were specialists in a
variety of academic fields from philosophy to ancient history. Jean
Hardouin researched and wrote on numismatics. The most
significant appointment, however, was that of René-Joseph
Tournemine who became the Journal de Trévoux’s first chief editor.
Not yet forty years old when the first issue came to print,
Tournemine was already seen as a talented intellectual. He had no
history as a polemicist; indeed, he objected to much of the society’s
polemical activity, going so far as to denounce the controversialist
writings of his own colleagues as “libels suitable only for troubling
the state.”4 That the society’s leaders chose Tournemine to head up
the Journal de Trévoux, and not one of the older, more experienced
writers already residing in Paris, spoke to the intentionality in the
journal’s break from the society’s past.5
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
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